To Inherit the Ancient Teachings of Confucius and Mencius and Establish Modern Confucianism
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The Concept of the Manifestation of God in Chinese Symbolism
55 Resumé The Concept of L’approche herméneutique du présent ar- ticle intègre une interprétation transcul- the Manifestation turelle des symboles et des métaphores, of God in Chinese qui permet de faire une « fusion des horizons » entre les civilisations fondées Symbolism: An sur des patrimoines culturels différents. L’idée selon laquelle des symboles appar- Inter-civilizational emment incompatibles peuvent avoir une signification sous-jacente commune per- Hermeneutic Study met d’établir des liens entre des visions du monde et des perspectives générale- ment perçues comme incommensurables, AMROLLAH HEMMAT en l’occurrence entre le concept bahá’í de la Manifestation de Dieu et les concepts Abstract philosophiques et religieux chinois corre- spondants. L’auteur démontre que certains This article’s hermeneutic approach ac- éléments de la tradition chinoise trouvent commodates transcultural interpretation une résonnance profonde dans le concept of symbols and metaphors, providing for bahá’í de la Manifestation de Dieu. a “fusion of horizons” between civiliza- tions with different cultural heritage. The Resumen idea that seemingly incompatible symbols El enfoque hermenéutico de este artículo can be allusions to a common underly- acomoda la interpretación transcultural ing meaning makes it possible to develop de símbolos y metáforas, proveyendo una connections between worldviews and per- “fusión de horizontes” entre civilizaciones spectives commonly considered incom- con diferente patrimonio cultural. La idea mensurable, in our case between -
A Confucian Defense of Shame: Morality, Self-Cultivation, and the Dangers of Shamelessness
religions Article Article Article A ConfucianA Confucian Defense Defense of Shame: of Shame: Morality, Morality, Self-Cultivation, Self-Cultivation, A Confucian Defense of Shame: Morality, Self-Cultivation, and theand Dangers the Dangers of Shamelessness of Shamelessness and the Dangers of Shamelessness Mark BerksonMark Berkson Mark Berkson Department of Religion,Department Hamline of Religion, University, Hamline St. Paul, University, MN 55104, St. USA;Paul, [email protected] 55104, USA; [email protected] Department of Religion, Hamline University, St. Paul, MN 55104, USA; [email protected] Abstract: ManyAbstract: philosophers Many and philosophers scholars in and the scholars West have in the a negative West have view a negative of shame. view In muchof shame. In much of Abstract: Many philosophers and scholars in the West have a negative view of shame.of post-classical In much ofpost-classical Western ethical Western thought, ethical shame thought, is compared shame is negativelycompared negatively with guilt, with as shame guilt, isas shame is asso- post-classical Western ethical thought, shame is compared negatively with guilt, asassociated shame is asso- withciated the “outer”, with the how “outer”, one appears how one before appears others before (and othe thusrs is (and merely thus a is matter merely of a “face”), matter of “face”), and ciated with the “outer”, how one appears before others (and thus is merely a matterand of “face”), guilt is and associatedguilt is associated with the “inner”with the realm “inner” of therealm conscience of the conscience and soul. and Anthropologists soul. Anthropologists and and philoso- guilt is associated with the “inner” realm of the conscience and soul. -
Phonological Regularity of Written Phonetic Elements in Modern Mandarin
Phonological Regularity of Written Phonetic Elements in Modern Mandarin by Stephen M. Kraemer American English Institute University of Oregon [email protected] © Copyright 2011 Stephen M. Kraemer Phonetic Compound (形声字xingshengzi) • A “signific” part, which indicates meaning • plus • A “phonetic” part which indicates sound • 妈 [ma1] = 女 (female) + 马 [ma3] The Mandarin Syllable • A syllable in Modern Standard Mandarin • Consists of: • An initial • A final • A tone The Final • The final can also be broken down into a medial (vowel), a nucleus (vowel) and an ending (vowel or consonant) • Final = (M)N(E) Mandarin Consonants Source: Labial Labio- Dental Alveolar Alveo- Palatal Velar Kratochvil dental palatal (1968:25) stop p, p’ t, t’ k, k’ nasal m n (ŋ) fricative f s ʂ, ʐ(r) ɕ x lateral l affricate ts, ts’ tʂ, tʂ’ tɕ, tɕ’ Mandarin Vowels i ʅ i y(ü) u e ə ɤ o ɛ a ɑ Source: Cheng(1973:12) Background Literature • Xu Shen–說 文 解 字Shuo Wen Jie Zi (2nd cent. A.D.) • Soothill-1911 • Karlgren-1916, 1923a, 1923b, 1926, 1940, 1949, 1958 • Wieger-1927/1965 • Astor-1970 • Zhou Youguang-周有光 1978,1980, 2003 • Kraemer-1980, 1991a, 1991b • DeFrancis-1984 • Alber-1986, 1989 周有光 Zhou Youguang (1980) 汉字声旁读音便查 Hanzi shengpang duyin biancha ( A handy look up for the pronunciation of phonetics in Chinese characters) • Zhou analyzes characters in the Xin Hua Zidian (1971) based on Phonetic elements and sets up three categories of phonetic compound characters based on the similarity of the phonetic compound to the pronunciation of the phonetic itself. • The 3 categories are: • (1) Same pronunciation (同音 Tong yin), including same or different tones • (2) Similar pronunciation (半同音 Ban tong yin) (similar phonemes) • (3) Different pronunciation( 异 音 Yi yin) (not as similar to the original phonetic pronunciation) John DeFrancis (1984) • DeFrancis also sets up three categories of phonetic compound characters based on the similarity of the phonetic compound to the pronunciation of the phonetic itself. -
The Creative Artist: a Journal of Theatre and Media Studies, Vol 13, 2, 2017
The Creative Artist: A Journal of Theatre and Media Studies, Vol 13, 2, 2017 MANDARIN CHINESE PINYIN: PRONUNCIATION, ORTHOGRAPHY AND TONE Sunny Ifeanyi Odinye, PhD Department of Igbo, African and Asian Studies Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT Pinyin is essential and most fundamental knowledge for all serious learners of Mandarin Chinese. If students are learning Mandarin Chinese, no matter if they are beginners or advanced learners, they should be aware of paramount importance of Pinyin. Good knowledge in Pinyin can greatly help students express themselves more clearly; it can also help them in achieving better listening and reading comprehension. Before learning how to read, write, or pronounce Chinese characters, students must learn pinyin first. This study aims at highlighting the importance of Pinyin and its usage in Mandarin for any students learning Mandarin Chinese. The research work adopts descriptive research method. The work is divided into introduction, body and conclusion. 1. INTRODUCTION Pinyin (spelled sounds) has vastly increased literacy throughout China and beyond; eased the classroom agonies of foreigners studying Mandarin Chinese; afforded the blind a way to read the language in Braille; facilitated the rapid entry of Chinese on computer keyboards and cell phones. "About one billion Chinese citizens have mastered pinyin, which plays an important role in both Chinese language education and international communication," said Wang Dengfeng, vice-chairman of the National Language Committee and director of language department of the Education Ministry. "Hanyu Pinyin not only belongs to China but also belongs to the world. It is now everywhere in our daily lives," Wang said, "Pinyin will continue playing an important role in the modernization of China." (Xinhua News, 2008). -
The Educational Thought of Confucius
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1980 The Educational Thought of Confucius Helena Wan Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss Part of the Education Commons Recommended Citation Wan, Helena, "The Educational Thought of Confucius" (1980). Dissertations. 1875. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/1875 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1980 Helena Wan THE EDUCATIONAL THOUGHT OF CONFUCIUS by Helena Wan A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Loyola University of Chicago in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 1980 Helena Wan Loyola University of Chicago THE EDUCATIONAL THOUGHT OF CONFUCIUS The purpose of this study is to investigate the humanistic educational ideas of Confucius as they truly were, and to examine their role in the history of tradi- tional Chinese education. It is the contention of this study that the process of transformation from idea into practice has led to mutilation, adaptation or deliberate reinterpretation of the original set of ideas. The ex ample of the evolution of the humanistic educational ideas of Confucius into a system of education seems to support this contention. It is hoped that this study will help separate that which is genuinely Confucius' from that which tradition has attributed to him; and to understand how this has happened and what consequences have resulted. -
Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents)
饒宗頤國學院院刊 第五期 417 2018 年 5 月 頁 417– 445 Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents). Edited by Martin KERN and Dirk MEYER. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017. Pp. vi+508. Edward L. SHAUGHNESSY East Asian Languages and Civilizations, The University of Chicago The publication of a major English-language book on the Shang shu 尚書 (Elevated documents) or Shu jing 書經 (Classic of documents), the second of the Chinese classics, should surely count as a major milestone in the Western study of early China. As the editors note in their Introduction, the Shang shu has inspired all aspects of Chinese political philosophy for over two thousand years now. Yet, as they also say, “In some kind of reverse—and bizarre— Book Reviews correlation, the Shangshu is as important to the Chinese political tradition as it is neglected in Western scholarship” (p. 2). Their claim just above this that “major Western works on the Shangshu can be counted on two hands, with fingers to spare” is only a bit exaggerated.1 In this volume we now have fourteen studies in just over 500 pages, that directly address at least fourteen different chapters of the Shang shu, not to mention two chapters of the 1 True, I count only eight or nine such studies listed in the various bibliographies attached at the end of each chapter, but they do not even include mention of such classic studies as Paul Pelliot, “Le Chou King en caractères anciens et le Chang Chou che wen,” Mémoires concernant l’Asie Orientale 2 (1916): 123–77, or Benjamin Elman, “Philosophy (I-Li) versus Philology (K’ao-cheng): The Jen-hsin tao-hsin Debate,” T’oung Pao 2nd ser. -
Confucianism, "Cultural Tradition" and Official Discourses in China at the Start of the New Century
China Perspectives 2007/3 | 2007 Creating a Harmonious Society Confucianism, "cultural tradition" and official discourses in China at the start of the new century Sébastien Billioud Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2033 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.2033 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 septembre 2007 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Sébastien Billioud, « Confucianism, "cultural tradition" and official discourses in China at the start of the new century », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2007/3 | 2007, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2010, consulté le 14 novembre 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2033 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.2033 © All rights reserved Special feature s e v Confucianism, “Cultural i a t c n i e Tradition,” and Official h p s c r Discourse in China at the e p Start of the New Century SÉBASTIEN BILLIOUD This article explores the reference to traditional culture and Confucianism in official discourses at the start of the new century. It shows the complexity and the ambiguity of the phenomenon and attempts to analyze it within the broader framework of society’s evolving relation to culture. armony (hexie 和谐 ), the rule of virtue ( yi into allusions made in official discourse, we are interested de zhi guo 以德治国 ): for the last few years in another general and imprecise category: cultural tradi - Hthe consonance suggested by slogans and tion ( wenhua chuantong ) or traditional cul - 文化传统 themes mobilised by China’s leadership has led to spec - ture ( chuantong wenhua 传统文化 ). ((1) However, we ulation concerning their relationship to Confucianism or, are excluding from the domain of this study the entire as - more generally, to China’s classical cultural tradition. -
The Analects of Confucius
The analecTs of confucius An Online Teaching Translation 2015 (Version 2.21) R. Eno © 2003, 2012, 2015 Robert Eno This online translation is made freely available for use in not for profit educational settings and for personal use. For other purposes, apart from fair use, copyright is not waived. Open access to this translation is provided, without charge, at http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23420 Also available as open access translations of the Four Books Mencius: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23421 Mencius: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23423 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23422 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23424 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION i MAPS x BOOK I 1 BOOK II 5 BOOK III 9 BOOK IV 14 BOOK V 18 BOOK VI 24 BOOK VII 30 BOOK VIII 36 BOOK IX 40 BOOK X 46 BOOK XI 52 BOOK XII 59 BOOK XIII 66 BOOK XIV 73 BOOK XV 82 BOOK XVI 89 BOOK XVII 94 BOOK XVIII 100 BOOK XIX 104 BOOK XX 109 Appendix 1: Major Disciples 112 Appendix 2: Glossary 116 Appendix 3: Analysis of Book VIII 122 Appendix 4: Manuscript Evidence 131 About the title page The title page illustration reproduces a leaf from a medieval hand copy of the Analects, dated 890 CE, recovered from an archaeological dig at Dunhuang, in the Western desert regions of China. The manuscript has been determined to be a school boy’s hand copy, complete with errors, and it reproduces not only the text (which appears in large characters), but also an early commentary (small, double-column characters). -
The Rituals of Zhou in East Asian History
STATECRAFT AND CLASSICAL LEARNING: THE RITUALS OF ZHOU IN EAST ASIAN HISTORY Edited by Benjamin A. Elman and Martin Kern CHAPTER FOUR CENTERING THE REALM: WANG MANG, THE ZHOULI, AND EARLY CHINESE STATECRAFT Michael Puett, Harvard University In this chapter I address a basic problem: why would a text like the Rituals of Zhou (Zhouli !"), which purports to describe the adminis- trative structure of the Western Zhou ! dynasty (ca. 1050–771 BCE), come to be employed by Wang Mang #$ (45 BCE–23 CE) and, later, Wang Anshi #%& (1021–1086) in projects of strong state cen- tralization? Answering this question for the case of Wang Mang, how- ever, is no easy task. In contrast to what we have later for Wang Anshi, there are almost no sources to help us understand precisely how Wang Mang used, appropriated, and presented the Zhouli. We are told in the History of the [Western] Han (Hanshu '() that Wang Mang em- ployed the Zhouli, but we possess no commentaries on the text by ei- ther Wang Mang or one of his associates. In fact, we have no full commentary until Zheng Xuan )* (127–200 CE), who was far re- moved from the events of Wang Mang’s time and was concerned with different issues. Even the statements in the Hanshu about the uses of the Zhouli— referred to as the Offices of Zhou (Zhouguan !+) by Wang Mang— are brief. We are told that Wang Mang changed the ritual system of the time to follow that of the Zhouguan,1 that he used the Zhouguan for the taxation system,2 and that he used the Zhouguan, along with the “The Regulations of the King” (“Wangzhi” #,) chapter of the Records of Ritual (Liji "-), to organize state offices.3 I propose to tackle this problem in a way that is admittedly highly speculative. -
Food Ethics in Ancient China: a Confucian Perspective
27 Food Ethics in Ancient China: A Confucian Perspective Chun-chieh HUANG* 1. Introduction Food ethics in ancient China was a complex of ideas that emerged from the Chinese view of life and attitude toward the elderly. They can be seen as the manifestation of the Confucian political ideal of the “kingly way,” and in particular, the related idea of “humane governance.” Food ethics in ancient China was also linked to the everyday practice of eating, especially in the context of rural life. In this paper, I will attempt to parse this thesis, focusing on Mencius’ saying that “those who are seventy can eat meat.” In his conversation with King Hui of Liang (梁惠王, r.319‒301 BCE), Mencius (孟子, 372‒289 BCE) expounded his ideal of the “kingly way” of governance. He stated:1 If the mulberry is planted in every homestead of fi ve mu of land, then those who are fi fty can wear silk; if chickens, pigs and dogs do not miss their breeding season, then those who are seventy can eat meat; if each lot of a hundred mu is not deprived of labour during the busy seasons, then families with several mouths to feed will not go hungry. Exercise due care over the education provided by the village schools, and disci- pline the people by teaching them the duties proper to sons and younger brothers, and those whose heads have turned hoary will not be carrying loads on the roads. When those who are seventy wear silk and eat meat and the masses are neither cold nor hungry, it is impossible for their prince not to be a true King. -
Chastity As a Virtue
religions Article Chastity as a Virtue Hwa Yeong Wang College of Confucian Studies and Eastern Philosophy, Sungkyunkwan University, 25-2, Seonggyungwan-ro, Jongno-gu, Seoul 03063, Korea; [email protected] Received: 26 April 2020; Accepted: 18 May 2020; Published: 21 May 2020 Abstract: This paper analyzes two philosophers’ views on chastity as a virtue, comparing Song Siyeol, a Korean neo-Confucian philosopher of the east, and David Hume, a Scottish philosopher. Despite the importance in and impact on women’s lives, chastity has been understated in religio-philosophical fields. The two philosophers’ understandings and arguments differ in significant ways and yet share important common aspects. Analyzing the views of Song and Hume helps us better understand and approach the issue of women’s chastity, not only as a historical phenomenon but also in the contemporary world, more fully and deeply. The analysis will provide an alternative way to re-appropriate the concept of chastity as a virtue. Keywords: chastity; Song Siyeol; David Hume; virtue; gender; Korean neo-Confucianism 1. Introduction Chastity, understood as a commitment or disposition to remain innocent of extramarital sexual intercourse, has been considered a virtue among human beings for a long time, not only in traditional societies but in contemporary societies as well.1 The value of chastity has been recognized since very early times and regardless of geographical location; it was an important virtue in ancient Greece and China, for example. This duty of chastity remains widespread in contemporary societies, which, in general, take monogamy as the moral standard regarding intimate human relationships. In a number of countries, the violation of chastity is recognized as unlawful and has consequences within the penal system.2 The virtue of chastity, however, has been discussed one-sidedly and almost always as “female” chastity. -
The Three Teachings of Ancient China
Social Studies – 6 Name: ______________________ The Three Teachings of Ancient China Taoism Laozi (Lao-tzu) wandered out to the western border of his state, riding his water buffalo. When he was eighty years old he set out for the western border of China, toward what is now Tibet, saddened and disillusioned that men were unwilling to follow the path to natural goodness. He searched for a place to live a simple life, close to nature and without trouble. With him, he carried his ideas. Before he could cross the boarder, officials made him write down his ideas: “Live a simple life, be free, be yourself, and be close to nature. Do these things and you will be happy.” Theses words have been kept in a little book called Tao Te Ching, the “Writing of God’s Way for a Good Life.” Like Confucius, Laozi had been troubled by the violence if his times. He thought it was a mistake to try to change people. He believed that people were naturally good. Man didn’t have to be “controlled.” Too much control was spoiling man. He saw that men were trying to live by “man-made” laws, customs, and traditions. They couldn’t do this and were unhappy. If men follow the ways of Tao, they will lead a good life. He really told each man to “do your own thing” – be yourself. Laozi wanted people to be closer to nature. He wanted to get away from the rules made by the government or society. To him, the government was selfish and power-hungry.