Ahmed Rashid: Taliban Study Guide
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People's Perceptıon Regardıng Jırga in Pakhtun Socıety
J. Appl. Environ. Biol. Sci. , 8(1)180-183, 2018 ISSN: 2090-4274 Journal of Applied Environmental © 2018, TextRoad Publication and Biological Sciences www.textroad.com People’s Perceptıon Regardıng Jırga ın Pakhtun Socıety Muhammad Nisar* 1, Anas Baryal 1, Dilkash Sapna 1, Zia Ur Rahman 2 Department of Sociology and Gender Studies, Bacha Khan University, Charsadda, KP, Pakistan 1 Department of Computer Science, Bacha Khan University, Charsadda, KP, Pakistan 2 Received: September 21, 2017 Accepted: December 11, 2017 ABSTRACT “This paper examines the institution of Jirga, and to assess the perceptions of the people regarding Jirga in District Malakand Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. A sample of 12 respondents was taken through convenience sampling method. In-depth interview was used as a tool for the collection of data from the respondents. The results show that Jirga is deep rooted in Pashtun society. People cannot go to courts for the solution of every problem and put their issues before Jirga. Jirga in these days is not a free institution and cannot enjoy its power as it used to be in the past. The majorities of Jirgaees (Jirga members) are illiterate, cannot probe the cases well, cannot enjoy their free status as well as take bribes and give their decisions in favour of wealthy or influential party. The decisions of Jirgas are not fully based on justice, as in many cases it violates the human rights. Most disadvantageous people like women and minorities are not given representation in Jirga. The modern days legal justice system or courts are exerting pressure on Jirga and declare it as illegal. -
Articles Al-Qaida and the Pakistani Harakat Movement: Reflections and Questions About the Pre-2001 Period by Don Rassler
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6 Articles Al-Qaida and the Pakistani Harakat Movement: Reflections and Questions about the pre-2001 Period by Don Rassler Abstract There has been a modest amount of progress made over the last two decades in piecing together the developments that led to creation of al-Qaida and how the group has evolved over the last 30 years. Yet, there are still many dimensions of al-Qaida that remain understudied, and likely as a result, poorly understood. One major gap are the dynamics and relationships that have underpinned al-Qaida’s multi-decade presence in Pakistan. The lack of developed and foundational work done on the al-Qaida-Pakistan linkage is quite surprising given how long al- Qaida has been active in the country, the mix of geographic areas - from Pakistan’s tribal areas to its main cities - in which it has operated and found shelter, and the key roles Pakistani al-Qaida operatives have played in the group over the last two decades. To push the ball forward and advance understanding of this critical issue, this article examines what is known, and has been suggested, about al-Qaida’s relations with a cluster of Deobandi militant groups consisting of Harakat ul-Mujahidin, Harakat ul-Jihad Islami, Harakat ul-Ansar, and Jaish-e-Muhammad, which have been collectively described as Pakistan’s Harakat movement, prior to 9/11. It finds that each of these groups and their leaders provided key elements of support to al-Qaida in a number of direct and indirect ways. -
DOSTUM: AFGHANISTAN’S EMBATTLED WARLORD by Brian Glyn Williams
VOLUME VI, ISSUE 8 APRIL 17, 2008 IN THIS ISSUE: DOSTUM: AFGHANISTAN’S EMBATTLED WARLORD By Brian Glyn Williams....................................................................................1 SINO-PAKISTANI DEFENSE RELATIONS AND THE WAR ON TERRORISM By Tariq Mahmud Ashraf................................................................................4 CAPABILITIES AND RESTRAINTS IN TURKEY’S COUNTER-TERRORISM POLICY By Gareth Jenkins...........................................................................................7 AL-QAEDA’S PALESTINIAN INROADS Abdul Rashid Dostum By Fadhil Ali....................................................................................................10 Terrorism Monitor is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. Dostum: Afghanistan’s Embattled Warlord The Terrorism Monitor is designed to be read by policy- By Brian Glyn Williams makers and other specialists yet be accessible to the general While the resurgence of the Taliban is the focus of interest in the Pashtun south public. The opinions expressed within are solely those of the of Afghanistan, the year started with a different story in the north that many are authors and do not necessarily depicting as one of the greatest challenges to the Karzai government. Namely the reflect those of The Jamestown surreal confrontation between General Abdul Rashid Dostum, the larger-than- Foundation. life Uzbek jang salar (warlord)—who was once described as “one of the best equipped and armed warlords ever”—and one of his former aides [1]. In a move that many critics of the situation in Afghanistan saw as epitomizing Unauthorized reproduction or the Karzai government’s cravenness in dealing with brutal warlords, the Afghan redistribution of this or any government backed away from arresting Dostum after he beat up and kidnapped Jamestown publication is strictly a former election manager and spokesman in Kabul on February 3 (IHT, February prohibited by law. -
Mr. Ahmed Rashid Journalist Current Afghanistan-Pakistan Affairs
JIIA Forum Summary of Lecture Friday, April 2, 2010 “Aso” Hall, The Tokai University Club, 35th Floor, Kasumigaseki Bldg Mr. Ahmed Rashid Journalist Current Afghanistan-Pakistan Affairs Introduction I would like to take this opportunity today to speak on three topics: the situation in Afghanistan, developments in Pakistan, and Japan’s policy toward Afghanistan. I will also include some policy suggestions with each of these. 1.The current situation in Afghanistan Recent years have seen a striking expansion of Taliban power in Afghanistan, and independent authoritative bodies that might well be termed “shadow governments” have been formed in 30 of the country’s 34 states. In fact, the situation differs greatly from that of the 1990s in that the Taliban have incited actions by Islamic fundamentalist groups across the region and that similar terrorist acts are being committed even in Central Asia and India. However, this expansion of Taliban power relies more on oppression, fear and terror than on popular support, reflecting the Karzai government’s limited capacity to implement policy as well as reduced aid from overseas. In other words, adequately thwarting the resurgence of the Taliban depends on Western strategy. Today’s situation could be seen as the cumulative result of strategic blunders, including the cut in aid and the slowdown in economic reconstruction in the wake of the war in Iraq, the greater effort focused by the Bush administration on bringing down Al Qaeda than the Taliban, the provision of safe havens to the Taliban by Pakistan, and the adverse impact of hasty implementation of the peace process on domestic and international confidence. -
Afghan Internationalism and the Question of Afghanistan's Political Legitimacy
This is a repository copy of Afghan internationalism and the question of Afghanistan's political legitimacy. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/126847/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Leake, E orcid.org/0000-0003-1277-580X (2018) Afghan internationalism and the question of Afghanistan's political legitimacy. Afghanistan, 1 (1). pp. 68-94. ISSN 2399-357X https://doi.org/10.3366/afg.2018.0006 This article is protected by copyright. This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Edinburgh University Press on behalf of the American Institute of Afghanistan Studies in "Afghanistan". Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Afghan internationalism and the question of Afghanistan’s political legitimacy1 Abstract This article uses Afghan engagement with twentieth-century international politics to reflect on the fluctuating nature of Afghan statehood and citizenship, with a particular focus on Afghanistan’s political ‘revolutions’ in 1973 and 1978. -
REPSOL YPF Argentina
Buenos Aires, 2000 XI REPSOL YPF-HARVARD SEMINAR HARVARD UNIVERSITY JOHN F. KENNEDY SCHOOL OF GOVERNMENT BUENOS AIRES, ARGENTINA DECEMBER 2000 ENERGY POLICIES AND MARKETS: NEW TRENDS OR OLD CYCLES? WILLIAM W. HOGAN BIJAN MOSSAVAR-RAHMANI EDITORS THE REPSOL YPF-HARVARD SEMINAR SERIES JOHN F. KENNEDY SCHOOL OF GOVERNMENT HARVARD UNIVERSITY 79 JFK Street Cambridge, MA 02138 USA REPSOL YPF Paseo de la Castellana 278 28046 Madrid, Spain FUNDACIÓN REPSOL Juan Bravo 3B 28006 Madrid, Spain ISBN: [TO BE ADDED] Depósito legal: [to be added] Copyright 2001© FUNDACIÓN REPSOL Servicio de Publicaciones CONTENTS FOREWORD ........................................................................................v EDITORS’ NOTE .................................................................................ix OPENING SESSION WELCOME MR. ALFONSO CORTINA ........................................................3 «ARGENTINA’S ECONOMY IN THE NEW CENTURY» THE HONORABLE JOSÉ LUIS MACHINEA ...................................11 KEYNOTE ADDRESS «LIBERALIZATION AND THE ECONOMY IN LATIN AMERICA» THE HONORABLE DOMINGO F. C AVALLO .................................17 SESSION I OIL INTRODUCTORY REMARKS MR. BIJAN MOSSAVAR-RAHMANI ..........................................29 «PERSPECTIVES ON THE INTERNATIONAL OIL MARKET» MR. ADRIÁN LAJOUS ..........................................................33 «POLITICS AND OIL» MR. RICHARD PERLE...........................................................43 «FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS ON THE PRICE OF OIL» THE HONORABLE HUMBERTO CALDERÓN -
'Great Game': the Russian Origins of the Second Anglo-Afghan
Beyond the ‘Great Game’: the Russian origins of the second Anglo-Afghan War* ALEXANDER MORRISON Department of History, Philosophy and Religious Studies, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Nazarbayev University, Astana, Kazakhstan Email: [email protected] Abstract Drawing on published documents and research in Russian, Uzbek, British and Indian archives, this article explains how a hasty attempt by Russia to put pressure on the British in Central Asia unintentionally triggered the second Anglo-Afghan War of 1878 - 80. This conflict is usually interpreted within the framework of the so-called 'Great Game', which assumes that only the European 'Great Powers' had any agency in Central Asia, pursuing a coherent strategy with a clearly-defined set of goals and mutually-understood rules. The outbreak of the Second Anglo-Afghan war is usually seen as a deliberate attempt by the Russians to embroil the British disastrously in Afghan affairs, leading to the eventual installation of 'Abd al-Rahman Khan, hosted for many years by the Russians in Samarkand, on the Afghan throne. In fact the Russians did not foresee any of this. ‘Abd al-Rahman’s ascent to the Afghan throne owed nothing to Russian support, and everything to British desperation. What at first seems like a classic 'Great Game' episode was a tale of blundering and unintended consequences on both sides. Central Asian rulers were not merely passive bystanders who provided a picturesque backdrop for Anglo-Russian relations, but important actors in their own right. Introduction ‘How consistent and pertinacious is Russian policy! How vacillating and vague is our own!' Robert Bulwer-Lytton, 1885.1 At the crossroads of Sary-Qul, near the village of Jam, at the south-western edge of the Zarafshan valley in Uzbekistan, there is an obelisk built of roughly-squared masonry, with a rusting cross embedded near the top. -
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D. -
Afghanistan: Political Exiles in Search of a State
Journal of Political Science Volume 18 Number 1 Article 11 November 1990 Afghanistan: Political Exiles In Search Of A State Barnett R. Rubin Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Rubin, Barnett R. (1990) "Afghanistan: Political Exiles In Search Of A State," Journal of Political Science: Vol. 18 : No. 1 , Article 11. Available at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops/vol18/iss1/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Political Science by an authorized editor of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ,t\fghanistan: Political Exiles in Search of a State Barnett R. Ru bin United States Institute of Peace When Afghan exiles in Pakistan convened a shura (coun cil) in Islamabad to choose an interim government on February 10. 1989. they were only the most recent of exiles who have aspired and often managed to Mrule" Afghanistan. The seven parties of the Islamic Union ofM ujahidin of Afghanistan who had convened the shura claimed that. because of their links to the mujahidin fighting inside Afghanistan. the cabinet they named was an Minterim government" rather than a Mgovernment-in exile. ~ but they soon confronted the typical problems of the latter: how to obtain foreign recognition, how to depose the sitting government they did not recognize, and how to replace the existing opposition mechanisms inside and outside the country. Exiles in Afghan History The importance of exiles in the history of Afghanistan derives largely from the difficulty of state formation in its sparsely settled and largely barren territory. -
New Great Game and Limits of American Power
38 IPRI Journal XIV,New no.Great 1 (WinterGame and 2014): Limits 38 of- 65American Power New Great Game and Limits of American Power Air Cdre. (R) Naveed Khaliq Ansaree Abstract The „New Great Game‟ is the global rivalry between the US- NATO bloc and its allies and their Counter-Alliance Camp. In the grand strategic calculus of Russia-China-Pakistan- Afghanistan-India entanglement, the US Camp seems to be losing its strategic foothold, particularly in Eurasia. The US‟ „Pivot to Asia‟ may also suffer serious setbacks. The deals on Syria‟s chemical weapons and Iran‟s nuclear programme have brought the Middle East under a „Strategic Pause‟ but have also exposed the limits of American power. Afghanistan is on the tipping-point of proving or disproving to be the „graveyard of empires‟. The danger of Saudi Arabia becoming the victim of a fresh „Arab Spring‟ as well as destabilization of Pakistan has increased manifold. The US‟ latest offer for full-spectrum revival of strategic alliance could merely be a „Strategic Deception‟ for Pakistan. The US-Iran nuclear deal may also manifest into additional space for US strategy and lines of operations for Afghanistan-Pakistan. Iran and Syria could be re-visited in the next cycle. Strategic wisdom is hoped to prevail amongst regional stake-holders. Any strategic failure of the US strategy could further expose the limits of American power. The dynamics could roll the ball for a new balance of power; thus shrinking the area of US imperialism and opening up spaces for the manifestation of „Chi-Merica‟ (China- America) or a multi-polar world. -
BP's Fracking Secrets: Pan American Energy And
BP’s fracking secrets Pan-American Energy and Argentina’s shale mega-project November 2017 This report was researched and written by Anna Markova (Platform) with input from Hernán Scandizzo BP does not carry out and Diego Di Risio (OPSur). Thanks also to Ariana Ortega and Martín Alvarez (OPSur), Mika Minio- Paluello and Sarah Shoraka (Platform) and Paul fracking in its home Horsman (Greenpeace). This work is licensed under the Creative Commons country, the UK, Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 Unported (CC BY-NC 3.0) licence. You are free to share and adapt this work for non-commercial purposes, on the condition because “it would that you attribute the source. License terms: https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/ attract the wrong kind of attention” Platform is a London-based organisation that conducts research, education, and campaigns towards a just future beyond fossil fuels. UK company limited by guarantee no. 2658515, registered charity no. 1044485. [email protected] +44 (0)20 7749 1109 Contents Summary 3 Observatorio Petrolero Sur conducts research, 1 BP and Pan-American Energy 4 communications, and intervenes in public policy for a just transition towards a sustainable society 2 What is Vaca Muerta? 8 and energy system. [email protected] +54 (011) 4373-6304 – Buenos Aires 3 Who is BP? 10 +54 (0299) 15 586-4313 – Neuquén 4 Pan-American Energy’s dossier 12 5 The bet on extreme gas 14 Addendum Pan-American Energy in other countries 18 This publication has been produced with the financial Endnotes 19 assistance of the European Union. -
Post-9/11 American Invasion of Afghanistan: Reasons and Motivations
Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research idi University-Oum El Bouaghi Faculty of Letters and Languages Department of English Post-9/11 American Invasion of Afghanistan: Reasons and Motivations A Mémoire Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Anglo-American Studies By: BECHEKAOUI Youcef Board of Examiners: Dr. MAAMERI Fatima, Supervisor BOUDJLIT Amina, member 2016-2017 Abstract The reasons and motivations that led Unites States of America to invade Afghanistan following the 9/11 attacks made a hot debate among many historians and politicians. Thus, this study is significant because it sheds light on the main embedded aims that the United States of America never stated behind its invasion in the aftermath of the 9/11 events. Although the United States of America claimed that the fundamental reason behind the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 is the 9/11 attacks, there are many other reasons that were overlooked. Afghanistan has a very important geo-strategic location in the world; thereby, this feature allows the United States government to accomplish its economic and political interests within Afghanistan and Central Asia. This study has come to the conclusion that the United States of America used 9/11 attacks as a pretext to invade Afghanistan and serve its imperialistic interests in the area. Keywords: Unites States, Afghanistan, 9/11 attacks, invasion of Afghanistan, economic and political interests, pretext Résumé Les raisons et motivations qui mènent les É tats-Unis D Amérique à envahir juste après les attentats du 11 septembre, a éveillé un débat chaleureux au sein des historiens et politiciens.