71- 22,553

YERIC, Jerry Lee, 1940- COUNCILMANIC ROLES: THE CASE OF COLUMBUS, OHIO.

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1971 Political Science, general

University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan

THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED COUNCILMANIC ROLES: THE CASE OF COLUMBUS, OHIO

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By Jerry Lee Yeric, B.A., M.A. ******

The Ohio State University 1971

Approved by

( jX \ Adviser ' ~/j Department of Political Scier>p4 PREFACE

The study of Columbus* councilmanic roles would not have been possible had It not been for the confidence and cooperation given me by two distinctive groups; those who were the subject of the inquiry, and those who helped guide and direct it. Those who participated In the study by allowing me to interview them and probe areas that, in some Instances were sensitive, I owe a special thanks. Identification of these participants have deliberately been omitted, not because of a negative picture of local government, but merely as respect for their privacy. Finally I wish to thank the department of Political Science who contributed freely of their time and intellect, as well as their social support. In particular I am most grateful to my committee who bore the majority of the respon­ sibility for the study: Professor Randall Ripley whose knowledge of congressional committees provided a major re­ source and theme of the study; Professor C. Richard Hofstetter who encouraged the study of the local politics through his own interest in Columbus, and who also made available to me the use of his data for parts of the study, and finally, my deepest graditude to Professor Thomas A. Flinn who provided the initial stimulus for the study, and who made the project

II a truly enjoyable one. Words are an inadequate expression of thanks for these men, for they are not only dedicated teachers and scholars, but also friends.

ill VITA

February 2, 19*4*0 .... B o m - Battle Creek, Michigan 1962 ...... B.A., Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan 1962-1963...... Teacher, Cleveland Public Schools, Cleveland, Ohio 1965 ...... M.A., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1965-1967...... Instructor, Department of Political Science, Indiana State University, Terre Haute, Indiana 1967-1969...... Teaching Associate, Department of Political Science, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1969-1970...... Research Associate, Danforth Project, Department of Education, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio. 1970 ...... Instructor, Department of Political Science, North Texas State University, Denton, Texas

FIELDS OF STUDY- Major Field: American Politics Studies in Political Parties. Professor Thomas A. Fllnn Studies in Public Opinion. Professor C. Richard Hofstetter Studies in American National Government. Professor Randall B. Ripley

iv TABLE OP CONTENTS

Page PREFACE ...... 11

VITA...... lv

LIST OF TABLES...... vli

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS...... vi 11

Chapter

I- LITERATURE AND PROCEDURE ...... 1 Context of Study

II. COLUMBUS1 EVOLUTION...... 35

III, THE COUNCILMAN AND HIS ENVIORNMENTS...... 58

Macro-System Micro-System

IV. THE MICRO-SYSTEM'S INTERNAL ROLES...... 112

Purposive Roles Procedural Roles Confllctual Roles Socialization Sanctions

V. THE MICRO-SYSTEM'S INTERNAL ROLES BEHAVIOR . . . 152

Purposive Roles Procedural Roles Confllctual Roles Conclusions

VI. THE MICRO-SYSTEM'S EXTERNAL ROLES...... 19?

Council's Administrative Roles Council's Media Roles Group Roles Partisan Roles

v VII. CONCLUSIONS...... 224

Internal Roles External Roles Expectatlonal Model of Council Observational Model of Council BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 253

vl LIST OF TABLES

Table Page 1. Region of Prior Residence...... 38 2. Population Growth of Columbus, Ohio 1830-1969 ...... to 3- Population Change in Ohio Cities...... **3 to Years of Residence in Columbus O h i o ...... 5 . Educational Achievement L e v e l ...... 4-5 6. Per Cent of Columbus' Total Population Non-White...... 50 7. Unemployment Figures For Franklin County, State, and Nation, 1966-1969...... 52 8. Employment Distribution of the Columbus SMSA...... 53 9. Annexations to Columbus, Ohio 1 8 3 ^ - 1 9 6 9 ...... 56 10. Community Conservatism Scale, Columbus, Ohio...... 67 11. The Distribution of Party Identification...... 67 12. Sense of Closeness Toward Governmental Levels, Columbus, Ohio...... 71 13. Sense of Local Government's Effectiveness, Columbus, Ohio...... 71 lto Affect Toward Local Politicians, Columbus, Ohio...... ?2 15. Classification of Legislation as It Appeared on the Agenda...... 9^ 16. Council Assignments ...... 100

vil LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page 1. Early Ethnic Settlements ...... ^7 2. Democratic Percentage of Vote, General Elections 19^8-1968, City of Columbus...... 69 3. Party Affiliation and Place of Residence of Councllmen by Quadrant of City, 19^8-1970 ...... 8*f 4. Municipal Organization...... 86 5 . Wards Losing and Gaining Registered Voters, I966-I969...... 92 6. Internal Process Model ...... 2^7

vlll CHAPTER I

LITERATURE AND PROCEDURE

Today the student of the social sciences who attempts to study local legislative behavior is faced with a subject about which few studies have been conducted. Although pro­ digious quantities of materials concerning local government have been, and are Increasingly being, produced, there remains a conspicuous lack of attention given to the local legislative body. Yet today more than any period in history the problems of local government are more visible, while at the same time the handling of those problems are under sharp criticism.

Why this apparent lack of concern? First, the events that dominated this century have forced the attention of citizen and scholar alike on the national and international levels.

The internationalism that accompanied the two.world wars left little time or Interest for a growing urban America. The other major event of the period was the depression which had ramifications both nationally and internationally. Quite naturally, those in the social sciences were busy re-evalu- ating the causes and studying the effects of those events upon the nation. The result was that little time, energy, or enthusiasm was allotted to state and local issues.

Second, a negative attitude toward local government appears

1 to have been developed among some scholars in the process;

namely, that local government was merely a mechanism by which

national policies were carried out, and that the real center

of government was located in Washington. Unfortunately, this

attitude prevailed far longer than the programs and policies

that stemmed from these events. Even today, there are those

who still hold to this notion. Finally, while the population

shifted from rural to urban during this century, and thus

created enormous problems, research on local legislative bodies has been hampered by the failure to develop appropri­ ate research techniques and approaches that can be applied to the small legislative body."*"

Because of these reasons, our knowledge concerning the local legislator, his behavior, his attitudes, his perceptions, as well as his function continue to remain largely unknown to the social scientist. However, as the awareness of local decision-makers has become more a focal point, there emerges some favorable signs for those interested in local legisla­ tive activities.

Why Study City Councils?

The question is still raised by some; why study coun­ cils? While there are numerous reasons, they tend to cluster around three general themes. The growing importance of local

lit has only been in the past two decades that small group research has been carried out on congress. 3

government on the total life of the citizen is apparent every­ where. In sheer numbers the country has become an ’’urban'* nation with sixty-five per cent of its population today living in the metropolitan areas,2 thus bringing the citizen in daily contact with the outcome of the local legislative process. Moreover, the citizen’s demand far out exceed, those of even a few years ago. Local government is no longer a mere pro­ tector of the individual's well being, but a provider of goods and services. Demands for better recreational facil­ ities, expanded libraries, clearer air, consumer protection, and so on, are today issues brought to the local legislator. Another reason for the study of councils is the vast void of knowledge concerning local legislative behavior. Presently, our knowledge of even the most fundamental procedural infor­ mation is limited to a few accounts scattered throughout the literature. Information concerning effective and non-effec­ tive local legislative bodies is still non-existent. Only a beginning has been made concerning the local legislator himself, and his behavior.-^ Finally, there remains the task of bridging levels of government. Social scientists need to

2U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Series P-23 No. 33. "Trends in Social and Economic Condition in Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Areas," U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., p. 6. 3The majority of all information concerning local coun­ cils stems from Professor Eulau's, City Council Research Project, of the San Franscio Bay Area. This was a five year project spanning from I960 to 1965* know the similarities as well as the dissimilarities between local, state, and national government behavior.

Review of Literature The review of works here dealing with city councils is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather a reflection of the major pieces dealing exclusively with city councils during the past fifteen years.** The literature that has focused upon city councils falls into three general categories. First, there are those works that focus upon the legal responsibil­ ities of council. This group also describes the functions of council in terms of its legal responsibilities, and appears most frequently in the textbooks on state and local govern­ ment. ^ Second, there are several works dealing with a former councilman’s description of the Job. These accounts are most often found In Journals such as the National Civic Review or the National Municipal League Publications. Finally, the most recent trend in local legislative research has focused upon a particular aspect of the legislative setting such as;

**There are many references to the city councils in the more general works on municipal government, such as Banfield and Wilson's City Politics, and Adrain and Williams, Four Cities. Our concern, however, is with those works that deal exclusively with councils. 5Examples of state and local texts using this approach are: Russell Maddox and Robert F. Fuquay, State and Local Government (New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1966), Austin F. MacDonald, American State Government and Admlnls- tration (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, I96IJ, and-Arthur W. TSromage, Introduction to Municipal Government and Adminis­ tration (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1957T* 5

socialization process, block voting, or recruitment. This last category has dominated the literature on city councils. Moreover, a single research project, the City Council Re­ search Project (hereafter referred to as CCRP), has produced the majority of all research in the area.^ Of the fourteen studies since 195^ reviewed here, the CCEP has produced eight. In addition, the data has been the basis of numerous Ph.D. dissertations. In 195*0 McGeary writing in the National Municipal Review,7 set out some personal observations of a new council­ man's Job. These were meant to be advice for those who might be contemplating entering local politics. He observed: (1) That a councilman’s most difficult task is to determine what the public's real opinion is on a controversial Issue, While a few are clearly open In their position, the "multitude Is quiet."® (2) The councilman must "roll with the punches," and learn to remain resilient when sharp criticism occurs, particularly from those whose Information is Incomplete. (3) A councilman must take "a good many things on faith." McGeary argues that a councilman has to rely upon the pro­ fessional managers Judgment on many issues. (4) Some method

^The City Council Research Project was sponsored by the Institute of Political Studies at Stanford University, and was funded by grants from the National Science Foundation.

7m . Nelson McGeary, "Councilman Learns His Job," National Municipal Review, XLIII (June, 195*0. 28*K 8ibid., pp. 28^-385. 6 *»

must be devised, that allows the council people "to know what it is doing and why."9 Finally, (5) a councilman should avoid taking a position too quickly on a major issue. Here it is argued that councilmen, unlike their congressional counterparts, have a much closer contact with the constitu­ ency and is therefore watched with great scrutiny, ^ While the article is not intended for an academic audience, it does, in a very unassuming way, point to basic questions concerning local legislatures. For instance, the problem of group politics is clearly outlined in his first point. The limits of the position, as well as the problem of apathy, are also observed. To be sure, this is a narrow scoped pre­ sentation, but it illustrates the professional politician's awareness of fundamental questions, and serves as a starting point for other research. Freeman in 1959# focused his attention upon the legis­ lative process in municipal government by studying a city council's decisions involving the public works budget sub- mitted by the mayor. The author found that "which role he (legislator) played and how much prestige, participation, and authority he enjoyed depended in considerable measure upon

9Ibid. -L°One might question this assumption on the basis of participation at the local level. -L-kr. Leiper Freeman, "A Case Study of the Legislative Process in Municipal Government," cited in John C. Wahlke and Heniz Eulau (eds.), Legislative Behavior, A Reader in Theory and Research (New York^ The Free Press,. 1959) • his committee assignment."I2 Furthermore, it was established that in the council, as in other legislative bodies, the cri­ terion of seniority was the basis for committee assignment.^3 Thus, the study produced evidence to support the notion, that in this particular case at least, there was a similarity between the levels of government regarding structural and procedural norms. One of the first more rigorous studies involving coun- cilmen was conducted In i960 by Huckshom and Young.^ Data from fifty-one cities in Los Angeles County were gathered in 1957* Interviews were conducted ol councilmen, city clerks, and city managers in an effort to determine causes of voting splits in the councils. A vast array of data were collected ranging from information about the city itself to special Interests of councilmen. The authors found that zoning Issues were by far the "most controversial" of those coming before councils. In addition, there appeared to be pre­ vailing alliances developing within the legislative bodies which corresponded closely with voting splits on recent con­ troversial Issues.-*-3 Furthermore, some issue areas such as personnel administration, and capital improvement expendi­ tures, were found to produce alliances of longer duration.

12Ibid.. p. 251. 13Ibld. •^Robert J. Huckshorn and Charles E. Young, "Study of Voting Splits on City Councils in Los Angeles County," Western Political Quarterly. XIII (June, i960), 479. 15lbid., p. 482. Other more common variables like partisanship, sex, age, and education also were common to the alliances. Unfortunately, there were no attempts to partial out the different variables in order to determine which Individual or combination of vari­ ables, was the most significant. This study is important for two reasons. First, it was one of the earliest studies on council which employed the use of methods other than pure description. Second, it also used methods employed at other levels of analysis, namely state and national legislative voting behavior, to analyze the voting splits of the local legislatures. Carrell in his 1962 study of sources of conflict between city managers and their councils employed written question­ naires and "partial structured interviews" of councilmen and managers of eight cities.1^ He further went on to classify the conflicts into six general categories. While he did not present data to accompany the findings, the distinctions are interesting in themselves. (1) "Power prerogatives" appeared to be the major cause. He said the councilmen lamented that managers sometimes outshine council, and that council should have more power. (2) "Personality clashes" were often the cause for conflict between managers and councilmen. (3) "Po­ litical setting," which Included different political party affiliation, ad hoc council groupings versus the manager, and

•^Jeptha J. Carrell, "The City Manager and His Council: Sources of Conflict," Public Administration Review. XXIX (December, 1962), 203. 9 Cl

just plain differences In approaches. (4) "Policy expediency differences," Here the author concluded that councilmen were more prone to view things in a political context, and thus settled disputes quickly to minimize conflict. The manager however who handled the day to day operations was more apt to adhere strictly to policy regardless of the political con­ sequences. This the author attributed partly to high ethical standards of the managers. (5) "Managers inflexibility and rectitude." This was brought about by the managers attempts to merge policy with his high ethical standards, usually at the expense of viable policies. (6) Finally was the problem of "communication" between the two groups caused by training background, dissimilar emphasis upon events, and the part time nature of councils. The studies thus far have, with the exception of Huckshorn and Young, been largely descriptive in nature. While they developed a basis from which further research stemmed, they did not test any specific propositions. They did, however, tend to point to many similarities between the national and state legislative bodies and those of local legislatures, which aided greatly in the development of assumptions made about local legislatures as well as pro­ viding the first steps in bridging the gap between levels of analysis. Since 1965» the studies concerning local legislative groups have continued to increase. In that year, two major 10 works appeared. The first was Buechner*s study of differ­ ences In "the way city managers and. councilmen view the city managers role."1? Using personal interview data of all city managers, plus mail questionnaires, responses from both man­ agers and city councilmen data were collected concerning role perceptions of each group. Two assumptions were made: (1) Managers would show great obligation to professional standards and goals;-*-® (2 ) persons within an organization do not behave in a random manner, but are governed by their own expectations, and those toward others. Buechner con­ cluded that there were differences in the way in which the two groups perceived the managers role. Moreover, these differences appeared to be centered on those items which were not regarded as normal functions of the manager. Second, persons occupying similar formal positions will not correspondingly be in agreement about role expectations. Neither managers nor councilmen as groups indicated a very high degree of cohesion on the questions dealing with non- formal duties of the managers. Finally, differences in role perceptions seem to be inherent in a formal organization. The second study to appear in 19&5 was the first of the series of reports resulting from the CCRP data. Zisk

^Fjohn G. Buechner, Differences in Role Perceptions in Colorado Counc11-Manager Cities, Bureau of Governmental Re- search and Service (Boulder: University of Colorado, 1965). ^®It should be noted that Carrell's study of conflict gave indications of this. XX

et al..^9 set out "to analyze the perceptions, attitudes, and behavior of legislators (councilmen) toward group spokes­ men and toward Interest group activity in general."20 Using roXe theory as the basic approach, the authors hypothesized that: Predispositions of policy makers act as filters through which interest group efforts to infXuence poXicy outcomes must pass. The accessibility of policy officials to groups, and the degree to which they accommodate group requests, depends in part on these predispositions.21 Structured interviews with 123 incumbents from 23 cities in the San Francisco Bay Area were conducted, and 112 from 21 cities responded. The interview schedule consisted of 17 open ended items and 2 check lists. The data were not randomly sampled In either California partisan or non­ partisan cities. Three typologies were constructed of councilmen*s view of interest groups. Pluralists were those councilmen who seem to value group activity per se. Toler- ants were councilmen who make themselves available to group spokesmen because, "presumably, they have accepted community standards with respect to the groups right to a hearing."22 Antagonists were those councilmen who reject the idea that considerations of group claims are worth while. The authors

19Betty H. Zisk, Heinz Eulau, and Kenneth Prewitt, "City Councilmen and the Group Struggle: A Typology of Role Orien­ tations," Journal of Politics, XXVII (August, 1965)» 618. 20lbid., pp. 619-620. 21Ibld.

22lbld., p. 624*. 12 conclude that: (1) Most councilmen do not view interest group activity as indispensible to the political system. In fact, of those in the survey, three-fourths were either neu­ tral or negative toward groups. (2) Councilmen do not turn to interest groups for help. "It appears that the ’group struggle1 in local political systems (at least in these 21 cities) takes place largely on a one-way street upon which relatively little traffic is noticed or invited by those who dwell at the upper end.,,23 (3) Finally, the authors state: It does not appear to matter greatly, in terms of the behavior we are describing, whether the coun­ cilman is neutral and relatively unaware, or hostile and highly aware, of groups. Unless groups are both salient and valued, the political actor in the local community makes little effort to modify his behavior on their behalf.2^ 1966, found three more reports from the CCRP data appearing. Eulau and Lupsha using data from 29 cities re­ ported on a "pilot study" aimed at exploring the composition of coalitions within councils on controversial Issues.23 Starting with the premise that a group is multi-structured, the authors attempt to elicit responses from councilmen con- cerlng their positions vis-a-vis other members of council on votes pertaining to controversial matters. They trichotomlzed the councils into: (1) Unipolar, where each member sees him­ self allied with every other in the decision-making process;

23ibid., p. 6*(4. 2**Ibld.. p. 6k6. 25Heinz Eulau and Peter Lupsha, "Decision Structures and Coalition Formation in Small Legislative Bodies," cited in Elke Frank (ed.) Lawmakers in a Changing World (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1966). 13 *

(2) multipolar, where splits exist, but shifting majorities and minorities occur; and (3) bi-polar, where councils are divided into majorlty-minority factions. No conclusions were reached, but a tentative one was proposed; that the size of council itself may be related to the type of coa­ lition formation patterns appearing in councils. The winter issue of Public Opinion Quarterly contained an article by Prewitt et al. which used CCRP data and data from Wahlke et al. Legislative Process which challenged, the developmental or sequential theory of political social­ ization. Specifically, the authors tested the proposition that adult political behavior is little more than an elabo­ ration of the patterns established in childhood. The data used were 421 state legislators, and 129 city councilmen. The sample was then dichotomized into "pre-adult" and "adult" categories signifying the respondents recall of interest in public affairs. Two major questions were explored. First, whether differences between how elected officials perform their tasks were rooted in different kinds of pre-incumbent experiences. Here the authors found a "systematic difference" between those whose socialization experiences were adult or pre-adult. This difference was held by both legislators and councilmen, with each indicating a family activity in pre-adult years. Thus, a conformation of earlier social­ ization studies indicated the large role of family in the lif I*

process,2^ The major dividing factor, however, was the education context. Those whose experience was pre-adult attributed their political awareness to the "study of politics in school,1' and "participation in school politics," On the other hand, adult sociallzers felt it was their "non- polltlcal associations" such as civic, vocational, and religious activities which gave them their political aware­ ness. Both groups were about equal in their participation in political activities. One finding did set councilmen apart from their legislative counterparts. Sixty per cent of the councilmen felt that a "specific event" aroused their latent political interest, whereas only twenty-seven per cent of the legislators felt this to be the case. Two major con­ clusions were drawn from the data. First, early political socialization was apparently unrelated to major aspects of incumbents orientations. The authors state: Differences in orientations toward specific actors in the legislative arena and differences in self-evaluations are not rooted in experi­ ences associated with the genesis of a political career.27 Second, the authors concluded that the "developmental or sequential theory does not explain behavior, rather inter­ vening experiences are important."2^

^Kenneth Prewitt and Betty Zisk, "Political Social­ ization and Political Roles," Public Opinion Quarterly. XX (Winter, 1966-1967), 569.

2?Ibld., p. 581. 2®Ibld., p. 582. Also see Herbert Hyman, Political Socialization (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1957)» and Fred I. 15

Another use of the CCRP data appeared in 1966 concern­ ing the preceptions and attitudes of councilmen about the elections in which they ran for office.specifically, the authors attempted to measure the affect of the political milieu on these perceptions and attitudes about elections. Elections were classified as either competitive, predominate Republican or predominate Democratic. A predominate Democra­ tic city was one in which 57 per cent or more were registered Democrats; and predominate Republican was where Democratic registration was per cent or less. Democratic registration between 57 and ^3 per cent were classified competitive. While several findings were attributed to California's political milieu, several generalized conditions were found concerning the transformation of nonpartisanship to partisanship in local communities; (1) "if there Is sufficient tension arising out of the coexistence of partisan and nonpartisan electoral systems in the same locale; (2) if the political milieu is sufficiently competitive to warrent attempts of partisan activity, and (3) if a given partisan group felt "sufficiently disadvantaged by nonpartlsanism, yet is organizationally strong and enthusiastic enough to function as a mobilizing elite.

Greenstein, Children and Politics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963) explains the developmental theory. 29neinz Eulau, Betty Zlsk, and Kenneth Prewitt, "Latent Partisanship in Non-Partisan Elections: Effects of Political Milieu and Mobilization," cited in Kent Jennings and Harmon Ziegler, The Electoral Process (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice- Hall, 1 9 6 ^ 30ibid 16

Downes In his study of "Municipal Social Rank and the

Characteristics of Local Political Le a d e r s , "31 ranked 37 suburban communities in St, Louis County using; (1) median family Income; (2) median value of owner occupied dwellings; and (3) proportion of persons in professional occupations. Data concerning councilmen were collected by Interviews and background questionnaires, with a response rate of 76 and 65 per cent respectively. The general working hypothesis was: That the municipal context may in part determine the characteristics of the individuals who are recruited to formal positions of leadership on local councils. . . .32 Several propositions were tested; the first concerning the relationship between municipal social rank and the council- men's socio-economic status. Findings confirmed Downes' hypothesis that as the municipal social rank Increased, so dis the councilman's socio-economic status.33 The council­ man's party affiliation also was related to the social rank of the suburb, that is, as the social rank increased, the percentage of Republicans did also; and conversely. A second area of inquiry was the relationship of municipal social rank to the councilman's role perception. The major

3^-Bryan T. Downes, "Municipal Social Rank and Character­ istics of Local Political Leaders," Midwest Journal of Political Science. XII (November, I968), 51^ • 32ibld.. p. 515. 33socio-economic status was measured by educational attainment, occupation, and income. 17

finding was that "as municipal social rank increases, there is a tendency for the brokerage role to become more important for councllmen and the ritualist and tribune roles to be less

important."^1' a third area of investigation concerned the councilman's representative role. Here the data indicated that regardless of the social rank of the community, most councllmen perceived their role as one of a trustee. The final area of inquiry concerned the councilman's policy atti­ tudes. As in the case of the representative role, there appeared no significant relationship between social rank and the councilman's attitude regarding policy preferences. Downes concluded "even though councllmen in different types of suburban communities did have somewhat different percep­ tions of their purposive role(s), these were more differences in relative emphasis than distinct differences in kind."35 Eyestone and Eulau, using CCHP data, attempted to explore the reasons why similar cities "react so differently" to changes in their environment.3& cities were classified according to their developmental profile from the past five year period. Two measures were used; one, the per cent of the total expenditure of the city used for health, libraries,

3^Downes, op. clt., p. 526. The role categories are adaptions of the Wahllce et al.. study of state legislators, op. clt. 35ibid., p. 536. 36Robert Eyestone and Heinz Eulau, "City Councils and Policy Outcomes: Developmental Profiles," cited in James Q. Wilson's, City Politics and Fubllc Policy (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1968). 18

parks, and recreation (adaptive function), and the per cent of total governmental budget spent on planning (control function). The data were collected from the state's annual report. Three developmental policy profile stages^were established (policy profile was the set of policy outcomes), and two developmental phases. A city was placed in a stage if the profiles were similar during the period of five years, and in one of the two phases if the profiles indicated dis­ similarities during the period. After cities were typologized, the authors applied a model of development to each of the cities. The model was to predict city policy outcomes as a response to external and internal variables. Specifically, they postulated independent variables to be city growth, size, and resource capabilities, and the dependent variables were the policy outcomes, and the resultant stages and phases of policy development of a city. Intervening variables of group life were measured by the councilman's responses to partici­ pations of fellow members in groups, and the number of groups mentioned. Policy orientations were also measured by the councilman's responses to questions aimed at eliciting his commitment to development, and attitudes toward the scope or range of governmental activity. Data used for the inter­ vening variables were obtained by self-administered questionnaires of 2^9 councllmen. The authors found that: (1) A city's position in one of the five development types . . . is positively related to its size and growth rate . . . except the largest cities are falling off."37 (2) Develop­ ment is not related to a city's resource capability, even when size and growth are controlled. (3) The group life is positively related to the size of the city, i.e., the more developed cities produced more diverse and vital group life. And (k) policy orientation of councllmen are essentially un­ related to city size, growth, and resource capabilities.

The authors conclude: Theoretically, policy is the result of forcing effects of population size and growth, as mediated by the city group life, and the goals sought by policy-makers, as expressed in their commitment to development and their attitude toward the scope of government activity.38 Downes, using data from his earlier study, plus obser­ vation, examined how changes in one aspect of a municipality's context, the rate of population growth, affects its conflict, factionalism, and consensus in city councils.39 He hypothe­ sized that rapid increases in population would be reflected in higher levels of issue conflict and factionalism, and hence, less consensus in the city councils. The author found "tentative support" for his hypothesis, but at the same time saw the necessity for qualifying several aspects. First, his data indicated that the overall level of issue conflict was generally higher in all councils than earlier thought. Second, overt conflict and factionalism was generally restricted to

37ibld., p. 6k. 3SIbld,t p# 65#

39Bryan T* Downes, "Issue Conflict, Factionalism, and Consensus in Suburban City Councils." Urban Affairs Quarterly. XIV (June, 1969), k?7. 20

councils with growth rates exceeding 500 per cent. Third, that the exceptionally high growth rate councils not only manifested issue disagreement, overt conflict, and factional­ ism, but were extremely open in the manner of handling these disagreements when compared to medium growth cities. The latter showed a higher cohesion, and greater unanimity in decisions. Furthermore, these councils handled disagreement in private, not in the open public arena. Recently, Prewitt and Eulau explored the concept of representation and the affect of various political matrices.^ Using data from the CCRP, they first categorize each of the eighty-two councils according to the councllmen*s respon- dence to a series of questions aimed at eliciting a position (for the entire council) with regard to the role of organized political organizations. The authors found three distinc­ tive positions were held by the councils: (1) Councils who considered the views and wishes of fairly well-defined and permanent interest clusters were labeled attentive publics. (2) Councils who concerned themselves not with permanent organized groups, but rather with ad hoc pressures and petitions were designated as ad hoc. And finally (3) those councils immuned to external pressures were classified as self-defined image councils. Of the 82 councils of the sample, they divided 24, 32 , and 44 per cent respectfully

^°Kenneth Prewitt and Heinz Eulau, "Political Represen­ tation: Prolegomenon to a New Departure From an Old Problem," American Political Science Review. LXIII (June, 1969)* 36l. Into each of the categories. Four, political matrices were then introduced, the first being size of population. Here the authors found that "the smaller the city, the more coun­ cils act in their self-images; the larger the city, the more councils are responsive to groups that articulate interest."^1 The second matrix was that of election turnover; here the authors found "where an aroused electorate does, from time to time, unseat incumbents, the governing groups do tend to be attentive." Third, a measure of community support indicate that "... where the public is viewed as being supportive, the councils tend not to be responsive; rather

than govern in a self-defined image m a n n e r . ^3 Finally, in communities where councils view themselves as supported by the community, the selection of successors to the council is left to itself, rather than to the community itself.^ Eulau writing in the Midwest Journal of Political Science further expanded his earlier work of decisional structures in small legislative bodies,^ and sought to show how sociometry could be used to Identify some relational properties of councils. Data from the CCRF were used in each of three major steps in the analysis. The first step was the classification of councils according to the decisional

^Ibid., p. 431. **2Ibld.. p. 440. ^3ibld. ^Tbld. ^5Helnz Eulau, "The Informal Organization of Decisional Structures in Small Legislative Bodies." Midwest Journal of Political Science. XIII (August, 1969), 341. 22 structures within each body. Using councllmen as informants, three classifications, each corresponding to voting patterns within the body were used. Unipolar, represented a body in which all members nearly always voted together; bipolar, represented a council with relatively permanent divisions between factions; and councils not exhibiting any recurrent pattern were designated as nonpolar. The second step was the establishment of dimensions of decisional structure. Here the author used harmony-conflict; integration-frag- mentatlon; and permissiveness and constraint as theoretical dimensions of decisional structures. He found that unipolar structures were located at the harmony end of the continuum, with bipolar at the opposite. Nonpolar councils fell in the middle. With regard to integration, the nonpolar bodies were the least integrated, bipolar the most integrated, with uni­ polar bodies located in the middle. The third, and last step of the analysis consisted of the introduction of six ”re- lational properties” which included; Opinion leadership, co-sponsership, oppositional activity, affect, respect, and enterprise. These dimensions led the author to .conclude that: (1) Some of a legislative body's relational properties associated with a given dimension of its decisional struc­ ture are not associated with another dimension. (2) . . . there are differences not only within a common core of properties that include opinion leadership, co-sponsership, and oppositional activity, but there are also differences from configuration to configuration that are rooted In different fixes' of the core properties with such other relational variables as affect, respect, and expertise.^6 While the increase in studies Is a hopeful sign to those concerned with local legislative behavior, it too points out the relatively little knowledge that exists. In the past, four distinctive areas have dominated the Inquiry: (1) Decision-making; (2) conflict with the bodies; (3) effect of the political milieu; and (4) councilmanic roles. Yet the literature Is in Its infancy; and many questions need to be answered of both a contextual and methodological nature. For example, the literature to this juncture has produced very little in the way of observational data to suppprt findings derived from legislator's perceptions and attitudes. Therefore, inferences have been drawn on the "assumption" that perceptions and attitudes are indicators of actual be­ havior, while in fact the gap between the perceptions and behavior has been given little attention. Moreover, councils have frequently been used as aggregates from which general­ ized statements about the nature of the community itself have been made, yet councllmen are atypical of the general popu­ lation on many vital dimensions such as occupation, education, and Income. In addition, while comparison Is a desirable end, there still remains very little systematic knowledge about the variations in Internal structures and proceedings

^ 6Ibid., p. 365. Zk 0

of councils. Finally, there is at this time, no longitudinal study to either confirm or disconflrm the small parcels of information now available.

Context of Study Studies have indicated how city councils vary from one city to another, and how various environmental variables af­ fect councils.^7 Yet, relatively little research has been directed toward the functional problems of council Itself and the consequences of the councilman's behavior on the group as a whole.The purpose of this study is to analyse the in­ ternal political process of a single council— Columbus, Ohio. The study of a single council presents the researcher with two critical problems. First, how does one provide meaningful analyses while working with such a small unit. Until recently, those interested in congressional behavior were faced with a similar dilemma; however, recent research has begun to solve the problem with the success of the con­ gressional committee studies.^ Observation, and direct interview have been the major means of data collection, while

^Downes, QP« clt., i960. JiQ ^°This problem was raised by Eulau and Lupsha, op. clt. ^Charles 0. Jones, "Representation in Congress; The Case of the House Agriculture Committee," American Political Science Review. LV (June, 1961), 358* Richard Fenno, "The House Appropriations Committee as a Political System," American Political Science Review. LVI (June, 1962), 310; and John Manley, "The House Committee on Ways and Means," American Political Science Review, LIX (December, 1965), 92?. the use of the system*s approach has helped some^O solve the conceptual problem. Although the researcher can rely on the development of new approaches and use them in his endeavor, the second problem, that of cooperation and accessibility, is entirely an individual concern of each study. Unlike his counterpart at the state and national level, the local legis­ lator views inquiry into his position with far more skepticism due largely to the newness of such investigation. In addition, the local legislator has a higher anxiety of such study, for he perceives a direct threat to him, and the position because he is not separated from his community either physically, socially, or psychologically as his counterpart in the state or national legislatures.

Methodology

All studies contain two vital dimensions either implicitly or explicitly; that of a conceptual framework which provides order and organization to a study, and a theoretical frame­ work used to link the concepts with one another. Conceptually, the study employes a bi-level system approach. This notion is most successfully used by Fenno in his study of the House Appropriations Committee.^ The present analysis concerns

•5°Fenno, Ibid. 5lRichard Fenno in his book The Power of the Purse used three levels in his analysis. The committee, the House, and the administrative bureaus. The systems approach can also be used as a theoretical framework, as in the case of David Easton’s Political Systems. 26

itself with the micro-system. the elective members of the Columbus City Council, and the macro-system, which consists of everything other than the council. This study is focused upon the micro-system as it relates to its own internal pro­ perties, and too, several aspects of the macro-system. While the systems concept is central to the organization of the study, an additional concept is used to link the two systems. Two groups within the macro-system were selected in an effort to acquire a greater clarity of councilmanic roles, as well as providing a check upon the analysis. If one were to draw a continuum and at one end place the councllmen, the closest group in the macro-system to the councllmen in both a physical as well as a psychological sense would be those in the administration who have the responsibility of trans­ ferring council decisions into community actions. In this group seventeen were selected which Included such administra­ tive positions as mayor, city clerk, department heads, and members of the "political machinery" of the party in power. Second, and still farther removed from the micro-system are the members of the media who cover the city council. Here the assumption is that government Is remote from the average citizen, and a large proportion of the information that the citizen possesses is acquired via the media,5% the selection of media personnel, two criteria were used. First,

52V . 0, Key, Public Opinion and American Democracy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1967). p. 3^. 27

that each of the media be represented; television, radio, and the newspapers. And second, that those selected were in regu­ lar attendance of council meetings; as a result five media persons were selected for the study. The purpose this dis­ tinction provides is to more clearly delineate the unit of analysis, while at the same time indicate its linkage to the much larger whole; by doing this it is hoped that a greater range of understanding of the council1s behavior will be obtained. The theoretical base of the study is that of normative role, as set forth by Gross, Mason, and McEuchem in their book. The Exploration of Role Analysis, which states: People do not behave in a random manner; their behavior is influenced to some extent by their own expectations and those of others in the group or society in which they are partici­ pants. 53 Normative role theory was selected as the theoretical frame­ work of the study because: (1) The size of the unit under investigation was prohibitive to some approaches, while there is a large body of literature in which role theory has been used to analyze small g r o u p s . 5^ (2) It allowed for the com­ bining of two sets of data; perceptions of those in the sample, plus a systematic interjection of observed role

53Neal Gross, et al.. Exploration in Role Analysis (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1958), p. 37. 5**0ne of the better studies using normative role is J. Eugene Haas', Role Conception and Group Consensus, Mono­ graph from the Bureau of Business Research (Columbus: The Ohio State University, 196*0. 28

behavior. (3) It provides a maximum of flexibility in the design, which is extremely beneficial in instances, such as the present, where the major thurst of the Investigation is one of exploration, and understanding; and finally, (*0 it allows for both an internal, and an external investigation of the council simultaneously. Underlying the use of role theory are the basic assumptions that: (1) The office of councilman is clearly recognizable; (2) councllmen and others associate certain norms of behavior with the position; (3) a significant part of a councilman*s behavior is role behavior; (b) the council­ man is a unique and rational man; and (5) the position of councilman focuses on interlocking networks, which are functionally related and make their Job possible. This study concerns Itself with two basic categories of roles. A role is defined here as a set of expectations held by the incumbent of a particular position, and by others toward the position. Expectations are evaluative standards applied to councllmen. There are two dimensions to expec­ tations; (1) personal, those standards evaluated by the councllmen themselves, and (2) others, those evaluative stan­ dards applied to councllmen by someone else. In this instance selected administrators, and media personnel. Role orien­ tations represent expectations of the kinds of behavior the incumbents ought to or should exhibit in the performance of duties connected to their position. The first category of role Is that of Internal role which Is a role specifically- directed toward the micro-system, and involves expectations which concern the incumbents' relationship to either one­ self, another incumbent, or to the micro-system itself. Three role dimensions compose the council's internal role orientations. The first dimension is that of the purpose of a councilman's job. Eulau's definition, an incumbent's "own expectations of the kind of behavior they ought to exhibit in the performance of their duties," is used.The second internal role dimension is that of the procedural role. The focus here is upon the unwritten rules that guide council's operations. The final dimension is that of conflictual role. The concern here is with how members of the micro-system ought to settle conflicts that arise. The second category is that of external roles. External roles are defined as expectations held concerning the incumbents' relationship to the macro-system, or sectors with it. Four role dimensions have been employed: (1) The perceived relationship between the incumbent and administrator; (2) the perceived relation­ ship between incumbent and the media; (3) the relationship between incumbent and his political party; finally, (^) the incumbent's relationship with regard to groups. Other role concepts that need clarification include: Position, sanction, role conflict, role consensus, and role

55john Wahlke, et al., The Legislative System: Explor­ ations in Legislative Behavior (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1962), p. 12. 30

behavior. Position refers to the location of the actor. In the present study, there are three major positions— the coun­ cilman, administrator, and media personnel. Role behavior whose primary significance is either gratification or depri­ vation are called sanctions. A third concept Is that of role conflict which concerns the contradictory evaluative standards, and is central to role theory. There are two types of role conflict. First, positional role conflict which designates an actor's exposure to conflicting obli­ gations stemming from his simultaneous occupancy of two positions. For example, a councilman could presumably be in positional role conflict over legislation due to his positive role as a representative of his constituency while at the same time hold a negative outlook toward the legislation because of his occupational role. The second role conflict Is produced by the actor's exposure to differ­ ent roles for the same position; this is called incongruent role conflict. A basic conflict of this nature faced by councllmen are their roles as representatives of the total constituency, while at the same time some want his actions to be Independent from constituency demands. Fourth, and the antithesis of role conflict, is role consensus, or congru­ ency. Role consensus has generally been recognized as having two dimensions, one dimension concerns Itself with

5^Role literature has used the two terms Interchangeably. However, the definitions of role consensus used here is essentially that of Wahlke e t a l . , Ibid.. p. 15. 31

the agreement between members of the role relationship, e.g., councilmen and administrators, about what behavior is appro­ priate for one actor with regard to the other. The second dimension focuses upon the amount of consensus that occurs among actors of the same group, such as councilmen, adminis­ trators, or media personnel. It is the second dimension of role concensus that is the primary focus of this study. Finally, the concept of role behavior concerns Itself with the overt behavior of the actor in his fulfillment of his role.

Purpose All scientific Investigation should begin with a thorough description of the problem. Description of council- manic roles, as well as a generalized description of procedures and behavior is an important aspect of this study. More specifically, answers to the following questions are sought: (1) What degree of role consensus is there among council as viewed by incumbents, administrators, media, and by direct observation on the Columbus City Council? (2) Do systematic differences appear in the role expectations among those inter­ viewed? (3) How accurate are the role perceptions of the incumbent's role? If so, In what direction does this follow? From the answers to these questions it is hoped that some general propositions will emerge for future investigation. 32

Data Three forms of data have been combined in the study: Interview, observational, and official records and tran­ scripts. Structured interviews of between one and. one-half to two and one-half hours in duration were conducted between January, 1970, and June, 1970, with individuals in five cate­ gories. The initial interviews were with members of each of the political parties; these included county chairmen, ward leaders, state office holders from the county, and county officials. An additional group of interviews Included per­ sons not directly affiliated with the parties, but persons who were active in party work in the city and county. This group included such persons as individuals working in public relations, minority group leaders, particularly the black community, and various businessmen. These two groups pro­ vided the initial background data about the role of partisan politics in councilmanic elections, as well as recruitment, finance, and campaign policies of not only the present in­ cumbents, but also of past council races. Furthermore, they also aided in describing the executive-legislative relations In the city. Using information obtained from the first two groups, an interview schedule was drafted, employing role questions, and was administered to: (1) Seven councilmen; (2) seventeen administrators Including the mayor, city attorney, and city auditor, all of whom are elected, and in addition are department heads, and members of the "political machinery" of the party in power. (3) Five representatives of the news media, with all three segments represented— i.e., radio, television, and newspapers. From these interviews role per­ ceptions, and expectations were drawn. Furthermore, actual role behavior questions were also included. A second source of data was the systematic collection of notes of all council meetings and hearings between January 1, 1970, and July 30, 1970. The objective of this body of data was an attempt to monitor .councils actual pub­ lic behavior, in order to compare it with the private interview responses. Finally, and of no small importance was the data from official records and transcripts. This ranged from voting records of councilmen to taped recordings of council meetings. The latter proved extremely valuable as a check on the accu­ racy of many quotations, as well as new information. This body of information provided additional knowledge about the council, Its procedures, and members.

Limitations of Study The most severe limitation of the study is that inferences can only be drawn concerning one council, In one city. In addition, observations of council in public meetings may not be the same as council in caucus. The study does not take into account sufficiently, the role of issues on the behavior of councilmen. For example, over a period of years, certain 3^

issues may have been crucial to the functioning of council. Finally, the council is under complete control of one party, which may well have a direct effect on the "behavior, and roles of the incumbents.

Structure of Study Chapter XI deals with the city's development, both physically and socially. Emphasis is upon settlement, eco­ nomic growth, and the political reform of municipal government which led to the present City Charter. Chapter III has two objectives; first to present the political milieu of the city during the past twenty years as reflected in partisan voting behavior, and second to describe the physical setting in which the councilmen perform their roles. Chapter IV reports the results of the sample's perceptions of the micro­ systems Internal roles, while Chapter V attempts to distinguish the actual role behavior of the councilmen. Chapter VI deals with the external roles of the councilmen, as seen by the three sectors of the sample. Finally, Chapter VII concerns itself with providing the general conclusions about the councilmanic roles in Columbus, Ohio. CHAPTER II

COLUMBUS' EVOLUTION

While the micro-system is the main focus of the study,

it should be remembered that each member is also a member * of the macro-system. He is first a citizen who works and

lives In the city, and second a representative of Its popu­

lation. Because his constituency is the entire city, any

attempt to give meaning to his legislative behavior without

first acquainting the reader with some of the more Important

aspects of his constituency's history and development would

be remiss. Although much has been written about "city prob­

lems,"3' and Columbus like other large metropolitan areas

shares many of these problems, it must not be forgotten that

each city is unique; it has its own peculiar sets of char­ acteristics, such as ethnic composition, labor force, geographical location, and tradition. It is the purpose of this chapter to present the basic features of Columbus in an

^The term "city problems" is not meant to re-open the debate as to whether or not there Is a metropolitan problem; rather it is concerned with pointing out the common problems that cities face today. Problems such as: Race, housing, education, crime, transportation, air pollution, and taxation. For a review of the question of whether there is a metropoli­ tan problem see Thomas A. Fllnn, Local Government and Politics (Chicago: Scott, Foresman, and Co., 1970)V Chapter 8". For a discussion of the problems outlined above see Jeffrey K. Hadden, et al., Metropolis in Crisis (Itasca, 111.: F. E. Peacock Publishing, Inc., 1957). Part IV.

35 36

attempt to provide at least a partial picture of the macro­

system which the councllmen represent.

Origins

Geographically, Columbus is located in the center of

the state at the western edge of the Appalachian Plateau, at

the confluence of the Scioto and Olentangy Rivers. This

central location has been a critical factor in the city's

social, economic, and political growth. Due to the city's central location within the state, its selection as a capital appears to be very functional. However, the absence of physical and economic qualities that are associated with the westward expansion of the early 1800's, such as raw materials and trade routes, the settlement of central Ohio was, to a considerable degree, the result of land g r a n t s . ^ Congress as well as such states as Virginia and Connecticut made special reservations for those who had fought in the Revo­ lutionary War, and the "region about Columbus is particularly notable for land divisions having these rewards in v i e w . " 3

Franklin County was divided into four distinctive areas, three of which were explicitly used to reward those who had fought in the war. Congress in 1796 set apart the United States

Military Lands which was located east of the Scioto River, north of what is now Fifth Avenue. To the South of this

^Osman Castle Hooper, History of the City of Columbus. Ohio (Columbus: The Memorial Publishing Co., 1920), p. 8.

3 l b i d . 37

tract for four and one-half miles and extending east of the Scioto River forty-eight miles was the Refugee Tract, also appropriated by Congress, for the benefit of Canadians and. Nova Scotians who had espoused the cause of the colonies. The final land grant, and the one with the most pronounced affect upon the area, was set aside by the State of Virginia in 1790 for her soldiers. This area, known as the Virginia Military District and located west of the Scioto River, pro­ vided the area with its first settlement in 1797— Franklinton.^ The fourth parcel of land was not used to reward those who aided in the war, but was sold directly to settlers; this was known as the Congress lands, and was located south of the Refugee tract.^ Each of these tracts appealed to a different type of people with dissimilar backgrounds, cultural norms, and cus­ toms. There are those who argue that the backgrounds and the interests of these first settlers provide at least a partial explanation to the limited industrial market avail­ able to Columbus manufacturing during the cltyfs first fifty years.^ Essentially, Columbus was divided culturally and socially by the Scioto River, with the western side under

^Jacob H. Studer, Columbus, Ohio; Its History. Re­ sources. and Progress (Columbus: Jacob H. Studer, 1897)* p. 13. •^Hooper, op. clt. , p. 9* ^Henry L. Hunker, Industrial Evolution of Columbus, Ohio (Columbus: The Ohio State University Press, 1958). 33 the domination of settlers from Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, and other persons of the South who had served with the army. Their orientation toward agriculture became the main economic Instrument for the first fifty years of the city's history. The eastern side of the Scioto found a com­ pletely different set of cultural and social norms: Those of the urban dwellers of the Middle Atlantic and New England states, particularly Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and New York. Their orientation was toward the business community of the east, thus providing Columbus with two contrasting groups of settlers. However, these were settlers located on the eastern fringe of the city, thus not integrating their backgrounds into the city's early development.? The regional background of the city's present residents also reflects these early patterns. As Table 1 indicates, 65 per cent of those presently living within the city have relocated from the Mid-Atlantic states, with 13.4- per cent having moved from states of the solid south.

TABLE 1 REGION OF PRIOR RESIDENCE (N=31^)

Region Per Cent Region Per Cent O H New England 3.8 Border •

Mlddle-Atlantic 65.O Mountain 2. 2

^Alfred E. Lee, History of the City of Columbus. Vol. IT (New York: Munsell and Company, 1892), p. ^67. TABLE 1— Continued

Region Per Cent Region Per Cent

East North Central 0.3 Pacific 0.0 West North Central 6.7 Foreign 7.6 Solid South 3.8

Source: Professor C. Richard Hofstetter’s panel study of Columbus, Ohio.

Demographic Growth The political life of the city of Columbus preceded its social and economic development. This unusual sequence was brought about by the moving of the state capital in 1812 from Chillicothe to Columbus, thus making the city the first o planned state capital in the United States. Four years later the Borough of Columbus began its corporated existence follow­ ing an act of the State’s General Assembly.9 in 182^, the Franklin County seat was transferred across the Scioto from Franklinton to Columbus adding to the already expanding political milieu. The General Assembly in 1832 granted the city an incorporated status.-*-0 The slow growth of the capital city from 1816 to 1830 is attributable to the lnaccessabillty of the area to settlers prior to the opening of the National Road and Erie Canal. Although some roads had been constructed linking Columbus to

®Hooper, op. clt., p. 7. ^Lee, op. clt., p. 46?. 10Ibid. 40 I*

nearby communities, such as Franklin Turnpike Hoad Company's stretch from Columbus to Newark in 1816, most immigration into the area was by trails. In 1833. Columbus was opened to the east with the completion of the National Road to the city. Simultaneously, the Ohio and Erie Canals were opened along side the full route of the road.11 For the next twenty years, Columbus was to grow from a city of 2,435 to nearly 18,000 (See Table 2). The immigration that accom­ panied the new access routes, remained however, predominately agriculturally oriented. The foriegn Immigrants who began settling in larger numbers, were also from agrarian stock. The decade of the 1850's left Columbus with its smallest growth rate in the history of the city, a mere 3.8 per cent between 1850-1860. Just as the city had once benefitted from its location at the end of the National Road, by 1850- 1860 new western limits were developed and Columbus lost its unique advantage point, and now Illinois and Iowa were In a period of rapid expansion. Many people moved from Columbus to the new frontier, but more Important, Columbus became a stop along the way to the west.1**

11Hunker, op. clt.. p. 8. 12Ibid. An example of Columbus residents moving west­ ward in the fever of 1849 was the group of German residents who in I856 purchased land in Nebraska and "generated so much 'enthuslam among their fellow Germans that an expedition of thirty-five strong set out for Omaha." The Report 33: A Journal of German-American History (Baltimore: The Society for the History of the Germans in Maryland, 1968), P* 3. TABLE 2 POPULATION GROWTH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 1830-1969

Year Population Number Increase Per Cent Increase

• 1830 2.435 18*1-0 6,0*1-8 3.613 148.4 1850 17,882 11,834 195.7 I860 18,55^ 672 3.8 1870 31.274 12,720 68.6 1880 51.647 20,373 65.1 18 90 88,150 36,503 70.7 1900 125.560 37,410 42.4

19X0 181,511 55.951 44.6 1920 237.031 55.520 30.6 1930 290,564 53,533 22.6 1940 306,087 15,523 5.3 1950 375.901 69,814 22.8

I960 471,316 95,415 25.4 1969a 589.555 118,235 25-0

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. U.S. Census of Poou- lation I960,, Vol. II. Character! stics of the Population, Part 35, Ohio. U.S. Government Printing Office.

aEstimated figure of the Chamber of Commerce 1870 again saw Columbus growing at a rate of 68.6 per cent. There was a great development of railways into the city, the most significant being the completion of the Columbus and Hocking Valley Road which in 1870 opened the rich coal fields of Athens, Ohio In the South to the city. This served as a "fresh incentive to the manufacturing Interests, which has continued ever since.This growth in population has been attributed to four factors: (1) The expansion of railroads; (2) the opening of raw materials in the Southeastern part of the State, which by the close of the nineteenth century made Columbus the railhub of the State with fourteen lines serving the city and with half their general shops and offices located in the city;!**' (3) the factor of central location within the state; and finally (4) the capital status of the city has provided Columbus with steady population expansion with the ex­ ception of 1930-19^0* The present population of Columbus is estimated to be 587•555• an increase of 25 per cent over the i960 census. The Black population has increased approximately per cent during the same period, bringing the Black community

■^Hunker, op. clt., p. 6. ■^In addition to the Columbus and Hocking Valley Rail­ road the following lines had centers in Columbus: The Pittsburgh, Cincinnati and St. Louis, Baltimore and Ohio, Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnati and Indianapolis "Bee Line," Indiana, Bloomington, and Western, and the Cleveland, Mt. Vernon, and Delaware. 43

to roughly 21 per cent.1^ since 1900 the central city area has shown a more steady Increase than any other Ohio city. From 1950 to i960 Columbus was the only major Ohio city to show a significant increase in population with some 13*000 new residents. Ohio cities like Cleveland, Canton, Cincin­ nati, and Toledo all show a decrease of population during the same interval ranging from 38,000 in Cleveland to 5.000 in Toledo.

TABLE 3 POPULATION CHANGE IN OHIO CITIES

Percentage Change Percentage Change City 1950-1969 City 1950-1969

Cleveland -4.2 Akron +5-7 Columbus +25.4 Dayton +7.6

Cincinnati -0.3 Youngstown -1.0 Toledo -4.7 Canton -2.8

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of the Population: I960. Number of Inhabitants in Ohio. Final Report PC (1). 37A.

The city's current residents have two particularly significant characteristics which help to more fully explain the macro-system. The first is the stability of residential

3-5columbus Area Chamber of Commerce, estimate for 1969. •^Municipal Boundary Line Changes in Columbus, Ohio Metro­ politan Area .January , 1968, (Columbus: Citizens Research Incorporated), p. 11. 44

patterns as reflected in the number of years one resides in the city.1?

TABLE 4 YEARS OP RESIDENCE IN COLUMBUS* OHIO (N=329)

City Per Cent City Per Cent

One or less 6.7 Eleven to fifteen 7.6 Two 4.6 Sixteen to twenty 6.1

Three 4.3 Twenty-one to twenty-five 10.9 Four 3.6 More than twenty- Five to ten 15.6 five yearly 40.4

Source: Professor C. Richard Hofstetter's panel study of Columbus, Ohio.

Table 4 indicates that 40 per cent of the residents have lived in the city for 25 years or more. This has important implications concerning the employments patterns, and develop­ ment of a community atmosphere which may well be exemplified in a sense of pride and civic duty. Moreover, it is important for the political realm as well. The second characteristic of the population is its high educational level as indicated in Table 5. Among those in the city of Columbus, well over

^•?It must also be noted that with the rapid annexation of land some of these residents were not originally members of the city. However, most annexated land was, and still remains, non-residential. 45 0

a quarter have obtained at least two years of schooling

beyond the high school level.-*-®

TABLE 5

EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL (N=329)

Year of Schooling Year of Schooling Completed Per Cent Completed Per Cent

Four 2.1 Twelve-fourteen 12.8

Four-Eight 10.3 Fifteen-sixteen 13.1 Eight-ten 14,3 Sixteen and over 21.2 Eleven-twelve 38.9

Source: Professor C. Richard Hofstetter's panel study of Columbus, Ohio.

The long and stable residence pattern coupled with the high

educational level of the city's population are important aspects to the understanding of any of the city's policies, whether they be political, business, or civic.

In I960, the Standard Metropolitan Area was enlarged to include Delware County to the north, and Pickaway County to the south; the population of this SMSA is estimated to be

970,000 as of January 1, 1969-*^

•*-®Several factors contribute to a high educational level, not the least of which is the presence of Ohio State Univer­ sity and Capital University. In addition however are the types of companies and personnel that are based in Columbus. Insur­ ance and commerce plus governmental offices all help swell the educational level.

•^Columbus Area Chamber of Commerce, estimate for 19&9* b6

Settlements/Subcultures As Columbus became more industrialized and less iso­ lated, it, like other urban areas, attracted various ethnic groups with expectations of employment. The City's nine­ teenth and twentieth century settlements patterns indicated four distinct communities; Germans, Hungarian-Romanians, Italians, and Blacks. This is not to say that other immi­ grants did not settle in Columbus, for they obviously did; however, these groups were most prominent because of their numbers and distinct residential patterns.

German Among the oldest and most noted ethnic group to settle in Columbus were the Germans, as they were among the first to buy land in United States Military District in 1812. The Germans located South of the main business District in Colum­ bus, and as early as 1833, published a newspaper.^ The Community was located between Livingston St. on the North, and Washington Park to the South, with High and Parsons boundering the west and east respectively. {See Figure 1.) During the 1850's, there was a large emigration for areas in Wisconsin, Nebraska, Iowa, and California. Those who remained were employed either by factories which were located in the southern part of the city, or were self-employed in businesses such as breweries and restaurants. The Germans in Columbus

20The Report 33: A Journal of German-Amerlcan History. op. clt. KEY TO WARDS 48

were notable because they formed a community in the sense of geographical homogenity, cultural traditions, and a sizable political factor. Politically, the Germans had a long record of Democratic voting in Columbus, as well as for national candidates. "It was the influx of Germans Into Columbus that pushed the Whig Party to the brink of collapse: The Whig Majority has diminished from election to election largely because of the German vote."2-1- From its first issue in 1843 and for more than seventy years, the Westkote, the local German newspaper, remained outspokenly Democratic.22

Hungarian The Hungarian immigration to Columbus did not begin until about 1900 and only lasted, in sizable numbers, until 1 9 1 0 . The background of these early immigrants was mining, and they found Jobs in the glass and steel industries of Columbus.2^ Although their numbers were never large, they did form a distinct community south of German Village. The settlement was bounded by Hinman St. on the north, Hosack St. to the south, and High and Ann Streets to the west and east. The common language, religion, and occupations provided the basis for the community.

21Ibid., p. 38. 22Ibld. 23sue Snorf, "A Sociological Study of the Hungarian Settlement in Columbus" (unpublished Thesis, Ohio State University, 1925), p. 12. 2**MaJor employees of the Hungarian population were: Buckeye Steel Casting, Federal Glass, and the branch of American Rolling Mill Company. 49

Italians

Italians began coming to Columbus at the turn of the

century, and "four-fifths of them claim to have come from

Sicily and Naples."25 At this time, they were located on

Larrelle Street from Spring Street north to the Union

Station. The Italians, unlike the Germans and Hungarians, were much more scattered in the city's northeastern area, and as a settlement, consequently lacked the homogeneity found with the prior. They found employment primarily on the railroads serving Columbus. Politically, they were in the early 1900's, Republican. Thus the Italians were sepa­ rated from the Germans and Hungarians in terms of geography, political preference, and length of settlement.

Blacks

Next to the Germans, the Blacks have been in Columbus longer than any other group. There are accounts of "colored attending Church services with the whites, and finally form- a / Ing their own church In 1823." The Blacks have generally located Just east of the central business district along

Long Street. McKenzie In his 1920 study found that:

. . . during the past few years the Colored families, especially the new arrivals from the South, have been moving into areas previously occupied by the Italians, thus pushing the

2-5crace Pitts, "The Italians of Columbus: An Economic and Sociological Study (unpublished Ph.D.: Ohio State Uni­ versity, 1900), p. 4.

2^Studer, op. clt.. p. 182. 50

Italians farther North. ^ The Blacks, unlike the Italians settled fairly much into a com­ munity with common location, customs, churches, and organization. In the early part of the century, the Blacks organized their first political organization called "The Negro Repub­ lican League."2® Today the Black community is more dispersed, yet the areas of highest concentration are still in the same general areas of the first settlement. The Black Community is the largest single group within the city with an estimated 21 per cent of the population.^9

TABLE 6 PER CENT OF COLUMBUS* TOTAL POPULATION NON-WHITE 1900-1970

Year Per Cent Non-White Year Per Cent Non-White

1900 6.5 194-0 11.7 1910 7.0 1950 12.6 1920 9.0 i960 16.4

1930 11.3 1970 21.0

Source: U.S. Bureau of Census, U.S. Census of Population i960, Vol. II Characteristics of Population Part 35» Ohio, U.S. Government Printing Office. a1970 figure based on the Columbus Area Chamber of Commerce estimate.

2?Roderick D. McKenzie, The Neighborhood: A Study of Local Life In the City of Columbus, Ohio (Chicago: Univer­ sity of Chicago Press, 1923)7 P* 154. 2®Ibld.. p. 155. 29The Columbus Area Chamber of Commerce estimate the pre­ sent city*s population of non-white to be between 20 and 22 per cent of the total population. 51

The number of Blacks has continued, to Increase since the

turn of the century when 6.5 per cent of the population was

Negro.Politically, this element has been the basis of

recent Democratic victories with the city.

Economy

Economically, Columbus has never shared the state's

distinction as an industrial center; rather, the economy has

been based on the activities of commerce, government, trans­

portation, and education. Between 1870 and 1900» the city's

economy grew and generally followed one of three lines of

development. There was a continuation of the types of manu­

facturing already existing in the city; new firms developed

as the city's central location became more accessible; or

firms that spectulated on the presence or possibility of

natural resources.3^ Yet with economic growth, particularly

in the industrial area, Columbus was not characterized by a

single outstanding industry, but possessed numerous small

industries of approximately the same size, a pattern that

still r e m a i n s . 32 with the exception of the war years 1940-

19*151 when defense industries, particularly aircraft,

employed as many as 28,000, no manufacturing firm employed.

3°u.s. Bureau of Census, U.S. Census of Population 1900. Characteristics of Population, U.S. Government Printing Office.

-^Hunker, op. clt., p. 46.

32McKenzie, op. clt., p. 145. over 10,000. It is during these war years that the second major economic change occurred in the city; the influx of persons from the south and border states, especially Blacks. With the conclusion of the war, the city found itself with a labor market plus space and transportation to attract new firms to the city as the defense contractors moved o u t . 3 3 Columbus1 economy has returned to the diversity that it had prior to World War II, with reliance upon the medium- sized industry, rather than a large single industry, or an industrial complex. Columbus' low unemployment rate is partially attributed to this diversity. The city's rate of

TABLE 7 UNEMPLOYMENT FIGURES FOR FRANKLIN COUNTY, STATE AND THE NATION3 1966-1969

Unit 1966 1967 1968 1969^

Columbus 2.5 2.4- 2.2 2.2 The State of Ohio 3.8 3.8 3.6 3.5 National Average 3.0 3.2 2.9 2.9

Source: Ohio Bureau of Employment Services: Division of Research and Statistics, January 30» 1970. aFIgures are only available by county units. ^Estimated figure.

33nunker, op. cit., p. 60. 53

unemployment has continually been below that of state or national average. 3** Industry is not the major employer in the city; rather wholesale-retail and services appear to be growing employers. As the table below indicates, the percentage of employment since 1950 Is fairly steady with the two categories mentioned having slight gains.

TABLE 8 EMPLOYMENT DISTRIBUTION OP THE COLUMBUS SMSA

Type of Employment 1950 I960 1966 1968

Government 11.0 14.0 12.2 11.3 Manufac turlng 26.0 27.3 24.8 24.5 Wholesale and Trade 21.4 19.9 24.9 25.2 Transportation 9.6 7.3 7.0 6.9 Construction 5.7 6.2 6.2 5.7 Agriculture 3.1 1.4 1.2 1.1 Finance 5.1 7.0 7.6 8.0 Service 16.7 16.9 16.1 17.3

Source: Columbus Area Growth Report for 1968, Columbus Area Chamber of Commerce, Department of Economic Development.

3**The Columbus Area Chamber of Commerce figures for September, 1969» showed that of the city's twenty largest Industrial firms, the Westlnghouse Company was the largest with 9i700 employees. 54

It should be pointed out, however, that Columbus SMSA along with Cincinnati's has shown an Increase in manufactur­ ing between 1950-1960, while all other major Ohio cities showed a decrease,35 with Columbus just under the national average of 27 per cent. Of the major SMSA areas in the state, Columbus has the lowest percentage engaged in manu­ facturing, as of i960.

Annexation: Land Area As population increases, cities and other governmental bodies are continually being reshaped through annexations, Incorporations, and occasionally consolidations and detach­ ments. Columbus has been able to keep pace with its growing population through an active annexation policy, particularly since 1950. Annexation, in its legal sense, is limited to the addition of an unincorporated territory to an Incorporated municipality. Ohio laws provide two methods by which this Is accomplished. First, and most frequently used, is specified by Ohio Code (Sections 709.02-709.12). This pro­ cedure requires a petition signed by a majority of resident freeholders (one who Is an adult who owns property and resides In the area) of a specific area to be submitted to the Board of County Commissioners. The petition must (1) define the area to be annexed, (2) include a map of the area, and

35u.s. Bureau of Census, County and City Data Book 1957 and 1967. U.S. Governmental Printing Office. A 55

(3) name the agent or agents who presents it to the County Commissioner. Public hearing must be held by the Commissioner not less than 60 nor more than 90 days after the petition has been presented. If approved, the petition is then sent to the auditor or clerk of the annexing city. The annexing city must wait 60 days before any action can be taken. Upon acceptance by the city through formal resolution or ordinance, and a wait of 30 days, the annexation Is complete, provided the annexing city accepts a share of any existing township indebtedness as fixed by the county auditor. The second method specified by Ohio Code (Sections 709.13-709*20) differs only in that initiation is taken by the legislative body of the annexing municipality and a positive vote on the Issue is required by the entire un­ incorporated area of the township in which the annexation lies. Should a positive vote prevail, then notice, hearings, and Board of County Commissioners decision are required, as in the first procedure. As a result of annexations, Columbus is the largest city in Ohio in terms of land area with 13^.58 square miles.36 Prior to 1950t the most striking single characteristic of the existing population pattern was the "utter lack of balance between growth to the north and east, and growth to the

^^This figure has already grown, and Is in a state of continual change. south.Since then, however, the city has attempted to bring about balance in its annexation, and even the city. The totals for the city show that the annexed areas accounted for a population Increase of 82,374- between i960 and 1967. ^ This figure almost matched the i960 population of the areas annexed between 195°-1960. This means that over 164,000 people are living in areas that have been annexed since 1950.*^ Since 195°» there have been 277 annexations to the city, for a growth of 94.59 square miles of new annexed land. (See Table 9.)

TABLE 9 ANNEXATIONS TO COLUMBUS, OHIO 1834-1969

Number of Square Miles Total Area Years Annexations Annexed of City

1834 Incorporated .920 sq. mi. .920 sq. mi 1835-1870 6 3.488 4.408

1871-1890 9 9.622 14.030 1891-1910 11 9.065 23.095

37narland Bartholomew et al., "A Report Upon Economic Base Population and General Land Use" (St. Louis: May, 1954), p. 12. 38citizens Research Incorporated, op. clt.. p. 12.

39ibid 57

TABLE 9— Continued

Number of Square Miles Total Area Years Annexations Annexed of City

1911-1930 27 15.540 38.635 1931-1950 7 1.342 39.977 1951-1960 110 51.233 91.210 1961-1969 117 42.378 134.580

Source: City of Columbus Division of Planning

Columbus has been more fortunate than most Ohio cities in pursuing an aggressive policy. Unlike Cleveland, for example, it has escaped being ringed by small incorporated cities and towns. The main reason for the policy's success has been the city's refusal to supply water and sewage facilities to the out-lying areas, thus forcing annexation. CHAPTER III

. THE COUNCILMAN AND HIS ENVIRONMENTS

The councilman operates in two political systems: One is macro, the city itself, while the other is micro in scope, and much more distinctive, for it is the actual work­ ing arena of the council. The preceding chapter acquainted the reader with the development of the macro-system. This chapter seeks two main goals; first, to investigate the macro-system’s political characteristics, and second, to describe the formal setting and duties of councilmen. In order to achieve these goals and more clearly understand the two systems and how they Interact with one another, the fol­ lowing general areas will be explored: (1) The reform movement; (2) past political performance in national, state, and local elections; (3) party organization and Impact; and finally, (4) a description of the legislative process.

Macro-System

Political Reform

The structural characteristics of the city’s government have evolved through the years with minor changes occurring frequently. However, Columbus’ present form of government

Is a product of three major periods. First was the period

183^-1852 when the new city was operated under the conditions

58 59

granted it by the Ohio General Assembly in 183^. Executive power rested with the mayor, elected for a two-year term, and whose powers ranged from enforcement of all ordinances to the authority and jurisdiction of a justice of the peace. The legislative branch was the council, composed of members elected by wards with terms of one to four years. It was the legislative branch that held the major powers of appointment, finance, and services. The General Assembly in granting the charter reserved the right to amend at will.-*- The second period, that of 1853-1908, found Columbus like many other growing population centers in the United States— under the eyes of various reform oriented groups. Ohio had adopted a new constitution in 1851, and Article XIII, section 2 pro­ claimed: Corporations may be formed under general laws; but all such laws may from time to time be altered or repealed.^ Section 6 of the constitution was even more specific: The General Assembly shall provide for the organ­ ization of cities, Incorporated villages, by general laws, and restrict their power of tax­ ation, assessment, borrowing money, contracting debts and loaning their credit, so as to prevent their abuse of such powers.3 By I869 the mayor*s power in the city of Columbus, as well as other Ohio cities of similar size, had been legislated to include:

•*-0hio, Constitution, 1803. ^Ohio, Constitution. 1851. 3lbld. 60

. . . the Judicial powers of a Justice and the police powers of a sheriff, but leaving the organization and control of the police In the hands of council.^ It was during the latter years of this period that Columbus, like other cities in America, began to organize an effort toward reforming some of the ills that had fallen upon them. Reformism in the city did not differ in either Its cause or problems from that in New York, Chicago, or Philadelphia. The growth and expansion- of the city that occurred in the post-CIvil War years, marked by the spectacular expansion of rails into the city, the lack of concern for local problems shown by the politlcan, and the extensive interference of the state Into municipal affairs, were all part of the reformers battle in Columbus and other urban areas.5 The city's reformists were led by Rev. Washington Gladden, who described the city's public officials in 1882 as: Public officials were often drunk in their offices. We had shooting affrays in the public which were treated as Jokes by the magistrates. We had news­ papers of large circulation which were supported by blackmail, which were mainly devoted to the vil­ ification and assassination of the character of private persons. . . . The gambling houses xvere as wide open and as well known as the restaurants, the big gamblers were conspicuous personages on the public streets . . . and the newspapers occasslon- ally (sic) reported the amounts won in gaming.6

**Tbld. ^Clifford W. Patton, The Battle For Municipal Reform: Mobilization and Attack 1875-1900 (Washington: American Council on Public Affairs, 1949), 6john H. Dorn, Washington Gladden: Prophet of the Social Gospel (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, i960), p. 6l

Gladden, with the help of the Roman Catholic Bishop Watterson, was instrumental in establishing the first seri­ ous effort toward local governmental reform, with the formation of the Citizen’s League of Columbus in 1888. The League fought, and won, council passage of an ordinance forcing the mayor to enforce Sunday laws forbidding drinking and gambling. As one author put it: When the city council rejected the midnight clos­ ing ordinance, a wave of independent voting swept into office a new council that enacted the ordin­ ance at the first meeting.7

Through the continued efforts of Gladden, and others, the League in 1891 petitioned the state for a new charter. The

new charter was modeled after Seth Low’s Brooklyn Plan, popu- t larly referred to as "the federal plan," for Gladden was extremely impressed by Low’s earlier effort in Brooklyn. The tide of reformism began to Increase in the community, par­ ticularly regarding the state’s adoption of a federal plan charter for the city. After two years of organized effort from the League, the Civic Federation, and the Non-Partisan Municipal Union, the General Assembly in 1893 adopted a federal plan for the city. Under the new federal plan, the mayor’s role in munici­ pal government increased; thus replacing the council in importance. Essentially the plan granted the mayor the power to appoint and remove the director of public safety, and the

?Ibid., p. 311. 62

director of public service, In addition to the heads of the sub-departments under both. The directors were required to attend council meetings, upon request of council, and to give explanations and clarification as needed. The mayor plus the directors constituted a board of control to pass on all con­ tracts Involving the expenditure of more than $5°0; thus removing from council the important control over the purse that It had earlier. The conclusion of this period In Columbus government left the city with executive powers expanded at the expense of council, and most slgnificantly In the areas of finance and appointments. Moreover, the change in structure provided a foundation around which succeeding alterations of Columbus government were to be molded. The adoption of the federal plan was not to bring to an end the reformist movement in Columbus, for the most exten­ sive and far reaching alteration in the city's governmental history occurred In 191^. This third period of change, 1909- 191^, continues to serve as the foundation of city government today. The federal plan did not produce the sweeping political changes sought by the reforms movement, as there remained the political patronage, business interest and vice that the reformers had fought earlier. Moreover, the city's vulner­ ability to the state legislature presented an obstacle to effective government. The main thrust of the reform movement 63

In Columbus now was turned toward removing from the state the freedom to Intervene in local affairs; Columbus, along with other municipal governments throughout the state, fol­ lowed the pattern being set by the progressive movement in the county and worked diligently toward local home i*ule. In the fall of 1912, the state amended its constitution to include a provision for municipal home rule. Article XVIII, Section 3 of the constitution was amended to read: Municipalities shall have authority to exercise all powers of local self-government and to adopt and enforce within their limits such local police, sanitary and other similar regulations, as are not in conflict with general laws.8 The city council voted in February, 1913» to hold a referendum on the question of a new charter for the city, thus becoming the second city in the state to take advantage of the new home rule provision.9 The city was divided into two groups; those favoring a commission type of government, and those who wished to continue under the federal plan. Members of both groups formed the Municipal Charter League which was composed of representatives of labor, civic, pro­ fessional, and religious organizations. The League after long and heated debate proposed a charter which was presented to the voters on May 5# 191^. The electorate supported the new charter, although the margin of victory was slight. The significance of this new charter was that it represented a

®Ohio, Constitution.•1851. ^Cleveland was the first to take advantage of the new provision by adopting Home Rule in 1913- 64

compromise position between the two factions In the city; thus establishing a hybrid form of government which Is still in existence in the city today.

The New Charter The 1914 city charter followed closely the recommendation of the National Municipal League.The legislative powers of government as specified by Section 3 of the charter simply stated: The legislative power of the city, except as reserved by the people by this charter, shall be vested In a council, consisting of seven members elected at large.H Vacancies to council were to be filled by council for the re­ mainder of the unexpired term, except in the case of a recall (Sec. 5). The charter provided for an expansion of council powers to include the appointment of the city clerk, and such other officers and employees of council as may be necessary (Sec. 11); the appointment of a public defender (Sec. 12); and the appointment of the city treasurer to serve at the pleasure of council (Sec. 13). In addition to these appoint­ ment powers, the council was given control over the number of employees and officers in each department of the city (Sec.

14).

lOpor an excellent summary of the "models cities char­ ter" see Thomas A. Plinn's, Local Government and Politics (Glenview: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1970). llColumbus, Ohio, City Charter 1914, (Section 5)» p. 4. The executive powers of the new charter followed fairly closely to those under the federal plan, with the exception that the mayor no longer had the same freedom in appointing personnel. He still maintained the right to appointthe Di­ rectors of Public Safety and Public Service, and ". . . other officers whose positions may be created by council and for whose appointment no provision is herein made" (Sec. 60). The specific duties of the mayor were enumerated in Section 6l: It shall be the duty of the mayor to act as chief conservator of the peace within the city; to supervise the administration of the affairs of the city; to see that all ordinances of the city are enforced; to recommend to the council for adoption such measures as he may deem nec­ essary or expedient; to keep the council advised of the financial condition and the needs of the city; to prepare and sumbit to the council such reports as may be required by that body. . . ,!2 The mayor was charged with the responsibility of sumbitting to council a fiscal estimate for the following year. This then gave the executive control over the budget process. In addition.to these, the charter Included the follow­ ing elements: Removal of party labels from the ballot; four year terms of office; reduction in the number of offices to be filled at any one election from nine to five; adaption of the Initiative, referendum, and recall; maintenance and im­ provement of the merit system; mayor's veto that council could override with the original vote; and finally a prefer­ ential method of voting for all offices except that of council.

12ibid., p. 23. 66 it

The charter of 191** reflects the division among those charged with preparing it, for the council gained powers, particularly with regard to appointments, but the mayor maintained budgetary power. In sum, the charter is a clear reflection of the reform movement that was present in the nation at that time. Many of the Municipal League1s pro­ posals were adopted, and city politics in Columbus was given a foundation that Is present In today*s government.

The Constituents To better understand the councilman's constituents— the city— a brief examination of its past voting record In presidential elections provides a major indicator of its political disposition in national elections. Republican presidential candidates have dominated the city's attention during this century, with only four Democratic candidates carrying the clty.^ Furthermore, with the exception of Johnson's victory in 196**, Truman's 19**8 margin of **8.8 per cent has been the city's highest Democratic vote In over twenty years. When recently asked, the residents of the city showed a high conservative orientation with .the largest single group being at the most extreme end of the conservative scale as Table 10 Indicates.

■^Presidents Woodrow Wilson in 1912, Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932 and again in 19*1*0, and Lyndon B. Johnson, 1 9 6 *1*. 67

TABLE 10 COMMUNITY CONSERVATISM SCALE COLUMBUS, OHIO (N=27^)

Low High

3-3# 28.1 5.8 26.3 5.8 30.7

Source: Professor C. Richard Hofstetter's panel study of Columbus, Ohio.

Overall, the table reveals that the conservative end of the scale dominates the political outlook of the residents of Columbus with 62.8 per cent falling at the more conservative end of the scale. This conservative outlook, and the Repub­ lican victories in Presidential politics, is even more significant when Table 11 is considered. Among those who gave a political preference, 37*1 per cent considered them­ selves as Democrats, and 19.1 Republicans, with the single

TABLE 11 THE DISTRIBUTION OF PARTY IDENTIFICATION COLUMBUS, OHIO (N=329)

Democrats Independents Republicans

31.1# 40.6 19.1

Source: Professor C. Richard Hofstetter’s panel study of Columbus, Ohio. 68

largest group within the city professing to he Independents, 40.6.1*1'

In state races the Democrats have done only slightly better, and their success can be primarily attributed to: The overwhelming popularity of a single candidate, or the unique circumstances that accompanied the elections of 1958 (the right to work issue) and 1964 (the Johnson landslide). As Figure 2 indicates, since 1950 only three times has the city given the Democratic senatorial candidate a clear majority of its votes; twice to the popular Lausche, and once to Young during the 1958 campaign. In examining the gubernatorial races during the same period, one will initially see Democrats having greater success, with five of the eight elections being won by the Democratic candidate. However, of these five victories in the city, four were Lausche’s and the other the DlSalle victory in 1958. Thus, of the combined nine Democratic can­ didates carrying the city of Columbus in senatorial and gubernatorial races, six were won by the same individual— Lausche; two others were won in 1958, and one in 1964. As has been indicated above, the general political atmosphere in which the councilman functions is one that has been dominated by the Republican Party. This control has not been isolated just to the broader based offices of the

^ T h e party Identifiers were suppressed into three cate­ gories. See Angus Campbell et al., The American Voter (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., I960), p. 123. Per Cent of Vote 80

20 1948 1950 1952 195^ 1956 1958 I960 1962 1964 1966 1968 Year President ----- U. S. Senate - Governor ---- Fig. 2.— Democratic Percentage of Vote, General Elections 1948-1968, City of Columbus 70 national and state, but the coimcllmanlc races over the past twenty years also mirror the partisan orientation of the city in other local elections. Furthermore, the increase of Democrats in the past ten years, and more particularly in the recent years, appears to be a result of the personal popularity of the Democratic mayor as much as a genuine shift in the political orientation of the city.

Public Political Attitudes-^

How the public perceives the job government is doing is of vital importance not only to the polltlcan, but also to the type of legislation that ultimately emerges from the legislative process. The Columbus Survey data provides partial answers to two Important facets of political atti­ tudes: First, the general orientation of the citizen toward the levels of government, and second and most important here, how they perceive Columbus politics. The sense of closeness the citizens of Columbus feel toward the different levels of government is indicated in Table 12. The sample is nearly equally divided between a feeling of closeness to the local and national governmental levels, with less than one per cent perceiving the local level as being the nearest. The Important factor here is that they do not feel alienated from Columbus government, but rather have a positive sense of attachment.

^5Data for this section comes from Professor C. Richard Hofstetter's panel study of Columbus. Ohio. Project Number 681, and hereafter will be referred to as the Columbus Study. 71

TABLE 12 SENSE OP CLOSENESS TOWARD GOVERNMENTAL LEVELS COLUMBUS, OHIO (1J«329)

Local National Both Neither

42.9# 42. 2 6.1 1.8

Source: Professor C. Richard Hofstetter* s panel study of Columbus, Ohio.

The Important question to all involved in the govern­ ment of Columbus is whether the citizens believe the city is performing its task effectively or not. Data from the Colum­ bus Survey Indicates that slightly over a quarter feel that city government is very effective, with 33*4 per cent of the belief that it is somewhat effective. Here again, the major­ ity of citizens have a positive orientation toward the Columbus government with a mere 18.8 per cent in the negative column.

TABLE 13 SENSE OP LOCAL GOVERNMENT1S EFFECTIVENESS COLUMBUS, OHIO (N*329)

Very Somewhat Little No DK/NA

25.8# 33-4 19.1 18.8 2.7

Source: Professor C. Richard Hofstetterfs panel study of Columbus, Ohio. 72

For the councilman, the question of how the public views him is of vital importance. Table 14 indicates that generally the public has a high affect rating toward the Columbus poli­ tician. This does not mean that all councllmen are perceived with equal affection; rather that as a group the Columbus politician has a high rating from his constituents. On the nine point scale, 59*9 per cent fall in the upper four brackets, while a mere 9*4 per cent have a low affect toward the Columbus politician and fall in the first four brackets.

TABLE 14 AFFECT TOWARD LOCAL POLITICIANS COLUMBUS, OHIO (N=329)

Low Medium High

9*4# 30.7 59.9

Source: Professor C. Richard Hofstetter's panel study of Columbus, Ohio.

Organization In the literature one finds a variety of explanations and descriptions concerning the functions of party organi­ zation. Although there is no single group, or set, of

0. Key, Politics, Parties, and Pressure Groups (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1964); Frank J. Sorauf, Political Parties in the American System (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1964)T Allan P. Sindler,Political Parties In the United States (New York: St. Martin's Press, 196£>); William-J. Crotty (ed.), Approaches to the Study of Party Organization 73 n

functions that are applicable to all party organizations, there does appear to be consensus about what the organization should achieve If it is functioning properly. These functions are to: (1) Provide the decisive activities needed for election, (2) subordinate personal and policy differences in order to achieve this victory, (3) eventually develop a sense of obligation and belonging, (if-) provide the vital mechanical processes of government such as recruitment, nomination, and financing, and (5) serve as a vital link to the various levels of party activity.1 '7 The Republican Party, in Franklin County, has had the fortune to have had the same chairman from 1935 to 1969* The Democrats, on the other hand, have had three chairman, al­ though one was an interum. If Key is correct in his assessment of party leadership cliques and the role they perform as being either n. . . amorphous and transient, or 1 o tightly structured in long continuing existence . . . , "-1-0 then the Republicans would appear to have benefited from the latter, while the Democrats suffered from the former. The strong influence of the Republican chairman has been an im­ portant factor in the success of the Republicans not only in

(Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc., 1968); and the American Political Science Association, Toward A More Responsible Two- Party System (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Co., 195°)• 17v. 0. Key, Introduction to State Politics (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966), p. 299.

^ K e y , op. clt., p. 335* 7^

the city but also in the county and state elections as well. As one elected Republican official put it: "... Bill built the party with a strong emphasis placed on organization." It seems that the effect of the leadership provided by the chair­ man has reduced open factionalism within the party, and the high esteem with which he is held by those in the party, pro­ vides a clue to the success the party has had at all levels in Columbus.

The Republican Party Is particularly strong In the state offices in the county, with the second largest delegation in the state legislature coming from the county. -**9 These election successes outside the city have had an important Influence on city politics for they provide a source of patronage for loyal party workers In addition to the psycho­ logical incentive it affords the local party workers. The Democrats have not enjoyed such advantages in the past, and it is reflected in the organization. Although each party has a distinctive electoral base with the Republicans strength in the county and the Demo­ crats finding the majority of their support within the city, the formal structure that guides the two parties is very similar and is specified by Ohio Code (3517.03) with the county being the dominant unit. The Republican county orga­ nization consists of 36 members of the executive committee

l^Hamilton County (Cincinnati) has seven Republicans, Cuyahoga (Cleveland), and Franklin (Columbus) each have six. 75 elected from the city and 37 elected from the remainder of the county. In addition, the party has added H-2 other "appointed" persons whom the chairman describes as mostly women, "who do not normally have representation, since only four wards have elected committeewomen." Thus the Repub­ lican Party’s Executive Committee consists of a total of 125 persons. In addition to the executive committee, there are several important auxllary groups such as Young Republicans, Ohio Federation of Women, Franklin County Men’s and Franklin County Women's groups. The Democrats, whose support resides in the city, are organized along identical lines, with 36 members of their executive committee elected from Columbus, and 37 from the county. They too, have augmented their committee by appoint­ ments of 82 members; thus providing a committee of 155 members. The Democrats also have auxiliary groups such as Young Democrats, Franklin County Women's Clubs (which is subdivided into eight area clubs), and appointed ward com­ mitteewomen, plus city clubs in the suburban cities of the county. The most important organization in terms of recurit- ment of candldates and campaign support is the Young Democrats. This organization has had a history of producing candidates for office, and of providing a basic listing of Democrats in "good standing" regardless of age. The Republicans seem to have developed their party around a "tightly knit clique of political activists whose 7 6

campaign efforts are directed toward the entire ticket, and

for the party cause,t,2° with minimal individual candidate

support. This facilitates not only recruitment but also

financial aid, while minimizing open factionalism. The Demo­

crats have had to rely on the decentralized organization,

primarily due to their weaker electoral position, and partly

due to the reliance upon a single elected official— the mayor

of Columbus--for support. This has caused the party to split

over which is the best method for future success; attachment

to a popular mayor, or the building of the stronger "tra­

ditional" county organization. Moreover, the situation provides for open factionalism within the party thus reducing

its effectiveness. At the present, it would appear that the former has had the greater success in the electoral arena.

A particularly important ramification of this situation is the decentralized campaign and financial effort put forth.

Neither side, city or county, is willing at this time to trust the other, and as a result they finance their own cam­ paigns and recruit their own candidates. The Republicans have had decentralized financial structure in their party for a number of years, mainly as an outgrowth of Ray Bliss* orga­ nizational efforts in the state.

In sum, the Republicans in Columbus have had the benefit of stable leadership for the past thirty-four years, during which time the party has won elections at all levels— city,

20Key (1966), o p . cit.. p. 229. 77

county, state, and national. These successes have produced what Key calls the "vital inner core of workers and officials

who make up the party."21 in turn, this core has developed and groomed candidates for the various offices in an orga­ nized manner. The Democrats, on the other hand, are a prime example of a faction-ridden party that has been concerned with two fights: First, the fight against Republicans in the arena of elections, and second, the fight of control and unity of the party. Democratic leadership has come from an elected official, the mayor, rather than from the organizational leaders. The important psychological incentives that are present for the Republicans are missing in the Democratic Party of Franklin County.

Nonpartisanship Columbus minicipal government, although nonpartisan by charter, has been the arena for active party politics. Dur­ ing the period from 19^8 to 1970 both parties have shown open political appeal to the electorate by publically endorsing candidates for office, producing sample ballots, and provid­ ing financial and campaign support. The first ten years, the Republicans dominated city government with control over both the mayor's office (with the exception of 1955-1957) and the council. In the second ten years, however, this was

21V. 0. Key, Southern Politics (New York: Random House, 19^9), p. 287. 78

completely reversed with the Democrats capturing control of both the legislative and executive branches of government (with the exception of 1959-19&3* when a Republican captured the mayor1s office), and presently the Democrats control both branches. This Democratic success in the latter period has been largely due to the popularity of the mayor. In the six mayoralty races in the entire period, he has won four, a record, and even more amazing, in the last election he car­ ried each of the 36 wards with a total plurality of 70.91 per cent. This success at the mayoralty level of government is reflected in the Democrats ability to elect councilmen. The question still remains, have the party organizations sought an active role in municipal government? To evaluate the involvement of organized political par­ ties in municipal elections, interviews with various party officials, as well as former administrators, were chosen to determine what the party's role has been. In addition to exploring the role of partisan politics in councilmanic races, attention was also given to the recruitment process. For if the party was found to be a dominant factor In munici­ pal politics, it would have a major voice in the selection process of candidates for the offices. It was also thought that the measurement suggested by an earlier study, spe­ cifically political backgrounds of candidates, would also be used. The assumption here being that in partisan situations there would be a greater number of councilmen who had had 79 4>

previous political experiences. Finally, the notion of ten­ ure was explored under the assumption that if council races were reflective of inter-party competition, tenure of indi­ vidual councilmen would be smaller than if the council were not competitive.

Role of Party in the Nonpartisan Council As it has been noted elsewhere, the term "nonpartisan is at best somewhat ambiguous, and to the poorly informed voter It may be misleading."^2 To the casual observer, Columbus would be a prime example of nonpartisanship; how­ ever, the realities of the political environment are quite different. As one Democratic party official put it ". . . the notion that the city elections are nonpartisan is.a myth— both parties are active in the council races." This activity of the parties includes recruitment of candidates, public endorsement, production of sample ballots, financial and campaign support. This myth of nonpartisanship was also upheld by a local Republican state legislator, who had pre­ viously worked in the county party headquarters. He said very candidly: . . . the parties attempt to circumvent the city charter by playing an active role in Columbus politics— by just looking at the number of candidates one will find an equal

^Charles Adrian, "Some General Characteristics of Nonpartisan Elections," American Political Science Review. XII (September, 1952). 80

number of Democrats and Republicans seeking office, with few exceptions.23 The legislator went on to add "... Republican candidates for council are endorsed by the central committee— which really means the chairman." Both party chairman are open about their party1s active role In council elections, and both indicated that their primary concern was getting quali­ fied persons to run. Prewitt has suggested that an indicator of partisanship is the past record of councilmen in party roles; he suggests that a measure of partisanship might be the number of per­ sons who run for council only once and lose and do not re-enter politics. Applying this test of past partisan exposure to the present council, one finds that five of the members have had extensive partisan careers either in munici­ pal or state politics. Three of the members re-entered council after having been defeated earlier, two entered municipal government after an unsuccessful bid for state legislative positions, one entered after an unsuccessful bid for county coroner, and only one of the present seven members of council came to council without prior elective exposure or active partisan career. The intent of this brief career

23There have only been three elections in the past eleven in which an unequal number of Democrats and Repub­ lican faced one another. 2**Carl Kenneth Prewitt, Jr., "Career Patterns and Role- Orientatlons: An Inquiry into the Political Behavior of City Councilmen" (unpublished dissertation, Stanford Uni­ versity, 1963). P- 62. 81 o

background Is not to study career patterns, as interesting as it might be, but rather to get a rough indication of partisanship within council. Party effect can also be indirectly measured by the role the party performs regarding recruitment, finance, and campaigning efforts. Here too, the political party organi­ zations are predominant factors. The major problem Involved in recruitment is getting persons Interested that the party feels can win. As Crotty's study of North Carolina indicates, political organizations have a "more troublesome (task) in finding candidatures for town and city offices . . ."25 rpD be sure, the same difficulty plagues Columbus, but the par­ ties through formal organization, prepare candidates for office. As one Republican county office-holder explained, "there are three things that the party looks for; (1) quali­ fications, (2) name (that is a known name or someone that has some appeal to the voter), and (3) loyalty to the party." Another Republican office holder explained the party's function this \my: In reality the chairman is out looking for can­ didates whom he feels can win. Obviously, those close to the chairman personally have the oppor­ tunity to run if they wish. . ’. . Generally the policy is to get the name first, and qualifications second— naturally, we hope the candidate has both. When asked how this policy worked regarding recruitment of Black candidates for council, he gave the following

^•^William J. Crotty, "The Party Organization and Its Activities,11 op. clt.. p. 26l. 82

explanation: "Bill had made a commitment to the Negro com­ munity, as a result was selected. There aren't a lot of Republicans in the Negro community." Although the party role in councilmanic races is most clearly seen in the Republican organization because faction­ alism is minimal and success has been good, the Democrats also reflect the same process. One former Democratic ad­ ministrator described the party's relationship to council races by saying, "the process of recruitment is done through the party organization— it attempts to get the men interested in running for office."

Geographical Representation The at-large elections have produced a marked change in the political environment of Columbus. Between 1832 and 191^, the city councilmen x*ere elected from wards; however the new charter in compliance with the National Municipal League's "model cities charter" substituted the city-wide election process. The effect of this is that the central city has gone without representation while those living in the far east and the north of the city have had over­ representation. These patterns reflect the general voting strength of the Republican Party particularly in the north and southeast. Since 19^8 the Republicans have elected sixty-seven per cent of the city council. There has been a popular belief that the Republican's have been successful due to their voting strength in the 83 « northern sections of the city, and. furthermore, that most Republican candidates have come from this area. In addition, it has been popularly believed that councils in the past have not reflected geographical balance with regard to the residency of the councilmen. However, as the figure below indicates, the Republicans in the past twenty years have been successful in running candidates from all quadrants of the city, and their balance among quadrants is fairly equal. The Democrats, on the other hand, have had an over-dominance of candidates from the southeast quadrant (seventy-eight per cent) of the city. Councils during this period have always been representative in this geographical sense with council­ men residing in at least three quadrants of the city, and most often from all four. Another misconception of the city's political composure Is that Democrats live in the southern sector of the city. This is due, in large part, to the German Democratic past which was of importance In the early 1900's. In reality the only two candidates that have lived in the southern section of the city have been Republicans, not Democrats. The Demo­ cratic candidates are associated with the south, yet, they live in the eastern section of the city, not the south where they are perceived by many to live. co -P- Democrats Republicans 1 WARDS J 2 Republicans 2 1 Democrat 1

Pig. 3.— Party Affiliation and Place of Residence of Councilmen by Quadrant of City, 19^-8-1970. The Micro System

Physical Setting As previously indicated the organization of government in Columbus today is essentially the same as that developed by the framers of the 1914 charter. As the city has ex­ panded both in physical size and in population density, so too, has the administration of the city. The original three departments of public service, public safety, and health and sanitation have expanded in scope, while seven new depart­ ments have been created (See Figure 4). With important new structural changes occuring in the administration of the city, the legislative powers of the city have remained vested in a council consisting of seven of* members, elected at large, for terms of four years. ° The councilmen receive an annual salary of $8 ,000, with the president who is elected by the council "at the first meet­ ing in January following a regular municipal election,"2^ receiving an additional $500. The legislative chamber is located on the second floor of city hall, with a seating capacity of 300 persons. The chamber itself is a large rectangular room with a balcony at one end which seats one-third of the chamber’s capacity, and with the council and administrative desks at the opposite. The president’s desk is located in the center with three councilmen, arranged in alphabetical order, on each side.

^Coliunbus charter, p. 4. 2?Ibid, 86

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Fig. 4.— Municipal Organization 87 n

The councilman*s desks are arranged at an angle and are elevated in order to allow those in attendance to see each councilman clearly. To the president's immediate left is the clerk's desk, and to his Immediate right is the mayor's desk. Behind the councilmen at the president's left are city auditor, city treasurer, and city attorney, and di­ rectly behind them are three staff members of the clerk's office who record the proceedings on tape and votes in the ledger. Located behind the councilmen to the president's right are the directors of public utilities, public safety, ■ and public service, and behind them are the finance direc­ tor, mayor's assistant, and development director. Each desk is equipped with a name plate and microphone, thus providing for identification of councilmen in the chamber. Directly in front of the raised area is a podium, also equipped with a microphone, so that individuals wishing to address council may do so, after filling out a form in the clerk's office which requires the speaker to identify himself and the nature of his business. This form is then passed directly to the president of council before the session begins. Imme­ diately in front of the council are tables for the media, and for their use there are recording outlets to the left of the president on the floor of the chamber. The media also have tables, which are raised, in the back of the chamber, but these are seldom used. It is in this setting, one very 88 o

well organized to accommodate the public, that the council as a legislative body conducts the business of the city. A vital part of the formal structure of the legislative branch of government Is the office of the clerk. Under Section 11 of the city charter, the clerk is required to: Keep the records of council and perform such other duties as may be required by this charter or by the council. Such clerk shall serve dur­ ing the pleasure of the council. Due to the absence of office facilities for the councilmen, and the lack of a research staff of their own, the council­ men rely upon the clerk's office for these functions. In addition, the assignment of legislation to committee, al­ though council as a body can direct, Is handled by a single member of the clerk's staff. Presently, the city clerk has a staff of four secretaries, an assistant clerk, and two research persons. It is In this office that the agendas of the meetings are drafted, and the Journal and other official council records of the proceedings are kept. Here, too, Is the place to obtain a copy of the agenda, to subscribe to the City Bulletin, or to procure the required forms neces­ sary to address council. Legislation that comes from the administration, which is nearly all, is brought directly to the office where it is stamped with the date and time received. It is then assigned to committee, and copies are made for the chairman

2®Ibid., p. 8. 89

and members of that committee, the clerk, and the president. Monday morning a representative from the city attorney's office checks each item of legislation for major errors in drafting form. It should be noted that most legislation is coordinated through the city attorney's office in the draft­ ing stages, unless it is a routine matter.

Structural Changes in Columbus Politics The city of Columbus has undergone two major structural changes that directly affect the operations of the two polit­ ical parties. (1) The means of filling vacancies which occur on council was changed in 1958 to comply with the state law, after the city had lost two cases in Ohio Courts, to provide for the mayor to cast a tie-breaking vote after 30 days if no decision had been forthcoming.2^ (2) The city has undergone important ward changes in 1957 (an increase from 19 to 33 wards), and in 196*1- (an increase from the 33

2^The authority to fill vacancies on council lead to an important Ohio Supreme Court Case in 1959 (State Ex Rel, v. Hoermle). In this case the section of the Columbus City Charter granting council the sole authority to appoint per­ sons to fill the vacancies in the body itself was challenged when the council failed to reach an agreement on a vacancy. After 30 days the mayor appointed Hoermle under the power granted in Section 731*^3 of the Ohio Revised Code which authorized the mayor of a municipality to fill, by appoint­ ment, a vacancy in the office of a member of the legislative authority of such municipality if the legislative body fails within 30 days to fill such a vacancy. In a 3 decision the court ruled that the state code and the city charter were in conflict because the city charter did not specifically state that the mayor had the power to act in cases of ties or no decisions, and ruled against the mayor's appointment. After the court decision the council then acted to officially elect Hoermle by a *J—3 vote. One of the primary reasons was that 90 n

to the present 36 wards).3° These changes become particu­ larly important because these were not merely additional wards, but the redrawing of the older ward boundaries. For example, ward 30 was originally located in the center of the city but is now located in the far northeastern comer in a newly developing area. These gross changes affect both par­ ties, and their operations, for new ward listings have to be compiled and new campaign strategies are also needed. In addition, the previous elections become almost meaningless as indicators of success due to the large remapping. Only ' in the more general dimensions can predictions be made, until each party develops a new set of ward listings.

Hoermle had served on council from October through January, and fear that legislation passed while he was a voting mem­ ber would also be challenged in the courts. Hoermle, filled the appointment term and went on to be elected to council and today is the council's president. In December of 1959. the mayor again appointed a Russell Jones to fill a vacancy on council, this appointment was over turned in the Ohio State Supreme Court in February, I960, as the court cited the State Ex Rel, v. Hoermle as the prece­ dent case. Jones, however gained the seat on one of the most unusual political compromises in city history. Again fearing the illegality of legislation enacted while Jones was sitting on council, the Democrats who were in the majority (with the Jones vote) *1—3 gave the minority Republicans: (1) The city clerk's office, (2) the city treasurer's office, and (3) the presidency of council in return for the seating of Jones on council. Jones filled the unexpired term and was defeated in the general elections for the seat. It should be noted that Jones was Black, and a Black had not been elected to the coun­ cil since the adoption of the present city charter in 191^. The charter was finally amended to provide the mayor with the authority to appoint in cases of ties, or non- decisions, thus bringing the city charter In agreement with the Ohio State Code. 3°Wards are not representative units; rather are sub­ divisions of the electorate. 91

In addition to these politically motivated changes with­ in the Columbus political system, there has been a movement of the electorate from the inner city to the fringe areas of the city. Using the 1966 November registration as a base year,^1 the 1969 registration figures were calculated from the base to illustrate movement, or growth in the electorate. The results show that the wards most affected by loss of registered voters were inner city, strong Democratic wards. Four wards showed sizeable depletion, while nine wards show clear increases.

The Charter Responsibilities of the Councilman Columbus City Council, like most throughout the country, does not differ greatly m either organization or procedures from other legislative bodies. There are formal rules and procedures, defined responsibilities, and the informal pro­ cess which comprises local law making as well as the national.32

The formal procedures and duties of the councilmen are mainly contained within the city's fifty-six year old charter,

31i966 was the first year figures were available. Also, it is after the new ward alignments were drafted in 1964. It should be noted, however, that registration was particularly high in 1966 which tends to bias the growing areas In a nega­ tive fashion, while providing the converse for decreasing wards. In order to compensate for the latter only wards that were under seventy-five per cent of the original 1966 figure were called "decreasing" wards.

32colurabus Charter and City Codes contain these rules and procedures. 92

Fig. 5.— Wards Losing and Gaining Registered Voters, 1966-1969. 93

although the city code also helps elucidate some of the formal requirements. As noted above, the seven legislators are vested with the legislative powers of the city. These legislative procedures are specified in Sections 17 and 18 of the charter, and state: Council shall be the judge of the election and qualification of its members. Pour members shall constitute a quorum to do the business. . . . The action of council shall be by ordinance or resolution and the affirmative vote of at least four members of council shall be necessary to adopt any ordinance or resolution . . . vote on the passage of all ordinances, and the adoption of such resolution . . . shall be taken by 'yeas' and 'nays' and entered upon the j o u r n a l . 33 All actions which require appropriations of funds or are to become public law are entitled ordinances; while actions pertaining to the transfers of funds, proclamations, com­ mendations, and permits to use public lands come before council as resolutions. In addition, Section 20 of the charter states: . . . No ordinance, unless it be an emergency measure shall be passed until it has been read at two regular meetings, not less than one week apart, or the requirement of such reading has been dispensed with by an affirmative vote of at least five members of council.3^ For the present council, this section of the charter dealing with "emergency measures" is of particular significance, for as Table 15 indicates, fifty per cent of councils actions are enactments of such legislation.

33charter. op. clt., p. 8. 3^Ibld 9A

TABLE 15 CLASSIFICATION OF LEGISLATION AS IT APPEARED ON THE AGENDA (JANUARY 2, 1970-HAY A, 1970)

Meeting Thirty Per Per Number Day Cent Emergency Cent Total

2 16 88.8 2 11.2 18

3 25 35.2 A6 6 A .'8 71

A 23 32.9 A7 67.1 70

5 13 33.3 26 66.6 39

6 18 37.5 30 62.5 A8

7 2A A2.1 33 57.9 57 8 26 35-6 A7 6A.A 73

9 3A 66.6 17 33.3 51

10 15 3A .1 29 65.9 AA

11 12 2 A. 5 37 75.5 A 9 12 lA 36.8 2A 63.2 38

13 17 A5.9 20 5A.1 37 lA 23 A5 .I 28 5A.9 51

15 20 Al.7 28 52.3 A8 16 2 100.0 0 0 2

17 29 A8.3 31 51.7 60 Totals 311 AA5 756 95

This figure would probably be greater If it were not for zonings and annexations, which by state law, require public notification. The section of the charter which specifically provides for this procedure reads: . . . The council may, by a vote of six of its members pass emergency measures to take effect at the time indicated therein. An emergency measure is an ordinance or resolution for the immediate preservation of the public peace, property, health, or safety, or providing for an emergency in the usual daily operation of a municipal department, in which the emergency is set forth and defined in a preamble there­ to. 3 5 The charter allows appropriations of money under emergency legislation but denies, "making a grant, renewal or extension of a franchise or other special privileges, or regulating the rate to be charged for its service by any public utility."36 While the passage of legislation is the basic function of any legislative body, other areas of responsibility are also vital to the governing of the city; among these are: Appointive powers, fiscal responsibility, check upon the other branches of government, and miscellaneous functions which are needed to govern. With regard to the first, the council has granted ex­ plicit authority to appoint the city clerk, as was indicated earlier, but in addition, the council appoints the city treasurer, who is the "custodian of all money belonging to the city . . . and keep(s), preserve(s), and disposit(s) the

35lbld., p. 20. 36ibld., p. 9. same as provided by ordinance of council."37 The treasurer may, in turn, appoint clerks and assistants, as the council authorizes. Council also has the authority to appoint a pub-, lie defender. Council concurrence is needed in appointments of the mayor to as members of the sinking fund, board of health, and members of any advisory commissions of council.38 While these appointive powers are limited, they still provide the council with complete control over the clerk and trea­ surer, and a check upon the commissions of government, which today are becoming larger and more numerous. No single area of council responsibility so clearly illustrates the "politics of charter reform" which occurred in Columbus in 191^. as that of fiscal responsibility. Under the charter, the "mayor is required to present to council on the fifteenth day of November of each year an estimate of the expenses of conducting the affairs of the city for the fol­ lowing y e a r . "39 The council upon receipt of the mayor’s estimate shall "at once prepare an appropriation ordinance. . . The transfer of funds from one department to another is only done with the mayor’s approval. Council, may however, appropriate accruing revenue of the city, not appropriated in the normal manner. No money may be drawn from the treasury with council’s appropriation. Moreover, the mayor and

37ibid., p. 6. 38ibid. 39ibld., (Section 26) p. 11. **Olbld., (Section 2?) p. 12. 9?

auditor, not council, Is responsible for the supervision of departmental expenditures. The council can, under Ohio law, levy a one per cent income tax on the city. Thus, council in the area of finance has very little direct control over the financial operation of the city, nor does it have clearly defined areas of checks on financial policy. While, the charter in the area of fiscal responsibility, is a clear reflection of those persons who favored the "fed­ eral plan" of municipal government, Its position is weakened considerably by the inclusion of Section 25 which provides for overriding of a mayor’s veto by "as great a majority as required for Its original passage."^ This returns to coun­ cil a strong legislative position with regard to passage of legislation as they intended. However, much to the contrary of the Municipal League's intent, this has had minimal af­ fect due to the small size of the legislative body, which in turn is forced to rely upon administrative sources for the legislation; thus weakening the Importance of the coun­ cil’s ability to override the veto. Council is given other miscellaneous responsibilities ho under charter such as: Filling vacancies on council, ^ investigative powers into the conduct of individuals or de­ partments within government; and filling and publication of ordinances and resolutions. The responsibilities Illustrate a compromise in drafting the charter; a compromise between

^llbld., p. 10. **2Ibld.. (Section 5) P. 98

those who favored a strong executive, or "federal plan," and those who favored a commission form of government with mini­ mal authority vested in the mayor. As a result, the city has adjusted to the charter, and circumvented the purpose and intent of the drafters so that the present system of gov­ ernment is a strong executive oriented government. The council is too small to act independently and the part-time council is faced with a groining responsibility.

Councilman’s Workload While the rules and procedures specify what the council­ man may or may not do, and defines areas of responsibility, they cannot provide, in themselves, effective legislation. This depends on the individuals behavior, his motivation, and desire on the one hand, and the proper atmosphere on the other. The first is a case of individual behavior, the sec­ ond is a reflection upon the structural properties, as well as individual behavior. The question that is of central importance here is, how much can a councilman do, given the nature of his position? Two important factors must be taken into consideration; one, it is a part-time Job, and two, the demands upon local governments are increasing, thus enlarging the area of action. Presently there are eight major committees in council. Thus, each councilman is a chairman of one committee, and a member of between four to six, with the president of council chairing two committees. The committees with the greatest 99

quantity, in addition to the most complex legislation, are composed of three members, with the exception of zon­ ing in which all councilmen are members. In the area of finance, for example, three councilmen who are part-time with no staffing are charged with the responsibility of effectively dealing with a city budget in excess of 12^ million dollars.^3 In service, where the largest number of divisions fall, and where much of the work is extremely technical (engineering, equipment, etc.), the same is the case. Safety, which deals with two of the largest departments (police and fire), plus recreation and devel­ opment whose responsibility is particularly important at the present time with the many urban-renewal and fed­ erally funded projects, and annexation, have three councilmen. The council in 1967* 1968, and 19&9 acted upon 2013. 1981, 1888 ordinances and resolutions respectively, and council may have before it as many as sixty or seventy pieces of legislation In a single session. In addition to the number and complexity of legislation coming from committees, the councilmen is also a member of commissions and boards which require his time. Thus, the total for­ mal commitments a councilman has range from six to twelve (See Table 16).

^This figure Includes: General fund, capital improve­ ments, and the self-staining fund. 100

TABLE 16 COUNCIL ASSIGNMENTS 1970

No. of No. of Assign­ Committee ments Other Total Councilman Assignments Than Committee Assignments

O'Shaugnessy 6 3 9 Petree 5 1 6 Portman 7 3 10 Rosemond 6 1 7 Sedgwick 5 1 6 Woodland 7 5 12 Hoermlea 3 . 7

Source: Columbus Journal 1970. aDenotes President of Council

How does the committee system operate within the area of council? Committees, in reality, seldom if at all meet. The work of the committee is done by the administrative branch of government that falls under the jurisdiction of a particular committee. Legislation, as well as programs are, with few exceptions, handled in the administration, and the committee chairman assumes the role of: (1) Providing liasons between divisions and his colleagues, (2) introduces legislation for the divisions and departments to the council as a whole, and (3) if active, develops a. degree of low-level speciality in his committee's area. Each of these functions are carried 101 «»

out by the individual councilman, for he has no personal staff, although the charter does provide for two secretaries for each elected official.^ As a consequence, the staff of ' the clerk's office becomes, in addition to prescribed, duties, an unofficial research bureau. The effects of the councilman's workload on the legis­ lative process are wide in scope. First, the councilman, with few exceptions, is rendered helpless in any efforts at innovation and investigation. His time is consumed by a variety of procedural tasks. Second, this grasp of the total breadth of any single policy on the city, and over the totality of government, is often severely limited. Third, he, unlike his congressional counterparts, does not have the time or facilities to become an expert in any particular area— for in most cases he will have the sole responsibility of an entire area, with no subcommittees, investigating staff, or colleagual help. Fourth, his personality will be­ come even more important— since the committees are not large enough, and do not normally meet to allow others to work with administrators, and for this reason personality conflicts may arise without an alternate or mediating person to help retain harmony. Finally, there will be a tendency on behalf of the minority to lag behind the majority in actively pursuing legislation, for they will have limited access to information, and will not be given key committee assignments.

^ I b l d . , (Section 1^8) Article Id., p. 55- 102 f *

Legislative Process The councilmen not only have the formalized responsi­ bilities of committees, commissions, and public meetings, but like their counterparts In Congress and in the states, they too, have the important informal, closed door sessions. These sessions are often, the result of a particular problem facing the city, such as whether to ask the voters for sup­ port of a tax increase, or the possible undertaking of massive urban programs. However, the council has two regu­ larly scheduled closed door sessions each week. One with the administration, and the other among themselves. This session with the administration, called Con-Ad (for council-admlnistration), is a revision of an earlier policy adopted by a previous administration, but one which had been defunct for several years. The purpose of this 8:00 a.m. Friday meeting is to bring together the council and administrators in order to allow the council to ask questions concerning scheduled legislation, and to make in­ quiries into longer range projects. For the administrator, it gives him the opportunity to lobby the entire council. These meetings are strongly supported by all councilmen and administrators. The meetings vary in duration depending on the complexity of legislation, but generally are two hours in length. The council*s private session is held directly prior to the council meeting. It is a dinner meeting in which the 103

council and the clerk review the up coming legislation. This session also affords the councilman to check among his col­ leagues for shifting votes, to reach, or reaffirm positions on particularly difficult legislation, and to come to agree­ ment on the course of action to be taken at the up coming council meeting. Sometimes this means a request for tabling, or an explanation of why a councilman is going to cast his vote in a particular manner. This meeting is usually one hour, from five o'clock to six.

Councllmanlc Routine In nearly every case, the legislation is drafted in the form of either an ordinance or a resolution by the individual departments within the administration. Where more complex legislation Is concerned, the departments will consult with the city attorney's office during the drafting phase. The ordinance or resolution is then submitted to the clerk for assignment to committee and placement on the agenda. An effort Is made to require legislation to be in the clerk's office before 12:00 on the Wednesday prior to council meet­ ings. There are, to be sure, cases in which legislation is added late. If the councilman whose committee has Juris­ diction agrees, then the legislation is added. After receiving the legislation, a member of the clerk's staff assigns the proposed legislation to the appropriate commit­ tee. In most cases, it Is clear which committee should 10k

receive ltp however, there are times when the staff personnel has to make the decision. On Thursday the councilmen pick­ up the legislation concerning the committee they chair for study over the next four days. The following day, the coun­ cil meets with the administration in the Con-Ad session to further clarify each piece of legislation. Over the weekend, the councilmen then familiarize themselves with the legis­ lation, and on Monday morning a member of the city attorney's office picks up the legislation to check it for drafting errors. That evening prior to council meeting, the council­ men get together over dinner to review the agenda with the clerk, and to canvass the council for any major problems or questions that might have arisen over the weekend. Finally, by the time the council is called to session, the fate of the legislation has been pre-determined to a very large de­ gree. There are, however, cases in which the council has determined that a piece of legislation will be brought out on the floor of the chamber. If the legislation is passed, then the signature of the mayor and clerk is needed to make the bill effective. Should the mayor decide not to sign the bill, or part of it, the council has the ability to override the veto with a simple majority.

Council Sessions Council meetings are scheduled to begin at 6:00 p.m. Monday nights, however, they usually start closer to 6:15. 1 0 5

This delay Is usually due to the councilmen either returning late from dinner, or their using the time before council to discuss things with members of the administration, or per­ sons in attendance. A noticeable exception to the late start appears when council perceives a particularly difficult session ahead. This may be either a long agenda, or more often a large group in the chambers with a specific set of grievances. The formal procedure consists of opening the meeting with the national anthem, pledge of allegiance, and an invo­ cation. The formal business of council follows the order agreed upon by the councilmen themselves at the first regu­ larly held meeting of the year which are: (1) Roll call, (2) reading and disposing of the journal, (3) communications and reports received by the city clerk, (*0 petitions, com­ munications, notices and introduction of legislation by each member of council, (5) first reading of thirty day legislation by the clerk, (6) remarks by city officials, (7) other business, and (8) committee reports which are in the following order:

Finance Service Safety each a three member committee Development Airport Judiciary Utilities all councilmen are members Zoning 106

The zoning committee report is heard at 7:30 in order to allow persons who wish to speak for or against to do so with­ out sitting through an entire council meeting. In addition, it gives those constituents an opportunity to obtain baby sitters, or to make other arrangements to attend without placing undue hardship upon them. The zoning committee is particularly interesting for several reasons. First, it attracts the most citizens to council meetings, and second. It provides an opportunity to see the entire council interact on an issue. The facilities are particularly good for such a hearing, with overhead projectors showing colored mappings of the areas In question. The council generally hears three members from each side of the issue, for a time period of three minutes, although this is not adhered to strictly. The president of council introduces the chairman of each committee and the other councilmen who serve on the particu­ lar committee. The chairman then reads the legislation and gives a brief description of what the legislation entails. He then asks the council if there are any further questions, and if not, moves for passage with either a recommendation for passage or defeat. A member of the committee then seconds the motion and a vote is taken. The voting in council takes two forms. First is what is termed a roll call vote, which means that the clerk rapidly reads the names of councilmen with no councilman actually answering. After reading the presidents name last, 107

the president either says the measure passes, or "the legis­ lation lost." The second method of voting, and one which is not used nearly as often, is called "voice vote." In this instance, the clerk reads the names of each council slowly, and each councilman replies with either "yes" or "no." During the actual council proceedings the mayor goes in and out of the council chambers, usually not staying in the council meeting more than five or ten minutes at a time. Persons representing the various media freely wander around the council chambers and go up on the raised area in which the council is seated to take pictures, and in some cases to ask a councilman to clarify a particular piece of legislation. Many of the electric media personnel do not arrive at coun­ cil meetings until 6:20, because they come directly from their 6:00 nextfs cast. It is this atmosphere that the city council transacts the business of the city: An atmosphere that is relaxed, and procedures that provide for a maximum of efficiency on behalf of the councilmen.

The Actors: Columbus Councilmen Before turning our attention to the various roles of the councilmen, it is necessary to briefly acquaint the reader with the actors that the study focuses upon— the seven coun­ cilmen. The minority party, the Republicans, are represented on council by two lawyers from different generations. Councilman Roland A. Sedgwick, is a distinguished, sixty-seven year old. 108

elder statesman. His background Is In banking as he was a former president of a local bank before turning his full­ time activities to the law. His business background is reflected in his outlook toward council, for he views it as being analogous to running a business; the council as being the Board of Directors. He was originally appointed to council in 1957 and later won election to the body in 1963. He has the longest total tenure on council, having served a total of ten years. The remaining minority lawyer is Councilman Charles Petree III. Councilman Petree is thirty-one years old, a member from a prominent Republican family in the city, whose father is a Judge. He came to council initially as an appointee, ran and lost his bid the first time, but returned two years later to be elected. He has had a politically active career, even though young in age, for he was a reader in the Ohio House of Representatives, and was defeated in the primary for a seat in the State Legislature as well as in a bid for council. He was given chairmanship of the con­ troversial Zoning Committee, and by Democrats and Republicans in recognized as doing an extremely capable Job. Unlike the senior Republican on council, he tends not to be as "openly partisan" on council floor. Eoth Republican councilmen are • astute followers of legislation, and follow the council pro­ ceedings very carefully. 109

The Democrats have a 5-2 majority of the council which affords them great latitude as a party unit. The president of council is the eldest Democrat, in terras of tenure, and in this particular case, age as well; he is sixty-four. Councilman Hoermle, who has served consecutively since his initial appointment in 1959. is a successful businessman, whose appliance store is located in the southern part of the city. He is very soft-spoken, and presides over council in the same manner. Councilmen Portman and Woodland were both elected to council in 19&5. a that saw the Democrats capture all the seats up for election. Each has since been reelected. Councilman Portman brought to council a wide and varied back­ ground of experience, as well as an exposure to politics. He was unsuccessful in his first bid for council in 19^3. but since has been a very popular vote-getter for the Demo­ crats. He is a former newspaper reporter, assistant to the mayor, and was the city's first finance director. Presently, he is a broker. He is fifty-five years old, and the only Jewish member on council. He is the most frequent council­ man to challenge those who come before council; citizen, administrator, or fellow councilman. Due In part to his financial background, and the importance of this committee, he is chairman of the Finance Committee.

Councilman Woodland is thirty-eight years old, a former high school and college wrestling coach, and holds a Master's 110 n

degree in physical education. Presently, he is employed by the Columbia Gas of Ohio as a labor relations consultant, a Job that he went to after becoming a councilman. He has been called the "administration’s whip," and is chairman of the Safety Committee which includes police, fire, and recrea­ tion. He too, has been an unsuccessful candidate for the Ohio Legislature; thus coming to council with some political exposure. Councilman 0 ’Shaughnessy was elected to council after having served in the Ohio House of Representatives, and after failing to be elected to the Ohio Senate in 1965 by 130 votes. He too, has a distinguished name, coming from a family of civic prominence. He is a funeral director, the fourth to serve on council in the past twenty years. Coun­ cilman 0 'Shaughnessy is sixty years old, and chairs the complex Service Committee. The newest member of council is Dr. Rosemond who became the city's first Black councilman under the present charter which provides for at-large elections. He is fifty-one years old, a physician, and too, has had political exposure, for he was an unsuccessful Democratic candidate for county coroner in 19&3. He is chairman of the Development Committee. Thus as an aggregate, the council or micro-system, con­ sists of seven men: Two Republican and five Democrats, whose ages range from thirty-one to sixty-seven, with the minority party having the two extremes. All but two have had political Ill exposure, and the two eldest In age have also served the longest on council. Religiously, council is composed of three Catholics, an Episcopalian, a Baptist, a Methodist, and a Presbyterian. Educationally, the council has only one member, President Hoermle, who is without a college degree. CHAPTER IV

THE MICRO-SYSTEM * S INTERNAL ROLES

Thus far we have been concerned with providing a brief description of the setting in which the actors— councilmen— perform. First, a short historical treatment of the city's development was viewed, followed by an explanation of the macro and micro political environments. The remainder of the inquiry will focus upon a role analysis of the micro system and its incumbents. In the present chapter two basic notions are of concern. First the micro-system and the role expectations of its In­ cumbents will be explored as well as those expectations held by two sectors of the macro-system; namely the administra­ tors, and members of the media. The second general area of inquiry is the development and maintenance of roles within the micro system. In attempting to describe the various roles of Incum­ bents, while realizing that a complete inventory of an incumbent's role expectations is beyond the scope of the present study, three major internal roles are probed; pur­ posive role, procedural role, and conflictual, role. An Internal role is defined as one that is specifically direc­ ted toward the micro system, and Involves those expectations which concern the Incumbent's own role, another incumbent.

112 113

or to the micro system itself. For example, the most often cited role In the literature is that of the "purposive role."^- This focuses upon the incumbents expression of his expectations toward the position he holds, and thus is an internal role. The opposite of internal roles are external roles Vfhich are defined as expectations held by an incumbent, or of an incumbent, toward the macro-system, or sectors with­ in it. For instance, an incumbent's expectations regarding political parties would be considered an external role since parties fall outside of the micro-system Itself.^ These roles will be examined in a later chapter. Within each of our systems there exist a complexity of roles. Roles are sets of expectations held by the incum­ bent of a particular position, and by others toward the position.^ Role orientations represent expectations of the kinds of behavior the Incumbents ought, or should, exhibit in the performance of duties connected to their position.^

3*John C. Wahlke, et al., The Legislative System (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1962), Roger H. Davidson, The Role of the Congressman (New York: Pegasus,1969 ), Carl Kenneth Prewitt, "Career Patterns and Role Orientations: Inquiry into the Political Behavior of City Councilmen" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation: Stanford University, 1963)• ^These external roles are similar to what Wahlke et al. have called major counter-roles in their paradigm. ^Wahlke et al. sometimes referred to these as personal expectations and other expectations. ^Ibid. "Expectations have been incorporated into 'norms'" by many authors including Wahlke, Here, however, we are using the expectations to more clearly delineate what the position of councilman holds. 114

As a group, or set, they delineate the boundaries of the role.

Purposive Roles The first Internal role dimension is that of purposive or substantive role. This dimension has been the foundation of recent role analysis of legislators, and is unquestion­ ably the most inclusive of those yet uncovered by those using the role concept.5 The authors of The Legislative System define a purposive role as: Those (expectations) which have to do with be­ havior appropriate to the substantive goals or purposes of legislation and the legislative , operation as the (legislators) conceive them. Purposive roles will be defined as Eulau does— the incum­ bent's "own expectations of the kind of behavior they ought to exhibit in the performance of their duties."? The pur­ posive role is operationalized by asking those interviewed, "How would you describe the Job of being a councilman, and what are the most important things you (they) should do here (there)?"®

5Davidson, op. clt.. p. 79. ^Wahlke et al., op. clt., p. 12. 7Eulau in his section in The Legislative System. Ibid., p. 246. One will note that this definition varies slightly from the earlier one, in that, it is more explicit with regard to legislative operation, and does not include pro­ cedural roles. ®This is taken from the Wahlke study, op. clt. 115

Incumbents Among incumbents, the dominant? or most frequently ex­ pressed role orientation was that of public accessibility. More precisely, the council viewed their job as having "rap port" with the public, and as "listening to the people of Columbus; being willing to listen to anyone no matter what the issue." Each councilman expressed similar ideas, and one councilman put it this way: The most Important thing a councilman has to do is to be able to hear and accept, in good faith, the statements of all the people. Others emphasized the need to make themselves "available," "to take time," "to relate to the people," and "to listen." One councilman was able to link the orientation directly to council's output when he stated, "you don't think these things just come in your mind," referring to legislation. "They are ramifications of talking with, and listening to, the people’s needs and complaints." This orientation was clearly the most visible to the incumbents, with only one incumbent failing to express It, and no single orien­ tation approached the frequency of public accessibility.

^Although the various role orientations regarding the purposive role of council have common ties to the frequently cited classification, or typology of Wahlke, et al.. the small size of the sample does not provide the opportunity to transpose the results statistically. Because the interview schedule was open-ended, and be­ cause the respondents were so candid in their discussions, the order of preference was not a major concern of this par­ ticular question; rather the probing of their responses was given top priority, and thus the assignment of weights to answers has been omitted In favor of frequency. 1 1 6

Explanations for the dominance of the orientation might well include the fact that the councilmen are elected officials who run at large, and each when given the opportunity has chosen to seek another term as councilman.-1-0 It too is a reflection of the classical function of a representative to be available to his constituents, and to be a microcosm of the universe he represents. In terms of our two systems, it is suggestive that the incumbents perform the vital and essential task of linkage between law and law enactment of the micro-system, and law enforcement of the macro-system; thus being essentially an outward orientation, that is, an orientation that is toward the larger system. Another subsidiary orientation, that is an orientation that is expressed but without the frequency of that of pub­ lic accessibility is "to build a good image of council and local government." It is interesting that only the senior most members of council perceived this orientation. One councilman expressed It by saying, "one of the most impor­ tant things for me to do is to be honorable; to create a good image." Another felt that to be a good character, above approach, and dignified was of particular importance. While the most tenured incumbents perceive the image of the group as important, the least tenured members perceived

lOrhese are not meant to be explanations of perceptions; rather a possibility of why council acts as It does. 117 #»

the orientation of preparedness, or doing one's homework, as essential to the task of a councilman. It would appear that the micro-system has an effective socializing function, which- might explain the two positions. Oddly enough, councllmen, with one exception, did not feel that the process of checks and. balances was an expected, role. However the one incumbent who did hold this orien­ tation related the following example: I try and catch errors, or times when the admin­ istration is trying to slip something through; and do so from time to time and confront them. For example, one employee had failed the civil service test three times, and the administration attempted to change the job description to keep this Individual employed. Nov;, as far as I could tell the man was a loyal Democrat, and I understand them wanting to keep him; personally he was a nice fellow. However, the new Job they wanted to put him into was really an ex­ pansion of his old one. I blew the whistle on this by confronting the administration and councilman ______, saying if they didn't find some other job in line with his abilities, I was going to make an issue of this. They did! This example not only illustrates the checking role that was perceived, but also provides an uniquely clear picture of the legislative process in action. One further orientation needs to be noted; that of a legislative innovator or initiator.. This conception was held by two members of council, although neither pursued their perception when probed, Instead both admitted to the difficulty of this due to the "complexity," and the "part- time nature of council" and lack of "legislative experience." 118

The picture that emerges from the incumbents' view of their roles is one fundamentally based upon public accessi­ bility. This need to be available is also seen in the importance placed upon such subsidiary orientations as image of council and individual Incumbents, and to a lesser degree the initiative role. The main core of orientation is macro- system directed, that is it is concerned with, and sensitive to, the larger system's expectations.

Administrators Members of administrations of municipal government whether elected or appointed, have the task of carrying out the daily operations of the city. In order to do so they must rely upon the council to approve expenditures, pass ordinances and resolutions which allow them in turn to carry out these functions. They too, are the individuals who will normally have most contact with the micro-system and its members. In short, the segment of the macro-system they represent is directly under the influence of the micro-system. The questions asked here are: What are the expectations of this segment of government and the macro­ system? How do they compare with the incumbents' own expectations? The data indicates that the administrators clearly have a different dominant role orientation for the councilman, than the incumbents themselves. For the administrator, the councilman's role orientation should be that of legislative 119

preparedness. The administrators strongly adhere to the notion that councllmen ought to be prepared to discuss legis­ lation coming before council, and ought to know the "whys and wherefores" of legislation. In short the councilman is expected to have done his "homework." As one administrator explained "the councilman should educate himself about the Issues and legislation, and know the extenuating factors Involved." Another explained by saying, "the councilman should Inform himself on the legislation, particularly the committees on which he serves." Some administrators go further by stating that the councilman should "become a specialist in an area," while still maintaining a clear knowledge of legislation. Still another administrator put it like this: A councilman should do two things: One, Is the mechanical part, consisting of looking at state­ ments, and material and its specific purposes, and how It meets its objectives within its own area. Second, Is the non-mechanic part, where the councilman must evaluate statements and make a judgment as to how the program affects exist­ ing programs. The administrator goes on to say that each of these parts is dependent on the councilman "having done his homework." The administrators' emphasis upon legislative prepared­ ness suggest that the expectation they themselves might hold for their position, Is transferred on to the council's position. This becomes a key factor in the operation of 120

government, for it council is not responsive to the admin­ istrators orientation, a conflictual situation may arise. Sherif and Sherlf in their study of roles concluded that the interaction process "becomes vital for "reciprocal expectations," and imply they develop "loyalty, cooperation, responsibility and duty."-*-2 Furthermore, the emphasis upon "preparedness" suggests that the administrators as members of the macro-system tend to be inward oriented, that is, focusing more upon the micro-system’s "efficiency," or homework, rather than on the macro-system. While legislature preparedness was the dominant role orientation, the administrators, unlike the incumbents, perceived a closer related, set of expectations. Sub­ sidiary orientations found among administrators Include "decision-making," and "understanding the problems of the city." Each of these orientations is closely related to preparedness, and represents a clear cognition of the councilman1s role. It is interesting to note that only one administrator stated directly that "councilman should attempt to understand the administrators' point of view," and only two mentioned public accessibility as a role orientation.

^iDaniel Katz and Robert L. Kahn, The Social Psychology of Organizations (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1966), p. i m . 12M. Sherif and C. W. Sherif, Groups in Harmony and Tension (New York: Harper, 1953)» p. l5tf. 121 0

Thus, It appears that the administrators' role orien­ tations are partially a reflection of their own position; that they want the incumbents to behave as they do, and "get on with the Job of running the city," and are not particu­ larly concerned with public accessibility as an important function of the micro-system. The conspicuous absence of the representation of the public, and only three references to the checking function of a council appears to provide the boundaries of the role.

Media Most citizens of a municipal community receive what information and knowledge they have regarding their govern­ ment through the various media, and. Columbus is no exception. Monday evenings no television station fails to carry an ac­ count of the council’s earlier proceedings, and most have interviews with councilmen, administrators, or members of the public who had gone before council. Both newspapers carry continuing coverage of city hall and assign a reporter to the press room. The affect this coverage has on the pub­ lic is not the question here; rather how do members of the media perceive the role of the councilman, and more spe­ cifically, what expectations do they have regarding the incumbents? The data shows that media personnel interviews perceive the councilman's job in the same way as the administrator; to be informed on legislation and the function of government. 122

There was unanimity among the media concerning legislative preparedness as the dominant role orientation. As one news­ paper reporter put it, "the councilman is the people's representative and he owes it to them to keep informed." Others feel that a "councilman should pick out the bodies of legislation that he is chairman of, or on committees, and do his homework." One television reporter concurred with the legislative preparedness orientation, and expressed it by saying that "a councilman should have knowledge about the many different aspects of city government, particularly regu­ lations." The dominance of the legislative preparedness can, in part, be explained by the media's desire to understand the complexities of government. Since most have frequent con­ tact with councilmen, they are dependent on the coincilman's ability to articulate legislation, and its ramifications for them. The legislator who has this ability becomes the source for much of their interpretation of the governmental process. The data also Indicates that the media, unlike the ad­ ministrators, are very much aware of the public accessibility of role orientation, for only one interviewee failed to ex­ press this expectation. As one television reporter stated, "the councilman must get out and talk to his constituency, and become identified by them." Others were also concerned with the incumbents' "ability to talk with administrators," as well as "responding to the public." 123 a

These two role orientations seem to be consistent with the mediafs own needs. For a councilman who has knowledge of the legislation, and also seeks to make himself accessible' would make the newsmen*s own task much easier. While these role orientations might be expected from the media, it is interesting to note those orientations that were omitted. A councilman as a check on administration, or an innovative legislator was not mentioned by the media. The importance of the media role orientations is the fact that both the dominant orientation of legislative preparedness and the subsidiary orientation of public acces­ sibility are seen by the media, at the expense of a well defined set of orientations in either role. The examination of the purposive dimension has yielded two basic orientations; (1) the public accessibility orien­ tation which the incumbents strongly share. This outward focus is perhaps d.ue to the councilman's perceiving himself as visible to the public and therefore devoting more time to this particular expectation. (2) The administrators clearly selected an inward orientation in their support of legisla­ tive preparedness. Their exposure to the public, and dependence upon it, is not like that of the incumbents and therefore can visualize their job taking care of the me­ chanics of government, and expect the incumbents to behave in the same manner. The media because it needs both orien­ tations to make its Job easier was able to distinguish the 124 A

two previous orientations. What does this mean in terms of behavior? First, the efficiency of governmental operations may depend upon the reciprocity of the expectations between the two systems. Second, one's expectations of the council­ man's Job is a reflection of his position vis-a-vis the councilman. Finally, there appears to be a checking function regarding the expectations that produce a balance between the two systems. For example, while councilmen are not inward oriented, administrators are, and conversely.

Procedural Roles While the purposive role dimension is the most all in­ clusive of the roles surveyed, it alone does not provide a complete assessment. A second internal role dimension is that of the procedural role. The micro-system, as we have noted previously has formal written rules to guide its operations, and these are readily available to any interested observer. However, what are not available are the informal, unwritten procedural expectations that the position of coun­ cilman holds. These are not easily recognizable, in fact, they may be missed by the most observant investigator. Yet, these are particularly important in providing an atmosphere within which the Incumbents can carry out, in an expedient and judicious manner, the tasks before them. On the other hand, these procedural expectations, if broken, may cause isolation, legislative deadlock, or lack of public confidence in the system. 125

This is not a new concept to the social sciences, for small group researchers have been using the idea for some time.1^ Political scientists have been strongly influenced by the writing of Bentley and Truman. ^ Truman termed these Informal norms "rules of the game," He viewed them as "largely defining the Institutions of government along with other institutions in society. . . . For the legislator, they set the approximate limits within which his discretion­ ary behavior may take place."1-’ Matthews in his latter study of the Senate of the United States referring to the "folk­ ways" within the Senate stated,.". . . it underscores the fact that there are unwritten but generally accepted and informally enforced norms of conduct in the Chamber. Wahlke, et al. have1? called "... those unwritten but informally understood norms sometimes called rules of the game" consensual role. In this study, these "rules of the game," "folkways," or "consensual role" are referred to as the procedural role,

^George C. Homans, The Human Group (New York: Har- court, Brace, and World, 1950)* ^Arthur Bentley, The Process of Government (Chicago: University of Chicago Press/ 190b) and David Truman, The Governmental Process (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1951)• ^Truman, op. cit., pp. 3^8-3^9* ^Donald Matthews, "The Folkways of the United States Senate: Conformity to Group Norms and Legislative Effective­ ness," American Political Science Review, LIII (December, 1959). •^Wahlke, op. cit.. p. 11. 126 A

for they provide the guidelines of acceptable procedure among incumbents. Procedural role has been operationalized by asking the respondent: I've been told that every Council has its un­ official norms, or rules, certain things members ought to do, and things they ought not do if they want respect and cooperation from fellow members. What are some of these that a member should observe, to hold, respect and cooperation for his fellow councilman?^

Incumbents Among the incumbents, the data indicates that there were two dominant role orientations, notification and tabl­ ing. The councilmen were concerned with obtaining proper "advanced knowledge" of (1) new legislation, (2) members’ intended vote on council floor (3) an incumbent’s question­ ing of a piece of legislation, and (**•) the administration’s position regarding the legislation. One incumbent put it this way, I expect to be informed by my colleagues in advance if they are going to introduce new legislation. I don’t want to be made to look like I don’t know what’s coming off out there. Equally as dominant to the incumbent was the orientation that if he asked for a tabling of a motion, he would receive

^®One will note that procedural role was operational­ ized essentially the same as Wahlke et al. However, two important changes were necessary in the present study: (1) "Rules of the game" had to be deleted because it was confusing to many of the respondents. Instead ’’norms’’ was substituted. (2) To develop the question into a purely role oriented one, verbs "ought and should." were substituted. 127

it. One councilman expressed this orientation in the follow­ ing manner: Usually if I, or another member of council, ask for legislation to be tabled for a week, it normally is. We all assume that the councilman who ask for it needs more time to prepare him­ self on that legislation, A senior member of council was having a difficult time think­ ing of norms or unwritten rules, and when the investigator suggested that he had noticed that most requests for tables were accepted, he responded by saying: Gosh, I think you are right, that lsnTt written anywhere in the rules and procedures of council. I just assumed that it was. Although these orientations are frequent, it would be misleading to assume that notification and tabling were strictly adhered to, for there are exceptions, although in­ frequent. The subsidiary orientations referred to were, "personal courtesy," that is, refraining from personalized attacks on a fellow councilman, and allowing him the floor without "talking" while he is. Closely associated with this is con­ fidence, and, as one member stated. If ______says he's going to vote with you Monday morning, he better Monday night, un­ less he explains why he changed. Two more procedural orientations were uncovered: One, that a member of the committee seconds legislation coming up in that particular committee, and two, that legislation comes through the committees, not individuals on the floor of council. 128

Only one councilman failed to see any informal norms operating in council, and even when asked directly, he said they did not exist. One other important finding is that only1 the junior members were able to give a thorough breakdown of the orientation expressed. The senior members appeared to have less knowledge of these orientations except for notifi­ cation and tabling. This can be partially explained by the fact that the newcomers are in the process of learning the "procedural role" and are more cognizant than the older in­ cumbents.

Administrators The data from the administrators also confirms one of the dominant role orientations that incumbents found; namely notification. One department head explained: The thing they (councilmen) most avoid is to bring legislation up that is not on the agenda, or has not been previously discussed; and they realize this and do a good job. This role orientation was the most predominant among those interviewed, and it too, was followed by tabling requests. One former administrator described this in the following manner, "If councilman ______makes a motion to table, then he most often receives it without question." Others pointed to much the same situation, saying that "a table is usually unquestioned;" or "if a councilman feels he needs more time, he gets it." For obvious reasons not all administrators like this orientation, for they would like the legislation passed without delay, because they, In nearly all cases, drafted it. All administrators felt that two other "norms" exist in Council: (1) Courtesy, and (2) an information source to fellow incumbents. The administrators felt that as an incum bent "you don't embarrass another councilman," nor "do you withhold information from him." The procedural role is also directly related to the ad­ ministrator, for notification, tabling, and information all affect his job. As an aggregate, the administrators.per­ ceive the role very well, compared with the incumbents themselves. The incumbents were more apt, however, to per­ ceive mechanic orientations such as seconding, or committee routine than the administrator. In turn the administrator was more concerned with "respect," and "confidence."

Media Members of the media indicated less awareness of the intricacies of "informal" procedures. No dominant orien­ tation appeared in the data, although notification and tabling were mentioned. One radio commentator stated that "they vote to make it an unanimous passage, even If one councilman does have reservations." Another member of the media pointed to the "respect shown between members" as role orientation. In general the media do not indicate an awareness of procedural role in council. There is only a slight 130 «

difference between the press, who are in City Hall's press room each day, and the television and radio commentators who only cover council on Monday nights, and for special stories,• The procedural role, important as it is, does not have a clearly delineated set of orientations. The idea of noti­ fication, and tabling, appear to be the strongest of these unwritten rules. Councilmen with the lowest tenure appear to be most aware of the "do's and don'ts" of the process, and the media persons the least, followed by senior councilmen. One can only speculate on the causes of this, but apparently the senior Incumbents either have the procedural roles so well in hand that they have become second nature as was earlier Indicated, while at the same time the media people do not have the exposure, for they are often shifted from assignment to assignment.

Conflictual Roles Thus the micro-system has a degree of insulation from the macro-system due to its "unwritten" procedural role. The cues are well Integrated into the system allowing only the most familiar to grasp the full Impact of a councilman's action. What seems routine, may well be the start of a high conflictual situation within the system. Professor Schattschneider has written: There are billions of potential conflicts in any m o d e m society, but only a few become significant. The reduction of the number of conflicts is an essential part of politics. Politics deals with the domination and subordination of conflicts. A 131

democratic society is able to survive because it manages conflict. . . .1° Although Professor Schattschneider was concerned with soci­ etal level conflict, he need not be, for it is also true of our micro-system. While the internal role dimensions of purpose and procedure have been discussed thus far, what are the councilman's orientations when they are not in agreement? How should conflicts within the micro-system be managed? Following Schattschneider's conclusion that "the crucial problem in politics is management of conflict,"2® an attempt was made to probe the issue by asking those interviewed, a third internal role dimension; How should council settle conflicts that occur among its members?

Incumbents Among incumbents the data indicates total unanimity fa­ voring a "caucus" to settle disputes: By caucus they meant a face-to-face assembly of members in a closed door session.21 One minority member of council expressed himself this xvay: Conflicts that occur in council should be settled in a pre-caucus where a full flow of ideas and thoughts are possible. I find that in this situation more meaningful questions can be asked.

•^^E. E. Schattschneider, The Semi-Sovereign People (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960T, p. 67. 20Ibid. 23-For an excellent treatment of the development and typology of caucuses in American politics see Austin Hanney and Willmore Kendell, Democracy and the American Party System (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1956), P* 279. 132

A "pre-caucus" to the Incumbent was merely an Irregular Informal meeting of councilmen In closed session. Others held similar views; "talk, get together in an Informal meet­ ing and get the facts." One member reflecting his own background said, "you have to sit down like a board of direc­ tors and express your view, and accept the majority opinion." Finally a councilman Illustrated the role of the caucus by stating: The best method Is to sit in a caucus. Very often we can come out with agreement; if no agreement, then it goes to the floor, but at least we have agreed not to agree. During the course of the Intervleivs, two predominant reasons appeared for this orientation: (1) Councilmen did not want to discuss differences in front of the media where personalized attacks might occur and (2) they were concerned with their individual and collective image to the public; no one "wants to look like a fool." This orientation is consis­ tent with the "political process" on other levels, and It Is also consistent with the council*s purposive orientations— public accessibility, for time taken up in dispute is time away from citizens present. In addition the councilman runs the risk of alienating members of the press, who are Impor­ tant to his "accessibility," members of the public who are crucial for his election, and administrators who help him perform his job. One of the ramifications Is that the micro-system appears far more tranquil than Is the actual case. 133

Administrators The administrators interviewed were not as united in their role orientation regarding conflict resolution. The dominant orientation was that of the caucus or "closed door" meeting. One high administrator set the tone of their position: Conflicts should be settled behind closed doors. It is better to get together and discuss the differences than to go before the people and show differences involved. This is not to say that differences shouldn't occur on the floor; but at least let the others know your position— and present his side of the argument. Another administrator expressed his orientation in the fol­ lowing manner: "I never believe in washing dirty linen out in public; councilmen are entitled to closed door sessions." Finally, it was stated that "a private caucus of the members should be called— make a special effort to do it away from council floor." Among those expressing support for the caucus, were those administrators who were either: (1) Elected to their position, (2) older age cohorts or, (3) among the top "decision-makers" within the city government (with one ex­ ception, a newly appointed official). There are those administrators who believe that council should be "above board," and "in the open," in settling its conflict. A prominent administrator saw it as an individual decision: 13^

Each councilman has to make an Individual decision— how far he is willing to go. Some things are worthwhile and should he fought out in the open, in full public view. Others felt that councilmen "should call outside parties to submit the facts and relate to specific areas." Should this position prevail then the micro-system becomes "open" in all aspects to public scrutiny. Several administrators made a distinction between (1) procedural conflicts; those Involving a process, or means of handling a piece of legislation, and (2) legislative conflict; conflict arising from different viewpoints concerning legislation. In the first case caucus would be the best way of handling the situation, and in the latter, open debate was emphasized. The only common' factor that appears among those holding the "open" position is that of age; they are all the younger men in the administration.

Media Members of the media were predictably opposed to the caucus method of settling conflict, and united in their belief that it should be by way of "open, on the floor, de­ bate." Each was emphatic in his orientation toward this method of settlement. As one newspaper reporter put it "the council should settle conflicts publicly, and in the open, and shouldn't go behind the scenes to work out differences." Others stated simply conflicts should be settled, "in the chamber," or "on the floor." 135

Here again, as with the purposive role, the position of the observer has been reflected in his role orientation. Those within the micro-system view conflict as internal and "private." Those outside it, but in active Interaction with the incumbents, uphold the privacy of the system. Those outside, and not in as frequent contact, see the need for "public" disclosure.

Summary The discussion of the micro-system's internal roles has focused its attention on three related questions: What should a councilman do (purposive role); how should he go about achieving these goals (procedural role); and when dis­ agreement occurs, how should it be settled (conflictual role). Our analytical model focuses upon council, and there­ fore it is concerned exclusively with: (1) The lntra-systemic congruency of those role orientations of those interviewed: i.e., councilmen, ad­ ministrators, and members of the media. Position is "the location of an actor or class of actors in a system of social relationships.22 Although the model has differentiated be­ tween two systems, the micro and macro, intra systems merely refers to the orientations held by individuals with Identical

22weal Gross, et al., Explorations in Role Analysis (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1958), p. 58* 136 ii

title or status regardless of system; e.g., Incumbents, ad­ ministrators, and media. (2) The unidirectional inter-systemic orientations of administrators and media (segments of the macro-system) toward councilmen. This relationship is unidirectional because it refers only to the orientations held by macro­ system toward the micro-system (incumbents), in this case administrators and media orientations to council. There are, to be sure, orientations held by incumbents toward others, but because the concern is with internal roles of the micro­ system, the attention is not at this point, with orientations of micro-system toward segments in the macro-system. The questions are: What degree of role congruency exists between the two systems? Second, how congruent are the role orientations among members of the various positions within the systems? The councilman’s roles, as reflected by the incumbents, show a very high degree of intra-systemic congruency. The members were able to clearly delineate common role orien­ tations for each of the three roles explored. Essentially, they see themselves as being accessible to the public and thereby performing a linkage function between the two systems. Contrary to findings at the state level,the council tends to be more in accord with the national legis- oh. lators on this particular role. ^ The councilmen are not

23wahlke et al.. op. cit. 2^Davidson, op. cit. 137 primarily concerned with the "flow" of the legislative pro­ cess, or with providing innovative leadership; rather they are concerned with the "statesman" role, to help maintain this Image, and strong emphasis is given to the unwritten role of notification. This in turn provides the councilman with the edifice of a broad and all encompassing knowledge of "what is going on in the city." Finally, protection of their statesmanlike image occurs by settlement of conflicts in closed door, or "private," session. As a result coun­ cilman appear to be eager to meet with the public, able to discuss limited city business, and protective of the system's harmony.

Administrators The intra-systemlc position of administrators does not reflect as high a degree of congruency as the members of the micro-system. For the administrators are not united behind how conflicts among the councilmen should be settled, although there is a slight majority favoring "private" sessions. Most striking, however, is the incongruency among the inter-sys­ temic purposive role. The administrators perceive the role of the councilmen as being legislatively prepared. They are concerned with specific knowledge about legislation and the legislative process, whereas the incumbent's main concern is receiving knowledge about what is going to happen. In this instance then, there appears to be intra-systemlc congruency and inter-systemic incongruency. In short, the councilmen 138 n

are perceived as ones who ought to be fully equipped to handle any question concerning the legislative business of city government; and ones who have the know how to work out procedural obstructions, while keeping disagreement among themselves.

Media Members of the media had neither intra-systemic nor inter-systemic congruency. They perceived the job as being both legislatively oriented, and public oriented. Their perception is what one might expect from those who depend on incumbents for information. As a group, they have no cognizance of unwritten procedures within the micro-system. Councilmen are persons who possess both purposive orien­ tations, and who bring disagreements out into the public. Their lack of perception concerning unwritten rules or norms may be attributed to the lack of interaction with incumbents, or the incumbents' ability to internalize these norms so completely that only those persons with access to the system will be able to perceive them. What do these role perceptions suggest about the micro­ system? First, they tend to confirm Eulau's conception of a continuum with one end the individual, or smallest micro­ unit, and at the opposite pole the society, or macro-unit.2-5

25Helnz Eulau, Micro-Macro Political Analysis: Accents of Inquiry (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1969). 139

What appears, is that as one moves down the continuum toward the macro unit, the degree of role congruency decreases. In other words, the size of the system will affect the role intergration of the system. Small group researchers have found that a group of between five and seven is best for optimal success in obtaining the group's objectives.2^ In the case of Columbus City Council there are seven men form­ ing the micro-system; a system that is highly congruent In its role members' orientations. Second, the orientations expressed also support the general proposition set forth by Ylnger that the extent of the system's connectiveness to another system affects the cohesiveness of the role.2? The administrators are closer, and have greater areas of mutual Interest, than members of the media; and they too, are in greater agreement with councilmen, although it is not total. Third, tenure appears to be a stabilizing factor regarding role orientations of one's own position, as well as others. High congruency with less clearly drawn expectations are found among members with long tenure, regardless of party affiliation. Finally, the orientations would Indicate that the system is well insulated from outside demands and

2^John James, "A Preliminary Study of the Size Deter­ minate in Small Groups," American Sociological Review. XVI (1951)# ^7^-477; Robert Bales and Edgar Borgotta, "Size of Groups as a Factor in Interaction Profile" cited in Paul Hare, et al.. Small Groups (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1955)* 2?J. Milton Yinger, Toward a Field Theory of Behavior (New York: McGraw-Hill, 19&5)* especially Chapter Six. 140 It

expectations. The council has a high role congruency and it does not follow the wishes of either the administrators, or the media.

Socialization We now shift our attention away from perceived Internal roles to questions concerning how these roles might have developed, and how council can maintain them. The first question concerns the socialization process of newly elected councilmen. The concern here is with the socialization pro­ cess of a councilman at the time he is first elected, and not with the early formation of attitudes and beliefs. Attention is directed toward what type of advice he might be given from either incumbents, or from members of the adminis­ tration or media.2® The underlying assumption here Is that a newly elected councilmen will seelc-out some members of these groups to gain insight in his recently acquired role. Furthermore, members of the macro-system will seek him out in an attempt to gain information, support, or recognition. In short, the concern is with the informal exchanges of ideas and opinions which exist. Although a great deal of literature concerning the political socialization process has been written in recent years, a substantial part of it is related to the development

2®Kenneth Prewitt and Betty H. Zisk, "Political Social­ ization and Political Roles," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXX (Winter, 1966-1 967), 569-582, deal with the early social­ ization process of councilmen and state legislators. of political attitudes and orientations of children to the political process. ^ As Prewitt and Zisk have pointed out, this has led to the development of a sequential theory of socialization; i.e., events or experiences of one stage determine what type of behavior will be manifested at later

stages.3° in their study of state and city legislators, they found this not to be the case, but instead suggest that recruitment and induction experiences may be intervening factors that influence a legislator's behavior.31 One such experience is advice either sought or freely given. To operationalize this facet of a councilman's activities, we asked those in the survey the following question: "Reflect­ ing on your own experience, what advice would you give a person who has just been elected to council— what ought he do?"

Incumbents The councilmen, with 'ne exception, felt that the new member should learn the "procedures." By this they were referring to a rather narrow and specific aspect of council; namely the order of business. One councilman put it this way: "He (newly elected councilman) should sit down and

29

that . . . but in council, "they have there own system; It is I place it upon passage." He admitted to still slip­ ping up, and "moving" for passage on occasion. There were other bits of advice. One councilman felt that a new member "should visit each of the departments in city government." Council's two best listeners (men who have a reputation for being good listeners among those inter­ viewed, and who have demonstrated this quality in the observations of council) felt, along with procedural under­ standing, that "listening" was an important thing to learn. The idea that a new member ought to seek Information on city problems from "outside" sources was another response. It would appear that the members of the micro-system are particularly interested in maintaining an efficient legisla­ tive process. To be sure all legislative bodies desire this, but some also wish to develop specialization within the body; a notiable absence in the Incumbent's advice.32 others may wish to have innovator's of new and progressive programs, or individuals who have particular attractiveness to areas, or people who the body feels needs special attention. If the purposive role is "public accessibility" then what is the connection between it, and the advice given to newly elected members of the system? What the responses seem to suggest is that the system ought to be very highly

^Richard Fenno, Jr., The Power of the Purse (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 196677 144

Integrated, and present the public with a picture of an effi­ cient and effective government. Furthermore, there is a difference between the process of government and its public image, and members of the system are strongly Influenced by the public*s image of them and the system.

Admlnlstrators Members of the administration sampled were not as homo­ geneous In their prospective advice, nor were they in agreement with the Incumbents on what the new legislator should do. There were four main points covered by the ad­ ministrators concerning what a newly elected legislator should do. First, he should do his "homework." By this the administrators referred to understanding legislation, and programs in development or planning, and a general under­ standing of the "operations" of the city government. One administrator holding to this position stated: "He should get informed right away, and get out and talk with the heads of the departments." Here the administrator obviously felt that the department heads held the information that the new councilman would need in his tenure. Others referred to "studying the problems of legislation and discussing them with people who know the particular details of the legis­ lation," or "consulting with every administrator you have time to." A second, and equally as frequently mentioned, was the idea that the new member ought to "listen." Cer­ tainly this is consistent with doing his homework and seeking out advice from administrators. One member of the adminis­ tration sharply stated: "He should sit down and listen; he may think he knows the answers, but he doesn't." Others were less harsh, but as emphatic when they simply stated "listen." These two suggestions were the most prevalent, with well over half the administrators advising the new councilman to follow them. A third response was that of "learning the procedural" rules of council. Here the admin­ istrators were in agreement with the incumbents, however this was not the most frequently expressed response as it was among the incumbents. In fact only six administrators felt this was the type of advice needed by the new member. There were other Insights expressed ranging from; "under­ standing and knowing the problems of the city" to "discussing legislation and the Job of a councilman with others in gov­ ernment." One administrator said that the new member ought to "have as much contact as possible with other councilmen." Two of the more expressive answers concerned the indepen­ dence of councilmen in the decision-making process. As a high administrative official put it: He should vote his own Judgment; he may not be in agreement with the majority— but vote on the Issue as he sees it in terms of the betterment of Columbus. Another official thought It Important to "go strictly by your own Judgment." When one administrator was asked the question he replied: "If you have some other way to make a living— you ought to." This theme of cynicism was also picked up by 146 n

another official in city hall who suggested that "getting oneself emotionally prepared for the pressures Involved in the job" was the major task of a newly elected member. He went on to add that "the politician must always guard against cynicism." The administrators have demonstrated a consistency between what they advise a new councilman, and what the councilman ought to do. In addition they have indicated a great diverslti' in the type of advice that a councilman might receive should he seek them out for advice. The in­ cumbents are internally very consistent about what a new councilman should do, while at the same time there is not a direct connection between that and how they perceive the Job. This would suggest very strong group norms working within both systems; the micro and macro, and might lead a councilmen into a stressful situation should he receive advice from the macro-system that is contrary to the micro­ system norms.

Media The data from the media personnel suggest that perhaps the councilman who originally sought the advice of the media but later observed that they were not any better prepared than he, was correct in his assessment. For the media, as a group, had no conception of the office and did not present any general theme of advice; in fact, some flatly stated they did not know what advice to give a new councilman. One 1^ ?

did say that a new councilman should be "willing to go out of the way to let the public know what he is doing and thinking," while another felt that "he should develop more person-to-person contacts, by going out into the neighbor­ hoods." In these two cases the "public accessibility" notion is stressed, and is what one might expect from the media for it is consistent with their earlier perception of the job of a councilman. But one might also expect the media to advise the new members to do "his homework," for they indicated that this was also very high in their purposive role orien­ tation. One newsman said that "he (the new member) ought to notice that party lines are not divisions in council." Again one sees that the media compared to incumbents and administrators have a less clearly defined conception of council, or at least are unable to articulate it. Yet they do interact among each other, some share the same room in city hall, and they do Interact with Incumbents and adminis­ trators. The frequency of interaction is less in the latter case than between the incumbent and administrator. One can conclude that their "world" consists of more than council, and city government, which in some Instances is the case due to the nature of their job.

Sanctions The second question we are concerned with is that of role maintenance, or what’ is there to hinder one from be­ having in a manner totally repugnate to others in the 148 n micro-system? In the role literature this concept is refer­ red to as "role sanction." Wahlke and his associates when speaking of the political party as a sanction on state legis-' lators stated that "effective role performance is stimulated by sanction at the disposal of those whose expectations are not met."33 a role sanction is the process of administrating rewards and punishments to Individuals as means of obtaining conformity to the groups standards.3^ Olson in his study of social organization35 delineates six types of sanctions available to the organization: (1) Informal sanctions such as compliments or criticism; (2 ) formal sanctions which include such things as rituals and commissioning; (3) inter­ personal sanctions such as praising an individual or obstructing him in his efforts; (4) organizational sanctions which are such things as promotions or demotions; (5) eco­ nomic sanctions which deal primarily with rewards or lack of rewards to the individual; and (6) symbolic sanctions such as cencuring a member of the organization or group. Ob­ viously the council does not have each of these sanctions available to it. For Instance, it has no control of the economic sanctions of the councilmen, for the pay is fixed by law. The micro-system's formal sanctioning powers are

33wahlke, op. clt.. p. 364. 3^arvln Olson, The Process of Social Organization (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968), p. 129. 35ibid. 1^9

non-existent for it has no control of rituals such as knight­ ing members or bestowing titles upon them. Moreover, as Olson points out, formal methods of sanctioning a member are usually ineffective due to the surveillance, administration, and reinforcement required from them to fullfil their intended results. As a result the micro-system, due to its size and respon­ sibilities, has essentially three types of sanctions available to impliment: The informal; the interpersonal; and the sym­ bolic. In an attempt to distinguish what sanctions are perceived to be most useful to the system, if any, we asked those in the sample; "suppose that a member of council is behaving in a manner that casts the entire council in an un­ favorable light. How should council as a body react?"

Incumbents The incumbents were generally in agreement that an in­ formal means of sanction would be most often employed. This took the form of "interpersonal isolation" of the deviant councilman from influence and information regarding council business. One member of council felt that "if things become out of hand, the council might have to resort to publicly embarrass the councilman." Another member of council re­ lated a situation in which he found himself with a fellow Incumbent of his own party. He said that he finally had to openly tell the councilman that he would not run on the same ticket with him, nor would he allow his name to be on any campaign literature in which the sanctioned member1s name appeared; "I simply told him I would not endorse him for re- election." Two members of the micro-system felt that the symbolic sanction of censure would be used if the situation arose where the council needed to act. The underlying theme among the councilmen was that it would not be necessary to sanction one of its members, for they all "understood" what they were to do.

Administrators The administrators were also in agreement with the inter­ personal approach to sanctioning. They felt that embarassment of the incumbent would be a proper "warning" to him that his behavior was contrary to council's expectations. One admin­ istrator stated: "When a member gets out of line a method of shaping him up quick is to embarrass him by asking him a direct question about an area he supposedly knows— but can't answer." Another, saw it identically, "question him about legislation he is suppose to know." Not all administrators supported the embarrassment tactic; many believed that "Isolation" of the individual both socially and legislatively would be- the most effective method of handling the deviant member. In the first case they refer­ red to "not attending any functions that he arranged or Inviting him to any of those arranged by other members of council." This Included such things as luncheons, civic organizations, or the "usual after council recap." The latter refers to "refusing to trade votes— about the time he loses one of his pet projects, or fails on a zoning, he'll get the message." "When he wants something," said another administrator, "don't give it to him," A further example of legislative isolation is "making sure you by-pass his com­ mittee when you assign legislation." Only one administrator referred to censure as a sanction, and it was also the opin­ ion of this administrator that "in the long run council should be patient; the public will take care of the rest." There is good evidence to support this claim. For Instance, the past five years has seen two popular councilmen turned out of office after they served one term. One was the presi­ dent of council but became very caustic toward fellow councilmen. Another was quietly removed by his party. Both were believed to have breached the boundaries of acceptable behavior— for their personalized attacks upon members of the micro-system, and macro-system.

Media The media, like the rest of those interviewed, were in general accord with two methods of sanctioning. They supported their social isolation or embarrassment of the incumbent as a means to bring him back in line with the expected behavior. When probed, the media personnel were not aware of how to go about isolating him totally, and had no idea of the degree one should go to achieve the desired results. CHAPTER V

THE MICRO-SYSTEM'S INTERNAL ROLE BEHAVIOR

This chapter, unlike the previous, concerns itself exclusively with the role behavior of the micro-system1s Incumbents— the councilmen. Homans in The Human Group states:

No doubt the norms accepted in a group vary somewhat from one person to another, and from one sub-group to another, and yet members of the group are often more nearly alike in norms they hold than in their overt behavior. To put the matter crudely, they are more alike in what they say they ought to do than in what they do.l Yinger more recently has restated Homan's observation 11. ... we can say that a role is the list of what most members of a social group believe a position occupant should and should not, may or may not do. It is not a list of what most occu­ pants of a position in fact do."2 Each [of these men] is pointing out that the distinction between role and role be­ havior must be kept clearly in mind. Roles are sets of expectations held by an incumbent of a particular position. They, along with role orientations, are concerned with what "ought to" or "should" be the behavior. "A role behavior is

^George C. Homans, The Human Group (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1950)i P- 126. 2j. Milton Yinger, Toward a Field Theory of Behavior (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965), p. lc)0^

1 5 2 153

an actual performance of an incumbent of a position which can be referred to as an expectation for an incumbent of that position.''^ in short, the role behavior is: what the incumbent does. Most major studies of role dealing with political actors have not concerned themselves with role behavior; rather they have concentrated their efforts on delineating roles within the unit of their analysis. Wahlke and his associates, for example, were faced with a unit too large and unmanageable to deal effectively with overt behavior.^ Davidson's more recent examination of Congress faced the same restrictions, as did the Prewitt and Downes studies of councils.5 These studies have provided valuable Insights into the application of role theory, and have been most sug­ gestive for future researchers, but have excluded a thorough treatment of role behavior, due largely to the size of the unit of investigation. While the present study lacks the preciseness of quanti­ fication of the above studies, it does allow for an adult or

3Weal Gross, et al., Explorations in Role Analysis (New York: John Wiley and Sons, I95S), p. 6£. ^John Wahlke, et al., The Legislative System (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1962). ^fioger Davidson, The Role of a Congressman (New York: Pegasus, 1969); Kenneth Prewitt "Career Patterns and Role Orientations of Councilmen" (unpublished dissertation: Stanford University, 1962); Bryan Downes, "Municipal Social Rank and the Characteristics of Local Political Leaders," Midwest Journal of Political Science, XII (November, 1968), : 15^ p

monitoring of the roles held by those interviewed regarding Columbus City Council. In addition, it affords the investi­ gator the opportunity to describe "other" roles of the micro-system should they appear. In sum, this study attempts to utilize the resources of time, size, and prolonged obser­ vation to bridge the gap between role and role behavior. In attempting to probe role behavior within the micro­ system, two approaches were used: (1) Direct observation of the system for a prolonged and continual period, with Intense, systematic observations in the latter year; and (2) the in­ corporation of role behavior questions in the Interview schedule itself. Due to the extent of time involved In the field, the researcher was fortunate enough to meet with many of the actors In both systems during informal occasions. These meetings helped in guiding research questions, and clarifying aspects of council that had been uncovered. Furthermore, the size of the micro-system (seven members) provided the opportunity to know each member on an informal

basis.

Purposive Roles In chapter four three major roles were explored through interviews with Incumbents of the micro-system, and members of the macro-system: Administrators and media personnel. The first of these roles was the purposive, or what is the most important thing a councilman should do. Among Incumbents there was a high degree of congruency that they should be 155

"accessible" to the public. Accessibility is either public,

that is, incumbents who are highly visible to the public

through media, public meetings or club associations. This

facet of accessibility is the most easily studied, for an

evaluation can be made on the basis of the incumbent's own

visible actions. For Instance, if a councilman makes a

statement concerning a problem facing the city, the likeli­

hood of it being reported in one of the media is very good

if one was not actually present to hear the statement.^ The

degree of specificity will vary according to the type of

measurement used. If for example, a Bales interaction pro­

cess was run, the investigator would have a very precise

count of the number of times a single member of the micro­

system interacted with others.? If on the other hand, a purely observational approach was used, then the precision would not be as great.® Presently, both observation and

interview questions are used to strike a middle ground.

The second aspect of "accessibility" is the "private," or informal means of interacting with members of the two systems. This particular aspect is extremely difficult to

^This is not arguing that the statement will always be reported with complete accuracy; rather that the public will have the opportunity if they wish to know that a statement was made concerning an issue.

^Robert F. Bales, Interaction Process Analysis (Cam­ bridge: Addison-Wesley, 1950). ®M. Nelson McGeary, "Councilman Learns His Job," National Municipal Review, XLIII (June, 195^)* 28 156 I*

monitor for the investigator cannot be present with each in­ cumbent continuously. Moreover, he does not have the! same orientations, or what is referred to in small group litera­ ture as symbolic means and interpretations as the incumbent himself.9 Although the private accessibility cannot be fully monitored, opportunities have presented themselves which did allow some observation of incumbents in "private sessions." One of the more fascinating aspects of the present study has been the observance of the governmental process in action, and having an informal relationship with each incum­ bent. Within the micro-system itself, that is, council's formal and procedural limits, the observation of incumbents' acts regarding: The public, media, groups, and citizens was noted. The underlying question Involved in the early obser­ vation was the frequently held contention that city councils are merely a powerless rubber stamp of the administration. If this were the case, some degree of detachment or lack of interaction with the public might well appear. The assumption being that if council was powerless to act, citizens and groups would not seek out council, but rather would work through other channels to have their expressions heard.

^Araitai Etzloni, The Active Society (New York: Free Press, 1968), p. 102. Etzloni is concerned with the societal level of symbolic interaction; Bales and Homans, op. clt., are more concerned with individuals and small groups. l^This meant that the observer would have to be in the area of council chambers before the councilmen arrived and 157

During the period of systematic observation, records were kept of a councilman's activity before he entered the clerks office which leads to the councilmans seat in chamber. Many times councilmen would be delayed in the outer hall by persons seeking support for a particular item of business, or asking for delays in action. Certain coun­ cilmen are more prone to become involved in this type of interaction. One Democrat, in particular, seldom entered the clerk's office without first engaging in discussion with persons in the outer hallway for a period of between 10 to 15 minutes. Many times ardent proponents or opponents fol­ lowed the councilman to his seat. One example of this concerned the council's pending awarding of a contract to a junk dealer who would dispose of abandoned cars in the city. As the councilman stepped from the elevator to go to the chambers, he was stopped by an owner of another junk yard, his attorney, and several of his friends. They wanted the councilman to postpone a vote on the ordinance a week, so that they could submit a bid. The councilman attempted to explain the situation to the men, with little success. Next, he attempted to free himself from the men by saying that they really had to talk with the safety director under remain until they left. The procedure was followed and observation began as early as two hours before the scheduled meeting, and continued until the council left the building. Notes were kept for the entire period with each council session starting xtflth "pre-council observations" and con­ cluding with "comments." whose Jurisdiction the ordinance fell. Finally, he said that he would "consider” a delay, but that the council presi­ dent was the person who had to determine whether it could be tabled. (This was obviously not the case, but by this time the president had assumed his position in chamber and was un­ able to be reached). Reluctantly the men accepted this explanation, and hurried to catch the president of council. Although this example deals with the legislative process and Interested parties to the legislation, it does illustrate one councilman's standard procedure; that is mingling among those present at council outside chambers. Three of the Democrats on council do this fairly regularly in the corridors of city hall. The other two members of the majority are less prone to this type of exposure. The minority members, while not rigid in their behavior, do not mingle with persons outside of the chamber very frequently. They are more apt to dis­ cuss matters with concerned persons seated at their desk inside the chamber. When the council arrives from their dinner meeting, they spend 15 to 25 minutes just talking with various people in the chamber, or in the city clerk's office. This Is some­ times with administrators seeking clarification, but mostly it is a very informal period in which citizens can come to them and discuss anything from a golf score to zoning. Two Democrats often walk down into the chamber itself, and speak with people they know. Two other members of the majority do 159 not engage in much interaction with the public at all, at least while they are functioning within the micro-system it­ self. One clearly avoids such encounters, and when forced, appears most uneasy. Thus, within the micro-system there appears to be a fairly wide range in the degree of the incumbents' accessi­ bility toxraxd those present, ranging from complete interaction to a more reserved behavior regarding exchanges between coun­ cilmen and the citizen. However, the general tone, or pattern is a relaxed and free atmosphere for both incumbent and citizen. Another aspect of public accessibility of an incumbent is the various meetings, clubs, and civic groups that place a demand on his time. One can only speculate from media re­ ports, and councilmen1s own assessments of their schedules as to the degree of a councilman's accessibility. The pic­ ture that does appear, sees the councilman attending between 2 and 1^ functions per week. The latter Is the case of the council's older members whose time allows them the freedom to attend. Younger members are busily engaged in their pro­ fessions and cannot afford (financially) the time. However, from seeing the schedule books of the Incumbents, a generally high level of public appearnace seems to be the rule, not the exception. Because the vast majority of the macro-system acquire their information concerning the incumbents by means of the 1 6 0

various media, we asked those interviewed if there were some councilmen who were more prone to use the media than others. Each sector of our sample was in agreement on the Incumbents most prone to use the media, and also on those least apt to use it. Among incumbents themselves, they felt that two Democratic Incumbents were particularly apt to use the media. One, they believed used "the electric media" most frequently, and the other used "the printed media." It is significant to note, that the Democrat who used the electric media was also the incumbent who spent more time in the hallways meeting with citizens before and after council sessions. The other Democrat relied mostly upon the chamber itself as a meeting place with the public. The only minority member to be mentioned was thought by his colleagues "to use the media around election time." On several occasions during the year when this member would make a lengthy statement which the media would pick up, other incumbents were heard to say, "What's ______running for so soon," or "must be ______is getting in some practice for his campaign." At the oppo­ site position, and one that was volunteered by nearly all who answered the question, was another Democrat who the incum­ bents felt "never" uses the media. When the incumbent was asked if their assessment was true, he replied, "yes: I don't really understand those boys (referring to the media) they always want to put you on the spot." He went on to add that years ago the media people were "more responsible and 1 6 1

considerate, 'but today they want the flashy headlines." It was this incumbent who tended to shy away from encounters when dealing with the public. The responses from those In administrative positions agree with the Incumbents* own assessment. The two Democrats were again selected as the most prone to use the media, but as one administrator stated, "so much depends on the media, they will seek them out." He went on to add, "the issues have an impact on the media's selection of members to a large degree." The administrators also spotted the minority member who became active with the media "when running," although as one administrator put it, "any councilman during election time will seek out the media." The same four incumbents were also viewed as "never" using the media. Perhaps those best able to assess the incumbents' avail­ ability to the media are the media personnel themselves. Here too, the two Democrats stood out, and the same Democratic incumbent was selected as "never" using the media. One mem­ ber of the media speaking about the active Democrat said, "______is very active with us." When asked if the issue Involved didn't have an effect upon who they sought out, the media personnel generally felt that it should; however, in practical terms "some councilmen are much more accessible than others, and therefore are sought out even if they are not directly Involved, in the issue." Although a rough measure at best, the observation of councilmen’s behavior coincided perfectly with what those interviewed perceived in terms of media exposure. The micro­ system had two members, both of the majority, who used the media, and whom the media used with regularity. The most "outgoing*1 member of the body in terms of personal relations was also the most "media conscious." It is also noteworthy that the several pieces of legislation credited to council within the past three years, both of these men are considered the authors of the legislation. While two members \*ere singled out as being more "acces­ sible," four members were viewed as "never" using the media. One of these was unanimously thought to have "avoided" the media. He too, was observed shying away from individuals who approached him before and after council, and in this sense is the loner of the system. For the other councilmen were not observed avoiding exchanges with Individuals, they merely were not sought out by the media, nor did they seek media coverage. They all tended to mingle with people be­ fore council, but only in the chambers itself, and to a much more limited degree. Social scientists have long been aware of the difficulty of understanding actions taken by actors In private.^ The subtle transmissions of cues between actors provide a code

■^Karl W. Deutsch, The Nerves of Government (New York: The Free Press, 1966). Especially chapter nine. 163

that is Impossible for the outsider to interpret correctly. No claim is made here to have solved the problem, instead the notion of private accessibility, that is, making oneself available outside the normal visible procedures that incum­ bents use, is recognized and some examples are related to indicate this aspect of accessibility. This private side of the problem include the early morning phone calls, the citizen stopping a councilman on the street to discuss city business, luncheons with a concerned citizen, or the visits of a coun­ cilman to an Individual. Here again, observations of some of these was possible due to the close relationship with the in­ cumbents. What is the significance of this form of exposure? The most general observation is that two factors appear to establish the type--publlc or private— of behavior an incumbent has toward the macro-system. The first is age, and the second is occupation. Those councilmen who are the old­ est, and who have retired or are semi-retired, provide the most "private" accessibility for the micro system. In this case a member of each party appears to have opted for this method of dealing with the public. This is not to say that the others do not become involved in private accessibility, for they do, but what is suggested is that as a major operating procedure, the senior members are much more likely to rely upon the private conversation; the meeting at their office for exposure. Neither man is a "spectator" in the micro-system. To the contrary, they are totally committed to the system; both have had long tenures in the system, and each is popular with the electorate. Yet neither, by the standards of those interviewed, is active with the media. Their means of accessibility seems to be­ come more important as the seriousness of the Issue increases. As an example, a Black youth was shot by the local police during a break in of a school. This incited the emotions of the Black community, as well as many in the White. As a re­ sult the council was filled with Blacks protesting the incident, and after two hours of emotional outpouring, caused council to adjourn without completing its business. During the following week these men, working with the city's com­ munity relations director, figured out procedures for the up coming meeting in an effort to provide an opportunity for those who wished to address council. The Sunday prior to the Monday meeting was taken up by phone calls to different segments of the Black community, as well as Monday morning, and in the end an entirely new procedure of handling business was adapted for this meeting. As one of the incumbents re­ lated to me concerning the phone calls he receives at home, "If they don't state who's calling, I simply hang up; I don't have the time to listen to people who won't acknowledge who they are.” The point here is not that these were the only Incumbents receiving calls— they were not— but that instead of the Black councilman, and the two highly visible incum­ bents helping work out the difficulties, the responsibility 165

fell upon the members who had more free time, who quite pos­ sibly have more community "contacts" due to their tenure and age, and who do not become as visible to the public. When asked about this, and other council business, one of the men stated "whenever I hear that something might come up at coun­ cil that is not expected, or if someone has a problem that I can't handle myself, I call ______Another means of private accessibility is the post­ council session which occurs among some incumbents and interested persons. These people may be media, attorneys for groups, or just interested persons. These sessions usually occur immediately following council at one of the nearby restaurants. For the media it is "strictly off the record," and should this norm be violated, he will not be invited to attend again. During these sessions the incum­ bent may seek information concerning an upcoming piece of legislation, or a citizen's point of view regarding council's performance, and in general it is a free discussion with the range of topics varying widely. In conversations with incumbents and members of the macro-system, it is apparent that six of the Incumbents were particularly active in pursuing zonings and city planning. These members of the system regularly spend Sunday afternoons traveling the city looking at each zoning location. One mem­ ber stated flatly, "there Is no zoning I haven't looked at before I vote. This past Sunday I packed the kids, the dog,

i 166

and wife Into the car, and we toured Columbus, One thing is for sure, we sure know the city." Others had much the same pattern. This becomes very apparent during council, for mem­ bers are continually challenging proponents and opponents. Several members go up to the residents in the adjacent area to get their feelings on the zoning. The details each coun­ cilman knows makes his questions partially Important during the zoning. Cases of Incumbents asking for explanations of property to be zoned or rezoned simply do not occur. Instead, they are more often apt to question the zoner about the "nar­ row alley way in back," or how he intends to have minimal parking on such a small lot. The behavior of Incumbents supports their perception of their role as being accessible to the public, with the possi­ ble exception of one Democratic member. What appears to be the case, however, is that the nature of potential or real conflict determine which method of accessibility, private or public, will be used by the system. Controversial matters will draw incumbents toward private interactions, and conversely, non-controversial or routine matters will be public handled. Moreover the micro-system is comprised of individuals who are more prone to use one method over the other, thus providing for balance in terms of method of exposure. Furthermore, although there appears to be a pub­ lic openness which, for the most part, requires the public to come to the councilmen, it is limited. While incumbents were united in their view of their job as being accessible, those in administrative positions felt that the incumbent should be "prepared," and have done his homework concerning legislation and the governing of the city. Although the observer is handicapped due to his own lack of knowledge regarding legislation, and his inability to fully comprehend the intricacies involved in the process, he can make some evaluations. His evaluations of the micro­ system are based upon: (1) How well the incumbent presents legislation he is responsible for introducing to others in the system. This involves the clarity and self-assuredness with which he presents the ordinance or resolution to the system for action. (2) How well he is able to answer ques­ tions directed to him about the legislation, or does he defer the question to an administrator. (3) Does he offer clarification to other legislation not within his specific Jurisdiction when necessary. {*0 Finally, do others defer to him for his judgment. Only one member of the micro-system appears to fail each of the standards; the other six members differ only to the degree to which they carry out their legislative task. The member of the system who does not meet the minimal re­ quirement does not even present the legislation he is responsible for, but instead the clerk reads the legislation and other members of the system, or administrators provide the explanation. It does not take a trained observer to 168 n

notice his deficiency in the system. While discussing the council with one of his own party colleagues on council, the councilman stated: "______doesn't really belong here, he belongs across the street (reference to state legislature), he's really not interested." Another member said, "______is really a swell fellow, you can't help but like him, but he sure doesn't make our job any easier." One minority mem­ ber stated, "I used to snooker him in on more votes, he'd lean over and ask me how I was going to vote; I bet I've told him how to vote dozens of times." . Moreover, the councilman does not keep himself well informed on council's business from week to week. As an example, one meeting he became involved in a discussion as to whether council should appropriate funds for a consultant for the utilities director, in his coming negotiations with the electric utilities. At one point the councilman injected, "the gas consultant was defeated last week," only to be In­ formed by his colleague seated next to him, that it had passed. Instances of this nature are very frequent. When asked what was the most unrewarding aspect of being a councilman, the incumbent referred to replied, "to sit there at great length— it's a real bore, it's Just not ex­ citing at all." Although the system appears to have one member who does not participate in the legislative affairs of council, the six remaining members do, and what separates their behavior is the degree and extent of their explanation, as well as actual involvement in all legislative discussion. Three in­ cumbents are particularly active and outwardly, and are well prepared when they come to council. One minority party mem­ ber appears to have the best knowledge of his and other legislation. In addition to him, the two Democrats who were most accessible to the public, form the core of the system’s observable preparedness. Observations of the system’s overt behavior indicate that these three incumbents lead the sys­ tem in interactions among the system Itself, and between systems. They are also the incumbents most likely to chal­ lenge the administrators’ position. One Democrat in particular is noted for his sharp verbal attacks upon mem­ bers of the macro-system but refrains from such action against other incumbents. An example of these public attacks is the case when the incumbent became Involved in a proposed lighting project of the city. During the discussion a department head stated that money to finance the project would not be available from the housing and urban renewal office for three years. The incumbent took the attack on the administrator by stating: "Hr. ______, I hope that this will be forthcoming faster than the housing codes I asked for two and a half years ago." He went on to add, "I’m concerned with the building regulations, in which Hr. ______»s office and the building department cannot get together." On another occasion he felt Impelled to use a 1 7 0 personal attack on other administrators who favored a re­ vision in the housing code before council. Mr. ______, I have to disagree with you com- pletely. First of all, the house that should be torn down is not. We have gone over this before you were ______. At that time the di­ rectors and inspectors felt that this would be best for the city. As I said before, I don't know if you were listening, this is a result of many years— I don't know if you are aware of it or not. When you said you didn't hear about it— We read it last week! The administrator replied by saying: "Mr. , I was assured by the ______department that this was not going to be heard here this week, that is why I did not contact you." This afforded the incumbent an opportunity to broaden his attack, which he did by replying: "This is another ex­ ample of the administration*s left hand not knowing what the right hand is doing." These attacks are not limited to administrators, as this example of an attorney representing the opponents to an application for a developmental study of their neighbor indi­ cates. While presenting his arguments against the proposal, the attorney referred to various sections in the proposal and claimed in a rather dramatic fashion the "bulldozer would be coming down the streets of the area.if this resolution passed." As the attorney started to leave the podium, the councilman said: Just one minute Mr. ______. You have made some very serious charges here; just where are your facts? Where in the proposal does it say anything about destruction of anything in the area? Where does it say anything about 171

rezoning the area? I suggest that before you come before this council again you get the facts, and present them, not an emotional pitch that has no basis of factual support, I thought attorney's were schooled to deal ■with the merits of a particular case, not an emotional, theatrical production. The comments are not limited to any one segment of the macro-system. During a negotiation period with the Public Employees Union, a union representative came before council urging council to make the pay raise retroactive for the three month period in which negotiations were held. The union representative stated he felt that negotiations were held in good faith by both parties but urged passage of retroactive legislation. The councilman used this oppor­ tunity to direct an attack upon the newspapers, whose reporters were seated directly in front of him. "As chair­ man of ______, I agree that negotiations were conducted in a good manner, but unfortunately the way it appeared in the newspaper, I can understand the union's reaction." The news­ paper had reported a secret meeting occuring between the council and the administration. The councilman's behavior illustrates two roles, one mentioned only slightly by those interviewed, and the other not mentioned at all. The first, is the role of restraint upon the legislative process in general, and particularly upon the administration's involvement in the micro-system. The incumbent's remarks toward administrators and the public illustrate this role. The other minority member of the group 172 it also uses his position to challenge, although not as fre­ quently as the majority member. For example, the hiring of a consultant for the ______director indicates this role also. I have no objection to his (referring to the de­ partment head) hiring a consultant. I do object to an attorney who can't handle the job. Why have an attorney hold the job If he can't handle it. You could try, it wouldn't hurt, and it just may save the city some money. The ordinance to hire a consultant was ultimately passed, however, it does illustrate, still another example of an incumbent's reference to council's role regarding the hiring of the consultant. He stated flatly: "Council should have the last control over the purse strings." This council­ man, also uses his legal training to carefully review legislation, and adds and deletes wordages and checks its form regularly, and in this sense prevents the micro-system from being completely under the dominance of administrative dictate. Furthermore, it serves notice upon the adminis­ tration that its actions can be taken for granted, and proposed legislation is not automatically going to become law, even if the mayor's endorsement is on it. The second role is that of guardianship. Members of the micro-system, as a group, are particularly conscious about their role within the governing of the city. They do not hesitate to point out to members of the macro-system where their responsibility ends, and council's begins. Two 173

particular instances illustrate this rather dramatically. The first concerns the city's involvement in the Model Cities Program, which has raised questions concerning the direction of the program, and the responsibility of administering it. During one of the many occasions in which persons from the Black community came to council for clarification and appro­ priations, a debate soon developed between an administrator and council. A Democratic councilman quickly Intervened to say, "Let me remind you, Mr.______, that council along with the mayor' is responsible for the success or failure of this program. And we don't intend to let the program pro­ ceed in this aimless manner." At a later council meeting a member of the Model Cities General Assembly, the elective body of residents in the area, challenged council's authority to administrate the funds. This dialogue followed: Mrs. ______"Who is responsible for getting the money for the program?— we did" Incumbent "Are you in contract with the Federal Government, or are we?" Mrs. ______"You have just shown you really don't know what your job is." Incumbent "If I remember correctly, we passed the ordinance responsible for the fund s." Mrs. ______"Council has never understood the rat infested condition of the model cities area."

At this point the Democratic member of council who usually carries the attack for council Intervened. 17b

"Mrs. ______, there are persons sitting on this platform who fought hard to get rid of the rat infested areas before all this model cities was ever started." In this instance, council responded in a unified manner to protect not only its own position, but also to support fel­ low incumbents in their effort to defend the system against an attack from a member of the macro-systera. A second example of guardianship in the micro-system concerns its ability to deny, postpone, or question the advisability of particular legislation. The latter Is the most frequently used method for it: (1) Usually catches those in the macro-system unprepared, that Is, not antici­ pating difficulty or questioning; (2) serves notice that future legislation will be scrutinized closely and the micro­ system has the final determination; (3) makes legislation highly visible to the media and the public; and (^) minimizes the risk involved to individual members and the system, for the legislation requested is most often passed. An illus­ tration of this behavior can be seen in the city's annexation policy. The city has been credited with one of the more active annexation policies in the nation,-*-2 and has been adding land continually. When a supposedly routine annexation proposal came before council, a Democratic incumbent stated: "I don't Intend to

■*-2Charlotte Curtis, "Columbus, Ohio: A Contented City," Hew York Times (January 18, 1970). Also see Chapter II. 175 p

vote for any more annexations until we get some analysis or report." He went on to serve notice upon the administration: There has to be a complete Inventory to everything the city has annexed. Can you tell me how many areas are in the incorporated city that the city is not getting any return, Mr. ______? At this point another councilman interjected: "This seems to make I-lr. ______do his homework." Still another asked: "Just where are we headed with all this annexation?" The legislation was finally passed unanimously, however, the point is that council served notice, as a group, upon the administration that it had the final word on annexation. Observations of overt behavior indicate that some mem­ bers of the system tend to be more adequately prepared than others regarding those matters coming before the system; thus a question was asked during the interviews associated with preparedness. Fenno*s idea was incorporated that a norm of a system might also be specialization; and that this specialization would, tend to indicate a degree of prepared­ ness in that specific area.-5^ The question asked those Interviewed was: "Are there members of council whom you look upon as being particularly competent in specific areas?" Among the incumbents, one councilman was viewed as having this specialization more than any of his colleagues. He was also one of three councilman observed as having been more prepared in council sessions, and also, one who used

13Richard F. Fenno, The Power of the Purse (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1966). 176

the public accessibility method. The only councilman to come near the Democrat, was a Republican who the Incumbents felt was also "particularly competent." Both men were active in all, roles observed. Among administrators a similar pattern was found, with administrators viewing the same Democrat far out in front of other councilmen mentioned.. The administrators, however, felt that the two minority members were the next most specialized, and the Democrat who also used the public accessibility method, a fourth choice. The media saw the one Democrat as being overwhelmingly more specialized than any other member. They did, however, agree with the administrators in the next three most "specialized" incumbents. As far as the response to specialization is concerned, all groups interviewed saw one councilman as standing above all others In being particularly competent. They also agreed that three other members— two Republicans and one Democrat, had some degree of specialization. Furthermore, they were unanimous about one other Democrat as having no specialization, for he did not receive a single mention. This is the same incumbent whose overt behavior is one of withdrawal from the public and the media. Moreover, he also was observed as behaving in a manner that would suggest his lack of preparedness. 177

One of the interesting secondary effects of the special­ ization question was its confirmation of the observations of the micro-system. Those councilmen who were viewed as having some specialization were also those observed as having the most public access, and being the best prepared. They too were the most active in the roles of legislative restraint, and guardians of the system Itself, although all the members of the system were active, to some degree, in these two roles. Although we have mentioned two roles that were not per­ ceived by those interviewed, a third role does stand out from observations; the role of administrative spokesman. This function appears to be fulfilled by the Democratic in­ cumbent with the lesser degree of specialization, but who is most prone to use the media. He most often introduces letters from the mayor, acknowledges appointments made by the chief executive, and is most often the single council­ man sought out by the administrative officials in attendance. Even the minority members tend to interact with him on coun­ cil floor more frequently. Perhaps the clearest indicator is the incumbents defense of administrative legislation. During one debate about the need to increase the size of an appointed commission, he interjected a lengthy statement sup­ porting the increase, and concluded by stating: "They (the commission) have Introduced several pieces of legislation, and the mayor feels it is important." On another occasion involving a heated debate concerning the structure of the governing body of the Model Cities Program, he asked the di­ rector of the program, an appointed official of the Mayor, "Mr. ______, are there any similar structures in other cities and programs which both elect and appoint officials?" The question led to a prepared answer which the director gave. Later when another incumbent suggested that the matter be tabled he intervened again directing a question to another administrator, "Mr. ______, are we working with any time limit as far as this is concerned?" The administrator ex­ plained that postponement would not allow time for any corrections in the program that HUD might request. The ad­ ministrator went on to add: "I am at a loss for words as to tabling this. I thought we had talked this out before." During the interview with this Democratic councilman, he stated: "I have an unofficial role as party whip, and this leads some to call me the administration1s whore." Other incumbents also alluded to his closeness to the administration. One said, "Of "course you know ______is the mayor's boy." Another said., "______carries the ball for the administration, Just check and you will seldom see him voting against an administration proposal," The roles that have been observed in the micro-system indicate the system has a balance. Balance is the diversity within the system among incumbents in the roles they play. Three incumbents stand out as leaders of the system, in terms 179 i*

of observable behavior. One, a Democrat, is particularly strong with regard to specialization, while another Democrat appears to be more prone to seek public accessibility, and to speak for the administration. The other member of the body is a minority member who is also seen as having a high degree of specialization, in addition to legislative re­ striction. The actual behavior of the Incumbent regarding a purposive role confirms those roles perceived by the sample, but as important is the uncovering of "other" pur­ posive roles by direct monitoring of the systems actual behavior. As a result, the role complex became more in­ volved, while at the same time the individual member appeared to become more important to the system's perfor­ mance, maintenance, and unity due to diversity in the overt behavior of the incumbents.

Procedural Roles While purposive roles set the goals for the incumbent, the procedural roles provide the means of achieving the desired ends. They provide the channels through which all legislation must pass. These procedural norms can be either explicitly written, or implicit in the system's own group life. As Truman has observed, "a legislative body has its own group life . . . it has its own operating structure, which may approximate or differ sharply from the formal 180

organization of the Chamber."-1*^ Routt, writing of his observations of the Illinois Senate referred to the esprit de corps displayed by the body, and went on to state; "there seems to be factors inherent in the legislative process which are conducive to the production of good morale."^ Whether or not good morale exists in our system depends con­ siderably upon the effectiveness of the procedural process. Among those interviewed In both systems, there were two Informal procedural expectations mentioned with high fre­ quency: Notification and tabling. Notification is simply the idea that as an incumbent of the micro-system one should not bring before his colleagues new or unexpected legislation or business. During the period of observation there was never an occasion which there appeared that the members of the system were not aware of every piece of council business. There were however three occasions where individual members appeared to take a position that was unanticipated by other members. One incumbent, the Democrat who was regarded as a specialist, accounted for two of these instances. On one occasion he balked at the addition of land to the city and served notice that he did not "... intend to support further annexations until a study had been completed of the

^Davld Truman, The Governmental Process (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1951)» PP. ^^Garland C. Routt, "Interpersonal Relationships and the Legislative Process," Annals, CVC (January, 1938), 130. 181 A

annexations the city has already incorporated." This brought the mayor to make a plea for the proposed annexation, as well as from one of the Democratic incumbents. The other Instance concerned the sale of an old fire station and the use of the money the city received. The incumbent introduced an amend­ ment which would have earmarked the funds from the sale to go directly into services. I don't know about Mr. ______, but let me make my position clear. I am chairman of the ______committee. Let me remind you that our city is short of money. My job is to find money for the basic operations of the city police, fire and sanitation protection. I'm trying to find money for these needs— that's why I introduced, this legislation. This new amendment appeared to come as a surprise to the other members, there was a long period of silence, then the president asked, "is there a second to this amendment?" Again complete silence. The president, asked once more, "do I hear a second to this amendment before council?" Once more there was no response, at which time the president declared, "the legislation is lost, for lack of a second." The third example concerned the other active Democratic councilman's position against the purchase of fire equipment. The entire matter was surrounded by conflict between the fire depart- . ment and the administration. The fire department wanted a specific type of equipment, and the administration wanted to buy a less expensive, but comparable piece. The council as a body favored the lower bid, but the lone Democrat held his 182

resistance to It. First, he argued, that the seating arrange­ ment of three firemen in the front and two in the back might infringe upon the 11 training of the crews," then he contended that the equipment was not exactly the same as the specifi­ cation of the bid. Finally, the councilman stated: "I don't know why the rush, I think we ought to take a week and get together." This brought two administrators into the debate. One stated, "The delivering time on this equipment is ridicu­ lously long, and as v*e know from past experience this can end up costing the city additional money." At this point a councilman Interjected, "Mr. ______, we've gone through this delay on the purchase of cars, and it cost us $8 ,000.00." The major volley was that of the department head whose juris­ diction the responsibility fell. I ’m not sure this is a question in the province of council. It seems to me that it's the function of council to provide the money, and the adminis­ tration to provide the recommendations. Either the fire department or I run the ______depart­ ment . A vote was then called for, and the lower bid won 7-0. The other preceived procedural expectation was that of tabling. Among those interviewed, they saw the request for a table as being an unwritten rule that was honored by in­ cumbents. Observations indicate that while this is'generally the case, there were several occasions when motions for tabl­ ing were not respected. During the dispute over the fire equipment, the president of council, although weakly, sought a tabling which was ignored. Another case Involved proposed legislation requiring building contractors to obtain a licence from the city. A minority member of council said: "I would be In favor of tabling this for a week, so those who wish to look at the legislation further may do so." No other member of council came to the support of this idea and it was passed 6-0. The pattern that emerges regarding tabl­ ing requests is that there appears to be variation in the degree to which one makes the request. If, for example, a councilman is adamant in his request, it will be seconded, and only on rare occasions defeated. If on the other hand, his request tends to be a way out of a situation, that has not been previously agreed upon, the question finds no sup­ port. These two perceived procedural norms are found to be strongly supported by the micro-system itself. So too, are other types of "Informal behavior" within the system. Per­ haps the most striking is the consensus that accompanies the 1 (L voting. ° When it came time for a vote on the cases involv­ ing annexations and the fire equipment (as strong as they were), the council acted unanimously. This would tend to support the earlier claim of some of the incumbents, that council "should be dignified." It also illustrates the Integration of the system, for no single person becomes

•^In the years 19^7 , 1968, and 19^9 » of the total non- unanimous votes on ordinances and resolutions consisted of only 4-.1, 2.1, and 2.8 per cent of the votes respectively. 18**

alienated "by other members, or if he does it does not appear in the public. One of the more interesting observations concerned the leadership within the system. Small group literature has indicated that within a group several persons may perform different leadership functions, which together provide main­

tenance of the g r o u p . -**7 Manley, in his study of Wilbur Mills, found that the chairman combined two counteracting I Q roles. ° Mills was both an instrumental or task-oriented leader who is ’'primarily concerned with realizing the goals of the group and directing the group toward the completion of its tasks,” and an effective leader, i.e., he helped to cool internal tensions and to simulate a harmonious working atmosphere.-1'? Within the micro-system these two roles are apparently held by different Incumbents, and therefore is' supportive of the small group literature. Huitt’s study of Lyndon Johnson’s leadership in the Senate illustrates the attitude and perspective of the task- oriented leader. While the stakes are not as high, the strategies not as complex, and the structure not as

i •^Philip E. Slater, "Role Differentiation in Small Groups,” American Sociological Review, XX (1955), 300-310. ^Bjohn F. Manley, "Wilbur D. Mills: A Study in Con­ gressional Influence,” American Political Science Review, LXIII (June, 1969), ****2.

19ibld. 185

reflexable, the goal is the same for the micro-system task leader,20 Observations of the micro-system distinguished one in­ cumbent as clearly performing the function of keeping the system from becoming involved in internal deadlock. Quite unexpectedly, it is one of the two Republican minority mem­ bers of council. Time after time this Incumbent would offer a compromise solution, or would clarify positions of incum­ bents who were Involved in either procedural or semantic differences. This behavior allows the system to continue with its tasks on a procedural basis, ^ During a lengthy debate between representatives of the Model Cities Program, council, the coordinator of the pro­ gram, and the representatives of the Model Cities area suggested another meeting with council exclusively devoted to the problems of Model Cities, While the other councilmen reacted in a negative fashion, asserting that it wouldn't be profitable, the Republican incumbent interjected, "1 don't see what's wrong with the meeting they want," Without wait­ ing for discussion he added, after looking at his calendar, "Is 4:00 Wednesday this week alright? I see we don't have

2°Ralph K, Huitt, "Democratic Leadership in the Senate," American Political Science Review, L (June, 1961), 331-334; also see Roland Evans and Robert Novaks', LyndonB. Johnson: The Exercise of Power (Mew York: The New American Library, Inc,, 19567^ 21Manley, op. clt., refers to task-oriented leader in his study. Small group research has used this designation in their studies also. i* 186

anything scheduled at that time.” The other members agreed, as did those who sought the meeting, thus defusing a poten­ tially disruptive element, and providing a return to the other business on the agenda. Another instance of the Repub­ lican incumbent's ability to ease the system back to its task occurred when a councilman became involved in question­ ing an administrator concerning the activities of a building Inspector. It was alleged that a building was razed without proper notification to the owner. Furthermore, the owner was not given proper treatment when he sought a delay of the razing. The administrator charged that "basically, it is a basis of creditability, and you have chosen their argument; there is nothing wrong with that.” At this point the Repub­ lican councilman intervened between the administrator and the other members of council to say: ”1 don't believe we are talking of creditability; rather there appears to be a discrepancy between what the inspectors told us, and what we have been told by the others; both administrators, and the citizens involved.” He then went on to add: "Thus we are paying this as a moral obligation, not a legal one.” Finally, an example of the Junior Republican incumbent's ability to mediate differences, while at the same time following pro­ cedural guidelines concerns a lighting project in the Ohio State University area. The importance of the lighting had been triggered by the death of two students in the area. The hassle involved the council's wishes for Immediate action by « 187

the city to put lighting in the area. The administration had already earmarked the area for lighting, but met resis­ tance from residents as to the type of lighting. After several incumbents had presented this opinion that the work should begin immediately, and the administrator in charge of the project had outlined the entire lighting program for the area over the entire year, there remained a stalemate. The Republican incumbent, again referring to the information in front of him and his calendar, then suggested: "Since by the 25th most everything is done (referring to the project the lighting department was now on) let's let the nine days continue for the east, and then start the west side imme­ diately after." Addressing himself to the administrator in charge, "Would that meet with your schedules?" It did, and all sides seemed pleased with the result. The behavior of the junior minority incumbent within the system is a particularly important role for the stabil­ ity, as well as the tasks facing the group. Although he rarely takes the forefront in council other than his own committee tirork, the pattern of his behavior over a period of time indicates that he is, with rare exception, the lone incumbent who takes charge of situations of stalemate. He always offers a compromise solution, and in most cases the system accepts his proposals. Those interviewed were asked to respond to Man­ ley's question concerning taslc-leadership, which 188

stated:^ When you come to particularly difficult problems, does any member of council standout as being the one who most often comes up with a way out? The responses were most interesting. Among incumbents the Democrat who was regarded as a specialist was viewed also as being the one who most often provided a solution to difficult problems. The Repub­ lican Incumbent, who was observed as performing the role, was ranked third, and tied with the other minority member. The second most frequent response was "no one," among the incumbents. There may be many explanations to this apparent contradiction between observed behavior and the incumbents* own reaction. The most likely, being that the observations were incorrect, perhaps due to errors in actual observations, or due to the informal behavior of the system being dif­ ferent from the formal. Other explanations include: A role deference on behalf of the system toward specialization; partisanship within the system appearing for the Democrats have a 5-2 majority; or perhaps there are other explanations for the incumbents* selecting the Democratic specialist, while at the same time selecting both minority members as the most active in difficult times. A partial test of the observation's accuracy is the responses of the administrators interviewed. For each has had various occasions to both observe formal, and more importantly, informal behavior of the incumbents. The

22Manley, Ibid. 189

administrators responses confirm the observations of the system's internal behavior regarding the task-leader, for they more than two to one regard the Republican councilman as most often "coming up with a solution to a difficult prob­ lem." They see the Democratic specialist as being equal to the senior Democrat in problem solutions. One explanation may be that they are reacting to the attacks that are frequently leveled against them by the specialist. However, the Republican Incumbent also has been involved in these same types of attacks as exemplified earlier.23 Another possible reason may be merely the per­ sonalities of the two men; a more reserved and cautious minority member, as opposed to an aggressive Democrat. Whatever the explanation, the administrators felt the Re­ publican incumbent was a far more task-oriented leader.2^ Members of the media were also in agreement with the administrator in their selection. It is noteworthy that the Republican incumbent Is not active with regard to the media. Nor is he as often Involved in partisanship in the system, as his colleague. What evolves then is a system dominated by one political party that relies heavily upon a minority member to dislodge deadlocks and stalemates in order to meet its tasks.

23The Republican incumbent was particularly critical In his remarks regarding the guardianship role. t should also be noted that the administrators strongly felt that the Democrat was the "specialist" In the micro-system. An accompanying role is also detected in observation;

that of a parliamentarian. While the written procedures

allow for the hiring of a full-time parliamentarian,2^ the

system has never used one during the period of investigation.

Instead either the city attorney, or the Republican incumbent

task-leader was used. Most frequently, with the exception

of detailed procedural questions, the system relies upon Its

own members. One of the many cases of the systems reliance on its members involved the changing of a contract between the city and a firm. One incumbent asked, "Is this the same ordinance we took off the table?" At this point the task- leader said: "The plan is changed, which is an attachment to the ordinance, and we therefore need to vote upon the attach­ ment first, and then the ordinance." An even more illustrative example concerned the Importance the incumbent gives to minute detail. Council was asked to defeat a resolution involving a bid received. The chairman of that committee stated, "I move this to be defeated.," and another councilman interjected,

"What?" At which time the chairman repeated, "I move it to be defeated," and again the councilman Interrupted, "Is this money already available?" The chairman replied, "Yes," and the councilman then "seconded" the motion. Now the parlia­ mentarian, and task leader interrupted, "You need to move it on passage, with the recommendation that it be defeated," the chairman complied, and the resolution was defeated. The

25councll Journal, January 2, 1970. 191

system's task leader always has the city charter and codes in front of him, and uses them with great frequency in the course of legislation. A short mention should also be made regarding the con­ tinual breakage of many of the system's own written rules. The most noticeable is the leaving of the chamber without first gaining permission from the president, as the rule states.26

Confllctual Roles While the micro-system has goals and objectives to pur­ sue and procedures to help it obtain these goals, it like other groups also becomes involved in conflict which deters the system from acting. These conflicts can either be in­ ternal, that is among incumbents of the system, or external, among members of both the micro and macro systems. Conflict can serve many purposes as Schattschneider has pointed out, but here the concern is only with the suppression, and alienation of the confllctual situation,27 Those in the sample concluded that two methods should be used for handling disputes arising among (Internal) coun­ cil itself. The incumbents, and the administrators felt strongly that these disagreements ought to be settled in closed caucus, while members of the media expressed support

26ibid. 27e. e. Schattschneider, The Semi-Sovereign People (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1960), p. 67. for public or open settlement. Observations of the micro­ system are striking regarding the absence of internal oO conflict in the open meetings. At no time during the period of observation was their open conflict among the system*s members. This is not to say that total harmony prevailed, but only that discord between members was always carefully guarded. Under the assumption that a group of seven men holding an elective office would not be in agree­ ment without a conscious effort on everyone’s behalf, a question concerning affective leadership was asked:^9 »cur- lng the course of discussing legislation, things can get rather tense from time to time. I know this happens even in council at times. Does anyone stand out as the peace-maker in these situations?" Among incumbents the results Indicated that one incum­ bent was the unanimous selection; no other Incumbent received mention. The incumbents selected a Democrat who has served, upon council the longest. He was not mentioned with regard to any other role, or was not visible in the overt behavior of the system. This incumbent has a very low profile with regard to the public and media, since he is seldom inter­ viewed, and rarely makes statements referring to council

2®This has not always been true, for during the 1960- I965 period internal conflict was present more according to newspaper and personal accounts. The council was also a 4-3 body with a Republican legislature part of the time, and a Democratic mayor. 29Manley, op. olt. 193

business. He does however have a strong following among the electorate, which is primarily the result of his ability to use the informal approach to Individuals and their problems. • While a single incumbent emerged as the peace-maker among those within the micro-system, the minority members of the system were of the opinion that "no one stands out— various councilmen come forth from time to time." With these two exceptions, the peace-maker role was performed by still another member of the system, thus adding to its diver­ sity. Administrators also selected the veteran Democrat as the peace-maker, or affective leader of council. Only one other councilman, the task-leader, received recognition by a single administrator as performing the peace-making function. In fact the administrators were more adamant in their opin­ ion. One administrator said: "Councilman has a calming effect with councilmen, both Republican and Democrat. People often overlook Hr. ______because of his easy going manner--but he is very effective." Another, referring to the same general style stated: "He is slow moving but you have a feeling that he is sincere." This general feeling that the incumbent had the ability to "draw people together," as one person put it, can be attributed to many factors. When pressed as to why he had this "peace-maker" ability, those responding were united in the belief that "his age has a great deal to do with his effectiveness." Several 19^ administrators referred to his ability to cite examples of comparable situations in the past; thus providing valuable reference to the system’s decision-making process.

There were several administrators who did not see any

single individual emerging as a peace-maker; rather it varied from legislation to legislation, problem to problem.

This group consisted of a small number, and were interest­ ingly enough, restricted to lower level administrators.

The members of the media deviated from the incumbents and administrators, and saw the task-leader as also being the peace-maker. They were far less united in their selec­ tion with all but two councilmen receiving mention; the newest member, and the Democrat who had been consistently regarded as "Ineffective.11 One reporter replied to the question; "Any one of the veterans do a good job."

Another who felt that the task-leader was also the peace­ maker replied: "Being a Republican council they don’t always pick up his leads." The incumbent Democrat who had been selected by the other two groups in the survey was the second most frequently mentioned "peace-maker."

Conclusions

Observations of role behavior have provided a profile of the micro-system as being more complex and intricate than the responses initial perceptions of the system indicated. Their earlier perceptions were found to be present, however, they indicate only the most general and imprecise boundaries of

the system. What was of greater significance was the refine­

ment of the system which emerged through monitoring of role

behavior. Six major themes appear regarding council and the

three initial roles. First, there seems to be two distinc­

tive sub-groups working simultaneously and in harmony with

each other. There Is a group of three incumbents who are

the public actives. They are distinguished by high visi­

bility to the public, and their open involvement in the

system's process. Among the public actives are the system's

specialist, task-leader, and administrative spokesman. Thus

there are two Democrats and one Republican composing this

group. The public actives are the incumbents that most

macro-system members are aware of and with whom they come

into contact. This group is composed of the younger members

of the system in term of tenure and age. The other group

is the private actives. Members of this group are rarely

seen as active In the system's work, and as a result are

often considered "dead wood," "inactive," or "inefficient"

councilmen. They are the older members of the system (in

age and tenure) and perform a vital function in the private

exchanges between members of the system, and between sys­

tems. Their style is not overt public accessibility; rather, a restrained, and quiet process of Interaction. Within this group the system's peace-maker is found. 196

Second, three distinctive leadership roles are present within the system: (1) The Democratic specialist, who also serves as a leader of the public actives; (2 ) the task- leader, a Republican who is the incumbent who keeps the i system moving along with its prescribed duties; and (3 ) the peace-maker, whose function is to head off possible conflict within the system itself. Third, the micro-system has no single dominant sub-group, or individual, but rather defers to its leaders, and sub-groups as the situation demands. Fourth, the system also has shared roles, which provide the linkage between the sub-groups. These roles include guard­ ianship of the micro-system against the macro-system, and micro-systems ability to use legislative restraint. Fifth, conflict resolution takes two forms. Open conflict with the micro-system is handled by the public actives, whereas, the anticipated more subtle, and non-open disagreements are most often handled by private actives. Finally, these factors give the system an amazingly high degree of stabil­ ity and Interpretation. It provides a balance of styles, as well as roles. CHAPTER VI

THE MICRO-SYSTEM'S EXTERNAL ROLE

. . . no legislature is an isolated, autonomous body operating without reference to events, persons, and groups beyond the legislative walls.1 The micro-system is a legislative body, and therefore Is in continual interaction with a variety of segments of its environment, i.e., macro-system. It is also a small group, and as a small group "is not passive before the

environment; it r e a c t s . " 2 Regardless of how one wishes to view the seven members, as a formal legislative body, or an Informal group interacting to reach a goal, the relationship between micro and macro-systems is Irrevocable. The empha­ sis to this point has been on the micro-system's Internal roles, or roles directed toward Itself. Concern now shifts from an inward orientation to an outward one with the exami­ nation of expectations held by an Incumbent, and of the incumbent, toward four sectors of the macro-system. Wahlke and his associates have referred to these as "counter-roles" which arise from their counter positions with respect to the

^ o h n C. Wahlke, et al., The Legislative System; Explorations In Legislative Behavior (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1962), p^ 12. 2George C. Homans, The Human Group (New York; Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1950). P« 107.

197 198

legislature's position.3 These counter-roles vary greatly from one political system to another, however, the authors of The Legislative System perceive four counter positions to be of major importance: Party, constituent, interest groups, and administrators.^ Other studies have stressed leadership, subject matter, and expect roles to these.5 The focus of this chapter will be upon four external roles: The administrative officials, media, groups, and the political party. While the primary concern still remains the council (micro-system), it is hoped that exploration of these external roles will provide an additional dimension to be used in accessing the behavior of the micro-system. Un­ fortunately, unlike internal roles, the external roles cannot be monitored due to their extensiveness. However, they are important to an incumbents behavior for they require him to make a decision regarding his allocation of time and energy; they may well effect the incumbents relationship with his colleagues, his efficiency, as well as the entire legisla­ tive process.

Council's Administrative Role The first set of role expectations are those related to the micro-system's relationship with the administrative officials of the city. Administrative officials are defined

3wahlke, op. clt. ^Ibld. < 5Roger Davidson, The Role of the Congressman (New York: Pegasus, 1969)* P. 75* 199

as all persons elected (not including council) or non elected that work for the city of Columbus, with the exception of judge.^ The concern focuses upon what uought11 to be: (1) The relationship between council and administration, and (2 ) should council seek advice and information from the ad­ ministration. Here, as in chapter four, members of the macro-system, administrators, and members of the media were interviewed. To operationalize the macro-system1s relationship to the administration, members were asked simply: "What should be the council-administration relationship?"

Incumbents Among the incumbents there were two expectations held toward the relationship. Those incumbents who were publicly active felt that the administrators ought to assist the in­ cumbents in performing their task with greater effectiveness. They believed that this should be achieved by providing the Incumbents with a source of information. As one member put it: "It should be a close one— I don't know from who else you find out about the city's problems." Another incumbent said: "You have to depend on their judgment. You can't know all the whys and wherefores of the different depart­ ments in the city." Finally a councilman proclaimed: "The

^Although judges are an important segment of the city's official family, it was found that most of those interviewed preferred to exclude them from the administration. 200

relationship ought to be a close and helpful one. If we

know what is going on, we can plan for the future." Those

incumbents who are private actives expressed a different

expectation regarding the relationship. They expected to

defer to the administrators a greater proportion of the gov­

erning process. As one senior member stated: "Council

should expect administrators to administer. Our job is to

help them do this effectively and efficiently." Another

member of the private actives felt the relationship to be

very important and explained its Importance In the follow­

ing manner:

We don't get together enough, and we need to get together with the various areas of administration. We need to have an open approach to solving the city's problems; and that includes the administra­ tors for they are the one's who really know what’s needed. After all, we don't originate legislation among ourselves (reference to council), it comes from the departments, and therefore we ought to support their needs as much as possible.

Still another noted the importance of a close relationship because; "it saves me from going over the entire agenda, as

I can just ask the department head."

Only one member of the micro-system believed that the relationship should be one of checks and balances. This incumbent was viewed as being "Inactive in terms of the micro-system's behavior," yet he stated: "Council should show some independence; a check and balance on the adminis­ tration. We need some imagination and originality." 201

In general then, Incumbents appear divided over the role

of the council-adminlstration relationship. The younger and more public active members perceive it as one In which the administration informs and advises. The older members, and private actives, tend to subordinate the micro-system more to the administrators. As significant is the general lack of an articulated check, and leadership expectation of the micro-system over the administrators.

Administrators

The data shows that among the administrators three expectations are equally shared. First, there are those administrators who expressed the need to increase the re­ lations between council and administrators. As one official stated, "you can't have too many meetings between council and the administration. They (council) need to sit down more often on particular Issues." Another felt that "council should approach the administration about legislation, and the administration should never hesitate to approach council."

This mutual interaction between the systems and their seg­ ments was believed to provide the citizen with "better government," and to the extent that this was not the case,

"the citizen suffers."

Second, the administrators also expected the relation­ ship to provide a check and balance within the governmental process. Unlike the Incumbents, the administrators were very 202 aware of this particular role. As one highly ranked official said: "There should be a check and balance that exist between ourselves and council. This can only be done by a closer cooperation. With the absence of this cooperation, the citizen suffers." Still another believed that "they should be separate bodies," but went on to.add, "the adminis­ tration proposes; the council disposes." Finally an administrator put It this way: "Council should help execute the administrations goals, in so far as possible. They should also serve as a safety valve to these goals, but not be obstructions." While it is not clear as to the degree or amount of checking that these men feel tolerable, it is significant that they recognize and expect the checking function far more than the Incumbents. Third, the data indicated that the relationship should produce an atmosphere of trust, and reliability on behalf of the micro-system toward the administrator. One administrator combined several expectations in his reply. He stated: The level of communication between council and administration should be increased. This can only be accomplished by an increase in the level of trust. The administration knows more than the council under the present set up— council should act and get information. Besides introducing a trust expectation, this administrator expressed a view that the structure of the system, that is regulations upon the incumbent, hampers the "balance" between the two sectors. Indirectly another member of the adminis­ tration expressed the need for trust when he said: "They 203

(council) should develop an atmosphere in which informal talks with the administration occur any time, on any subject." While these three expectations? increased interaction, checks and balances, and trust were dominate among the re­ plies, one very high administrator seemed to give one summary of the relationship when he offered the following comment: Councilmen should make a strong effort to find out what is going on with regard to the oper­ ations of the city by talking with administrators. However, If they try to get too close to the di­ vision— this interrupts the decision making process. One of the biggest traps a councilman (or council) falls into is that he can get too carried away with his position and authority. They get to a point where they think they’re an expert on every­ thing. The fact of the matter is they may not know how to pour sand out of a boot— even if the instructions were written on the heel of the boot. In short, this administrator thought that council should seek information, but should not have an active part in adminis­ trative decision making. The administrators expect a close relationship? one in which they provide assistance to the micro-system in terms of information. At the same time, they expect to be free to administer, without outside Interference. As one adminis­ trator succently stated; "council should be there to help the administrator."

Media The members of the media interviewed showed a fairly high congruency in the expectations of the councll-adminis- tration relations, as an information source. One.radio 2 0 b

*

broadcaster felt that "there should be close personal con­ tact with the administration, and that he (councilman) should, be able to feel free to call upon the administrator and ask the question." He went on to elaborate that the relationship should develop to a point "where they are not afraid to ask questions." One newspaper reporter, also added to this view, by saying that "he (the councilman) should seek advice from anyone he can in the administration. His job depends upon it." One member believed that "the administration ought to serve as an information base; not as a controller of legis­ lation." While administrative information dominated the expectation, one member expressed a belief that "it should be a check and balance on each other, and this should be built on mutual cooperation." What was evident among all in each system was the direction of the relationship. As one reporter stated; "thoy should seek direction from the administrator." The Incumbents role in the relationship is one of dependence, with little expressed reciprocity in the relationship. The administrators ifere the most concerned with council's role in the relationship; particularly the role of checking their actions. Huitt's characterization of the "separation of personnel in the American system meaning a separation of institutions, which in turn has a profound affect in behavioral terms on 205

the day to day operation of government," appears In question In the present study.? As Important as the expectations found, were those con­ spicuous by their absence. Among these was the expected legislative leadership function. Only once was there refer­ ence to the micro-system’s role In the relationship. Also, there was no mention of the micro-system’s responsibility to provide information, ideas, or direction to the administra­ tor. Finally, individual specialists were completely absent from the system.

Council's Media Roles Today there is a growing concern over the role of the media on the dally lives of the citizen. It has been only recently that the social scientist has begun to examine the effects of the media. While the majority of these studies have focused upon the media's impact on citizen’s partici­ pation,® few have attempted to explore the relationship between the political actor and the media.9

?Ralph K. Huitt, "Congress, the Durable Partner," cited in Elke Frank's, Lawmakers in a Changing World (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1966), p. llT 8paul Lazarfeld, et al., The People’s Choice (New York: Columbia University Press, 19^); Bernard Berelson, et al.. Voting (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 195*0; and K. Lang and G. E. Lang, Voting and Nonvoting .(Waltham, Mass.: Blalsdell Publishing Inc., 19o# f.

9a more recent volume is Joe McGinnlss1 The Selling of the President 1968 (New York: Trident Press, 1969)* 2 0 6

What the studies thus far have Indicated Is that the media has three general affects upon the citizen. First, it reinforces the beliefs and values already present, second, it produces minor change in individuals who are "cross pres­ sured," and finally, it has relatively little affect in converting opinion. While the present study is not con­ cerned with the media’s affects, it is concerned with how the incumbents ought to view its presence. Simply put, how much should the incumbent reveal to the media? Because the media represents an important segment of the macro-system, and one that can be monitored with rela­ tively little ease, an attempt was made to discover what the expectations were of an incumbent regarding his relation­ ship to media personnel. To find this out, respondents were asked: "Are there times when council should not feel obli­ gated to discuss council business with members of the media? If so, when and why?" The responses to this not only indi­ cated what the relationship ought to be, but more Importantly, they have a direct relationship to how the Incumbents ought to behave toward the media.

Incumbents Incumbents were unanimous in their role expectations toward the media. They did not feel they should be obligated to discuss council business with media personnel. Instead, they perceived their role as first coming to a decision, whether personally or collectively, and only then 207 *i

entering into discussions with media. Of those who believed that the early legislative process should be private was a senior incumbent who put it this way: "Sure there are times when we shouldn't discuss council's business with the media, particularly if we haven't crystallized our current think­ ing. After we have then the press ought to make the announcement." Another member proclaimed: "If council attempts to solve a problem, until a solution is forth coming and settled upon, the media should not be informed." While there were those incumbents who related their expectations of council's interaction with the media to the legislative process, others related it to personal behavior. One member said: "If you're not sure on a position, a pre­ mature statement before a final decision has been reached should be avoided." Another incumbent was even more adament in the position. "We shouldn't discuss council business with the media most of the time. Some things are not news until they are done. I'm not going to say that Monday night I am going to vote this way. The media can wait until I vote," Along the same line, one member stated: "You should not tell them how you are going to vote; that ought to be left until the vote is cast." Incumbents feel that their role with regard to the media is secondary; that the micro-system's business ought to be its own. This is particularly true with regard to the legislative process. 208

Administrators The administrators also demonstrated a high degree of congruency involving the council's discussion with the media. Among those responding to the question, not a single adminis­ trator expected council to discuss all its business with the media. They were concerned almost exclusively with the "embryo stages of legislation.11 One administrator expressed his view by saying: "Council should keep the media informed, but not at the expense of a piece of legislation, or the betterment of the city." Another felt that council should not be obligated to discuss its business with the media for at the time of birth "there are numerous times when the media could sway legislation in a given direction. Council in these earlier stages should not discuss their business with the media." Others believed that the decision making process of the micro-system could not be carried on with continual briefing to the media. "Council should not dis­ cuss things with the media, they can't solve problems with everyone knowing the pros and cons." Others expressed the opinion that "premature leakage of information would be detrimental to the legislation and the public." In one case the administrator distinguished the areas of what should, and what should not be made public information. "There is no time when council shouldn't discuss legislative policy with the media, but they should never talk about administra­ tive policy with them." 209 n

The administrators are united in their expectations of the councilman's behavior toward the media; they feel that they should not prematurely disclose information vital to the early stages of the legislative process. Furthermore, the council should only Inform the media of its progress at its pleasure, not the media's. A substantial number of administrators expressed the belief that a single incumbent should be charged with dispersing information. It was their Judgment that this would reduce "mlsinformatlon," and help prevent "leaks” whether Intential or non-intentlal.

Media Among those of the sample who are most directly effected by how open or accessible the micro-system is are the members of the media itself. They are dependent upon information from the system on the one hand, while maintaining a degree of trust and confidence with the system. The data Indicates that those interviewed were split on their expectations of the incumbents toward them. Some expected council to refrain from discussion with them on its business. However, In each case it was clearly indicated that this was in the early stages of formulation of policy or position. One reporter stated "yes, they should not feel obligated to talk to me when they are undecided on an issue." Another agreeing essentially with the position said, "they shouldn't have to tell us about their caucus sessions, or meetings of the whole." Finally, one radio newsman mentioned, 210

111 can see their point of not having to talk with us; a mem­ ber of the press might take advantage." These expectations of behavior toward themselves were not shared by all, for others believed the contrary ought to be the case. "If it is council business it is city business, and if it is city business it should be our business also," one reporter declared. Another reporter stated: "More people pay ten cents a day for my newspaper than votes for them every four." These members of the media expect council­ men to discuss with them various matters, but they also should be sought out for their information. As one put it: "I expect council to not only discuss matters with me, after all that's their job, but If they really want to know the public's view they need to ask us; that's our job." Most men covering city hall for the various media are practical, that is, they seem to accept certain limitations on their relationship with councilmen. It is generally the belief that incumbents should not be obligated to discuss its business and non-council business remains nebulous at best.

Group Roles One of the most effective ways in which members of the macro-system can be recognized by those in positions of authority is through group, or collective action. As Latham an others have pointed out: 211 These may be simple in structure, unicellar, so to speak, like the juvenile gang. Or they may be intri­ cate meshes of associated, federated, combined, consolidated, merged, or amalgamated units or sub­ units of organization, fitted together to perform the divided and assigned parts of a common purpose to which the components are dedicated.10 Concern for groups in the political process has been focused on two areas. First, there are those whose concern was with the group and its impact upon the representative and decision making process. Groups are viewed as aggregates "which seek to Influence the content of governmental decisions without attempting to place its members in formal governmental capac­ ities."-1'1 Studies of individual groups and organizations appear throughout the literature, that Illustrate the wide variety of techniques and strategies employed by groups to influence decisions.1^ Second, a large body of literature has been directed toward the theoretical implications, and explanations of groups in democratic societies. Starting with Bentley’s, The Process of Government, the initiative of the m o d e m group theorist has been to equate action with group interests.1^ Truman expanded upon the groups

l°Earl Latham, "The Group Basis of Politics: Notes for a Theory," American Political Science Review. LXV (June, 1952), 376. ^Harmon Ziegler, Interest Groups in American Society (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1965)7^. 30‘I R. Mahood, Pressure Groups In American Politics (New York: Charles Scribner’s Son, 1967); Monson and Cannon, Makers of Public Policy (New York: McGraw-Hill, 196^). ^Arthur Bentley. The Governmental Process (University of Chicago Press, 1908): uavia Truman, Tne Governmental Process, (New York: Alfred Knopf, 19527T 212

Importance to governing process by classifying groups into associations, interest groups, and potential groups.^ More recently, Olson has introduced some highly interesting modi­ fications to the Bentley-Truman position, particularly regarding the effect of size on the groups behavior.15 Although the two areas have much in common, and do overlap, the tendency has been to separate the two aspects of groups in the literature. A common problem is that of definition. What is a group? Are Interest groups the same as pressure groups? While definitions of a group range from "a rela­ tively permanent and uncomplicated interaction system,"^ to "shared attitudes,"-!-? group is defined here as an aggregate which seeks to influence the content of governmental decisions. Without becoming involved in a lengthly expla­ nation of whether it is an interest or pressure group, groups will be referred simply as "group."3*8

l^Truman's classification of groups, and. his expla­ nation of the group process has been reviewed by Stanley Rothman "systematic Political Theory: Observations on the Group Appraoch," American Political Science Review, LVX (March, i960), 15; and William Mitchell "Interest Group Theory and Overlapping Membership," paper delivered at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, 1963. •^Mancur Olson, Jr., The Logic of Collective Action (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965). l^j, Eugene Haas, Role Conception and Group Consensus. Bureau of Business Research, Ohio State University, 1964. l?Truman, op. clt. l^A major concern was to avoid biasing the respondent's answer. Thus the question Involved merely stated "groups," and left it to the respondent to make any distinctions he 213

Wahlke and his associates strike the general concept upon which the question of the micro-systems relations to groups is based. Following are two of their observations; first, that: The once prevalent view that special interest groups, by their very existence, constitute a threat to the general public interest has generally given way to a belief that interest groups collectively constitute a legitimate clientele in formulation policy, and second, the question they propose as to "how much, and in what way, should one take into account the activities, demands and attitudes of all these groups and their agents?"19 The goal here is much more modest; it is limited to the role of groups as perceived to those Interviewed. More specifically it is concerned with the accessibility to the micro-system to the demands of groups. Operationalization of the question was done by asking those in the sample to reply to the question: "Are there times when you (or council­ men), should not feel obligated to listen to groups?" The question actually accomplished two things: First, and pri­ marily, it enlicits a response based upon role expectations of the individual toward the council-group relationship; second, it provides a second measure of the councilmen1s pur­ posive role of "accessibility."

felt was needed. The vast majority did not question what was meant by group, and were willing to produce examples readily. -*-9wahlke, op. oit., pp. 311-312. Zlb

Incumbents The data indicates that among the incumbents themselves there is role incongruency, for part of the members feel that they should be obligated, and part feel they should not. Upon further analysis, it appears that the sub groups in which the incumbent belongs, I.e., public or private active is relative to the response. Those members of the macro-system whose role expec­ tation is to listen to groups offered the following responses. The administrative spokesman replied: "We should listen to all groups, that's our job. I even listen to the "committee.11 The committee referred to is an ad hoc group of militant ' Blacks who have appeared at council meetings with demands on the micro-system. Another councilman stated: "We should listen when possible. There are times when the agenda is crowded, but we should set another time in these cases." The Republican task-leader of the micro-system replied by saying: "We should listen to every group." He went on to add: "How­ ever, when It gets to be repetitious, and once a position has been fully explored, listening to more debate over the same area Is useless, and delays us from acting." The other position found among Incumbents was one of no obligation. Responses ranged from a flat "no," by one member, to a concern over where these groups will stop. One Democrat said: "They have over done it. Everyone wants to get in front of the microphone, just to be on television." He 215 continued: "What'a a group now days? It seems that new ones appear each Monday, and are never seen or heard of again." One senior ranking incumbent replied by saying: "Groups and mobs, no, individuals, yes." Thus the micro-system's own members demostrate role Incongruency with regard to their expectations concerning their relationship with groups from the macro-system.

Administrators There are two general expectations held by the adminis­ trators regarding council's obligation to listen to groups. The dominant position, i.e., most frequently mentioned, is that they do not feel council is obligated to listen to any groups. As one administrative official put it: "They have to exercise independent judgment as to which groups they wish to hear." Another replied: "Yes, if it interfers with conducting their business." One member of the adminis­ tration believed that council created more problems than answers in their relations with groups. He stated: "Coun­ cil tends to be a little liberal in presenting a forum. This creates problems for itself from time to time." Finally, one summed up his position as follows: "Yes, the executive body has the ability to propose. The basic questions are answered prior to the session, and besides most councilmen belong to various groups themselves." While most administrators were of the opinion that coun­ cil should not be obligated, there were some who perceived 2 1 6

part of the councilman's Job as being a listener. One administrator stated sharply, "Never is there a time when they should not listen. There are times when they don't have to take their advice, but listening is essential." Another said, "they should listen to everyone whether they like it or not." "They should always listen, they can always learn— besides it allows the public an opportunity to air their grievences," another administrator said. Finally, one member of the administration responded by say­ ing, "look, they're elected officials, and it is part of their Job. They may not like it, but it is part of the ballgame." By and large the administrators perceived the council­ man's Job in regard to his obligation to groups as not extending to the point where all groups must be heard; rather a Judgment on the part of the micro-system members should be used. A small group did, however extend the Job to listening to all and every group regardless of size or issue.

Media Members of the media are particularly involved in the council’s relation to groups, for it provides the dialog and debate which is reported by them. Yet, the dominant expec-? tation was one of council not being obligated .to listen. One reporter stated, "when the subject has been exploited enough there is no benefit in the same arguments." Another saw the 2 1 7

council determining the debate by its own judgment on a par­ ticular piece of legislation. "Yes, there comes a time in debate when it has to be cut off; when they have already made up their minds." For various reasons, others in the media perceived council's role as one of listening to groups. One newsman claimed: "Council is never obligated, under law, to listen, but they should as a matter of practical insight." Another simply stated, "they are always obligated to listen to all groups." In a similar manner another said, "they are always obligated to listen to each and every group."

Partisan Roles The last of the external roles to be examined is that "of party. While previous role studies have also isolated party as a critical role orientation,^0 they have focused their attention on the "importance of party" to the incum­ bents being studied. The purpose here is not to explore this role orientation, at least not directly, but rather to emphasize the nature of the incumbents role within the party itself. This becomes even more Important in the nonpartisan designation of the office of councilman. Although incum­ bents are elected in nonpartisan elections, the actual function of the local party organization is far more instru­ mental in deciding who Is to be a member of the macro-system

20Wahlke, op. clt.. and Davidson, op. clt. 218

than any other single element in the environment, or macro­ system.21 The question of removing partisanship from the governing process as those supporters of "good government" intended is important to the present orientation. For it might be ex­ pected that a "truly nonpartisan election would bring into the governmental process Individuals whose own role in party affairs would be limited. Moreover, and of central impor­ tance, it might be assumed that members of the nonpartisan body itself would: (1) Themselves not seek an active role in party affairs and, (2) be expected by others not to be­ come involved in party politics. In attempting to discover more precisely what function, if any, was expected of the incumbents regarding party, members of the survey were asked: "What should councIlmen do with regard to their party, if anything?"

Incumbents Among the members of the micro-system itself there appeared unanimous agreement that they (councilmen) should take an active part in their party. The weakest position was that of the Republican task leader who replied: "I've never been much for party affairs. I suppose I ought to be more active, but frankly, after all the meetings connected with a councilman's job, I'm ready to get away for a while."

21See Chapter III. 219 r-

Even though the councilman hinself is not active, by his own accessment he did feel that “I ought to be more active," and thus at least was not placing himself in a "non-active" cate­ gory regarding the councilman’s role toward his party. At the other extreme was the other minority member of council who said, "he should keep his party in control of council and city government. After all, this means political jobs." Clearly, there is no doubt as to this members strong endorse­ ment of an active role for councilmen in their party. Other member’s expectations regarding the political party fell between these two positions. One member stated, "he should be active in his party, and should help other candidates wherever he can." Others pointed out that he should be active because, "the party must agree on your candidacy, and you must in turn be loyal." He should reflect the party by following its philosophy." The expectations held by incumbents themselves toward their own role In partisan politics is highly congruent. They each support the general position that he (the council­ man) should be active. The Intensity of this activeness varies with councilmen, yet party activism is the expected behavior of each. The high congruency on this issue does not necessarily reduce tensions and conflicts however.

Administrators Administrators were divided concerning the councilman’s role In his party, although the predominant expectation was 220

that of an active part. Those who perceived the councilman as not being involved in partisan politics were clearly in support of an independent position. One administrator said, "he is independently elected and he should vote this way. His decision ought to be person, not party." It is apparent that this individual associated some party involvement in the decision-making process of council and did not agree with this. One other supporter of the non-active position took a great deal of time explaining how an incumbent ought to behave if he wants to become elected. He summed up by saying, "the only support he needs to give is a greeting— recognize the people— that's much more important than a party." Other administrators were more proned to fall back upon the nonpartisan electional procedure as the basis of these objectives to party involvement. While this position was held by only a small number of administrators, it is significant to note that congruency on this question is less among administrators than among councilmen. The majority of administrators interviewed perceived an active role for councilmen in their party. The reasons varied as did the intensity of the activity they felt was proper for the incumbent. At the end of the active continuum replies like: "He should try to help his party If he has a choice," and "he should not only be active, he should assume leadership responsibility in his party. After all he is a creature of the party, so should give It respect and leadership." Some of those interviewed saw his role in the party as being directly related to the caliber of the candi­ date. "He should be as active as possible in the political party." "The more he takes on the obligation, the better the quality of the service the city will have," responded one administrator. Another administrator felt that the in­ cumbent could be of valuable service to his party, when he replied, "the elected public official can have a great deal of influence on the party. Councilmen should be particularly active in the party for they can go a long way to formulate policy and educate the party on urban problems." Not all were so adamant in their convictions of a councilman’s activity. Some administrators, while believing in a active role, did not articulate specific reasons why they felt this way; rather they were more general in their approach. Most of the time these administrators connected the incumbents perceived active role to "obligations he owes the party," "the philosophy of the party," or the "platform" of the party. Thus, the administrators were basically in agreement with the incumbents that an active role in their political party should be sought. They were not as united as the councilmen, with a few respondents seeing a non-active role.

Media Among those of the media only one radio newsman felt that councilmen should be non-active in partisan politics. 222

He put it this way: "Once a councilman takes the floor, he should forget all about politics. He has to represent Repub­ licans, Democrats, and Independents. It doesn't happen, but it should. Pure politics has no place in council." While this position is not explicit as to what the council should do regarding his party, It does Illustrate the nonpartisan position of the job. The other media personnel were united in their view that incumbents ought to be active in their party. "Fully support his party," and "support the party as much as possible," were the responses two media people gave. Others were more explicit in their reply. As indicated by one news­ paper reporter, "he owes a certain obligation to the party. The councilman should be active within the party, as long as it doesn't dictate his role." Along the same theme was the reply received by another newsman; "He should follow the parties line generally. By this I mean being loyal to the party that elected him, as long as the party doesn't come before the good of the city." What appears is a picture of a councilman that is ex­ pected to be partisan oriented, in fact, to be active with regard to his party. The notion of nonpartisan politics is dismissed in Columbus, although by charter, like so many other cities, it Is so designated. 223

Conclusion The perceptions of the councils view regarding the four macro-system variables of: Administration, media, groups, and parties, is particularly significant with regard to the total sample. Unlike, the micro-system role expec­ tations, there appeared a higher degree of congruency among those Interviewed as to what the role ought to be toward the macro-system. In addition, there was more specificity in the views, since the range of response was much narrower. For example, either an incumbent was active or Inactive in his party. Few attempted to draw a fine line of distinction between the councilman and the party. CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSIONS

Harry Eckstein has observed that "case studies never 'prove' anything; their purpose Is to illustrate general­ izations which are established elsewhere or direct attention toward generalizations."^ The study of Columbus City Council is an effort to provide generalizations about several aspects of the internal political process through the application of role analysis. Using three sets of Informants; councilmen or incumbents, administrators, and members of the media, plus systematic observations, role expectations and role behavior are analyzed in an effort to develop a more accurate model of the council's internal mechanisms. In order for a general model to develop, three questions must be answered. First, what are the expectations of councilmen? Second, how con­ gruent are these expectations among each sector, that is, council, administrators, and the media; and between sectors? Finally, what is the relationship between the expectations and actual overt behavior? Those interviewed were asked to relate their expec­ tations of a councilman regarding two categories of roles;

^Harry Eckstein, Pressure Group Politics; The Case of the British Medical Association (Stanford; Stanford Univer­ sity Press,""i960), p. 15. ”

ZZb 225

those Involving the Internal process of council, and those related to the councilman's interaction with segments out­ side the legislative body itself, or external roles.

Internal Roles Purposive The first internal role analyzed was that of the purposive role. Among the incumbents there appeared a near­ perfect consensus that council should be accessible to the public. Those in the position of councilmen felt a sensi­ tivity to public demands and needs most important. Here is a reflection of what Wahlke et al,, classified as "tribune;"2 a position that Downes found more common among councilmen with low social rank.^ The Columbus legislators are the antithesis of the two critical variables employed by Downes to determine social rank; namely educational and occupational levels. Instead of low level rankings, as Downes found, the Columbus council with one exception are all college graduates, and represent such prestigious occu­ pations as; doctor, lawyer, banker, and businessman. While

2John C. Wahlke et al., The Legislative System (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1962). The aughors view the "tribune" legislator as one who advocates and defends the popular demands, p. 2^7. 3Bryan T. Downes, "Municipal Social Rank and Charac­ teristics of Local Political Leaders," Midwest Journal of Political Science, XII (November, 1968). The author defines a "tribute" as "the councilman who should know or try to find out what the people in the community want, express their needs and wants at the council table, and protect the inter­ est of the people of the community," p. 52^. 2 2 6 this does not mean Downes' conclusions are inaccurate or that the present study is a denial of the earlier general­ ization, for this was not a replication of Downes' study, it does suggest the need for more specific study concerning Columbus and other large metropolitan legislatures and their social ranking and purposive role. An interesting finding, although second to the notion of accessibility, was that of "image building." The inter­ esting feature of this orientation is that there appears to be a direct relationship between one's concern with "image" and his tenure as a councilman. As one's tenure increases, his concern over the image of the group also increases; while those with lesser seniority are not as concerned with image as they are with obtaining information about the Job of a councilman.^ Among those administrators sampled, there was a wider range of expectations concerning the purpose of a council­ man's Job. The consensus among administrators was less than among the incumbents, yet general orientations did prevail. Administrators were Inclined to see the purpose of council as one of preparing themselves with information about the Job, the city, and issues. Thus administrators become "ritualistic" in their orientation toward the council,5 and

^Wahllce, et al., op. clt. This is very similar to the "ritualist" orientation of the authors. ^Agaln the Wahlke et al., classification is adapted, Ibid. By ritualistic it is meant that the councilman should 227 i> while the expectations are different from those of the councilmen, they do not depart radically. Secondary orien­ tations were far more prevalent among administrators, and the- impact of this diversity was minimal, for the secondary roles supported the initial orientation. For example, some adminis­ trators saw making decisions of primary concern, while others believed seeing and uncovering the city's problems was the major purpose of the local legislative body. The members of the media perceived the councilman's role as did the administrators; being prepared. However, they also reflected the orientation of councilmen, although to a lesser degree, in their awareness of accessibility. A possible explanation of this dual perception is the contact those in the media have with the two sectors; council and administration. The significance of the inter-group variation is minimal, as the two role orientations are supportive of each other. Moreover, the expectations appear to be a reflection of one's "position," which tends to support Gross et al., hypothesis that members from different external systems will interpret the organizational goals differently. The result is three groups which hold clear and relatively congruent expectations about what the councilman ought to do. be acquainted with business before him, attend all meetings, do his Job, and vote on issues before council. % e a l Gross, et al., Explorations in Role Analysis (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1958)» P • ^32. (

228

Procedural The second Internal role that deals with councilfs pro­ cedural expectations was directed toward the "rules of the game" in the legislative struggle. Here, only those in daily contact with the process indicated an awareness of these Informal ties. Incumbents expected to be notified by their colleagues of new legislation, voting Intention, or any abnormality in the legislative routine. One should note that senior members were less cognizant of these than the junior members. In some instances, this was clearly caused by an internalization of the role to the extent that it no longer was regarded as "informal," or "unwritten," but was thought to exist in the formal procedures of council. In addition, the incumbents granted a colleague the courtesy of honoring

this request for tabling legislation when he asked.7 Among administrators the notification norm was also viewed as the dominant unwritten procedural expectation; thus supporting the incumbents perceptions. The adminis­ trators, however, perceived Information exchange as another Important procedural norm, and one not mentioned by the in­ cumbents. This orientation would seem to be related to the administrators view of "preparedness," The important factor in procedural role was the absence of thosein the media to pick up the cues of the internal

?In actuality this was not always the case, but incum­ bents perceived It to be an "unwritten" rule. 229

legislative process. This might indicate that as one moves only a short distance away from the daily Interaction of legislative process, one's view of what is expected from members of process and from non-members becomes lncongruent. Furthermore, the effect of this upon the general public be­ comes magnified since their interpretation rests largely upon the secondary sources.

Confllctual The final internal role expectation was concerned with the settlement of internal conflict among council. Again both incumbents and administrators were in agreement that conflict should be settled in caucus. Complete unanimity prevailed among the incumbents, while near unanimity was found among administrators. Those in the media were just as adamant in their belief that council should settle disputes in the open, and not behind "closed" doors. Here again we find support for the Gross hypothesis of position relation­ ship to orientation.® Furthermore, this means of conflict resolution does not appear to be novel to city councils, for Downes in his study also found this to be the primary method in suburbs, particularly those with low and medium rates of growth.9

^Gross, et al., op. clt. 9Bryan T. Downes, "Issue Conflict, Factionalism, and Consensus in Suburban City Councils," Urban Affairs Quarterly. XIV (June, 1969). ^90. 230

Role Socialization Role orientations do not merely appear; they are, to be sure, products of many continuing experiences. In some Instances they may reflect early childhood experiences, while others may be the product of more recent adult experi­ ences. Regardless of origins, the interactions of the councilman with his colleagues as well as with those persons in other positions have a significant affect on the incum­ bents own role orientations by either reinforcement, conversion, or introduction. The concern was not with what effect the Interaction had regarding the socialization pro­ cess directly; but rather what type of information was held by those interviewed. More precisely, what advice might be given to a newly elected councilman? Among the Incumbents there appeared a near perfect con­ sensus that a new member ought to learn the procedures, I.e., the formal mechanics of how council is run. Implicit in this position is a high degree of deference toward the more ten­ ured members of council, for they are most likely to have the best grasp of the procedural Intricacies of the micro-system. Moreover, the effect is to produce a council that at least publicly demonstrates effectiveness. Administrators indicated far less consistency in their • "advice," nonetheless, they were not in agreement with the

10Kenneth Prewitt and Betty Zlslc, "Political Socializa­ tion and Political Roles," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXX (Winter, 1966-67), 5^9• 231

incumbents. The administrators dominant position was, how­ ever, consistent with their purposive role expectation, for they believed that a new member should do his "homework." By this, they did not mean merely learning the procedures, but more important to them was ones knowledge of legislation, programs, and how the city operated; a process orientation. Their interest was not in how smoothly the council meetings were run, but whether or not they were able to achieve pas­ sage of their legislation. This suggests that the administrators as a group are oriented toward council in only one direction— achieving legislative results, whereas, incumbents sacrifice a good deal of their legislative strength and time, as they attempt to protect themselves from public embarrassment. Among those of the media no general theme or trend emerged as to what "advice" a new member should get. As a consequence, councilmen, as was the case of one incumbent, soon will turn elsewhere for advice.

Sanctions The effectiveness of the micro-system is facilitated by the degree to which the system tolerates perceived deviant behavior of its members. An important factor, therefore, to the system^ effectiveness are those sanctions that are per­ ceived by informants of how those acting outside the council's norms should be punished.’ All those interviewed believed that council should react to extreme deviant behavior by either isolating the indi­ vidual from social as well as legislative gatherings whenever possible, or if there is persistence, then to publicly embarrass the councilman. This restriction of information in addition to embarrassment serves the function for pushing the deviant councilman outside the group, and eventually public removal from membership by the electorate as the desired outcome. Thl.s appears to have been effective in two cases in recent council history, and in each the deviant has failed to be returned to office. These sanctions alone can­ not be the sole cause for failure at the polls, but they do have a direct impact on many other factors, not the least of which is the media’s view of the deviant. It is inter­ esting to note that members of all sectors were in agreement on the form of sanction, and if they were to agree on who is severely deviating from the norms, an Important coalition could appear. Expectations concerning the Internal operation of coun­ cil indicate that: (1) The range of expectations, i.e., complexity in terms of the number of different expectations held, is very narrowly defined among all groups. One or two expectations appear to be the limit any group of informants hold, unless there is complete absence of any pattern. (2) Administrators, as a group, are more consistent in their expectations of councilmanic behavior than either incumbents or media between the various roles. (3) Incumbents, how­ ever, are the most consistent in their expectations within the various role orientations. (4) Members of the media showed the greatest inconsistency both within a single role orientation, and betifeen the various orientations. (5) One's own position is the strongest factor In how another role Is interpreted. (6 ) Tenure appears to have a direct affect on the member of the micro-system's perception of his own role. (7) YInger's contention that the extent of a system's con­ nectiveness to another affects the cohesiveness of the role appears to be supported in the counc11-administration expectations.^ (8 ) The council is highly integrated, and this Integration is supported by the administrative expec­ tations which are very compatable with those of council.

External Roles While the major emphasis of this study is the Internal political process of council, Informants were also asked to respond to questions which did not deal specifically with expected Internal behavior; rather with expectations of a councilman's relationship to the macro-system; these roles are called external because they are outside the parameter of the council (or micro-system) Itself.

Hj. Milton YInger, Toward A Field Theory of Behavior (New York: McGraw-Hill, 19&5). P • 9• 23^ **

Councll-Admlnlstratlon

When incumbents were asked about the council-adminis­ trative relations, two sets of responses were noted. First, there were those incumbents who strongly held the expectation that administrators should assist them in performing their task with greater effectiveness by providing them with

Information and other assistance. Incumbents holding this expectation were the younger, both in age and tenure, of the micro-system. A second group of incumbents indicated a high degree of deference toward the administrator, and perceived the relationship as one of councilman helping the adminis­ trator govern the city. To this group the administrators were viewed as having the difficult task of effectively running the city.

Among the administrators, three expectations were pre­ valent. First, they expected a close relationship between themselves and the councilmen. But second, they expected a check and balance process to exist between themselves and the incumbents. Finally, administrators expected an atmosphere of trust and reliability to exist on behalf of the council­ men toward the administrators. Significantly, at no time did the administrators Indicate a relationship that was

"other directed," that is to give importance to the council- manic role over or equal to their own.

Members of the media indicated a high degree of con­ sistency In their expectations of administrators as an 235

Information source. Thus the media, plus a group of incum­

bents expected the administration to supply information; a

group whose expectations were clearly a minority viewpoint.

Councll-Media

When incumbents were asked if they should feel obligated

to discuss council business with members of the media, they

responded with unity that they should not feel such an obli­

gation. Council perceived their task as first coming to a

decision on legislation, and while the decision making pro­

cess was underway, no exchange with the media should occur.

The media thus becomes secondary to the council's own busi­

ness, plus giving council more time to settle internal

disputes, should they arise, in private. This position thus

serves as a protection not only for legislative drafting,

but as important, for the system in general.

Administrators were also in agreement with incumbents,

however their expressed concern was with the negative affect

this might have on legislation. Since nearly all legis­

lation is a product of the administration, there becomes a

direct relationship between what is proposed, and that

legislation that is finally enacted. The protection the

administrator sees is not of the council, but more likely

of "his" legislation, or program. A totally unanticipated response was found among about half the media personnel,-for they too, did not expect the council to be obligated to discuss council affairs with them. 236

This group also showed concern for the early stages of the legislative process, and believed that it should be pro­ tected. However, they did not hesitate to make clear their position by only referring to early stages of legislative development. The other groups of media personnel expected any and all council business to be openly shared with them. There seemed to be associated with their position, that the media was a powerful force in the community, and one that should be sought out for advice with much greater frequency.

Counc11-Groups Groups perform a vital function in representative gov­ ernment, and much has been written concerning their various roles. ^ The informants were asked if there were times when councilmen should not feel obligated to listen to groups. Among the incumbents, two sets of expectations toward inter­ action with groups were evident. First were those councilmen who believed that council should always listen to groups, regardless of their position or formal organization. The same councilmen perceived the administration’s function as one of providing Information. The other group of councilmen did not perceive their Job as one that had an obligation to listen to groups. They expressed a position that was, in

12The most recent work is that of Mancur Olson, Jr., The Logic of Collective Action (Cambridge: Harvard Univer- sity Press, 1965J. This small volume contains a very good succinct review of the development of the group literature, in addition to its own contribution. 237 fact, anti-group oriented, believing that groups had gone too far in their demand on council's time. It is this sector

of council who also expressed concern over "image" when responding to purposive role orientation. Evidently, the

opening of council meetings to an exchange of viewpoints by

competing groups Is seen as an indication that council is not in control of the legislative process. This also raises the appearance of role conflict, since councilmen expressed their role as being accessible to the people, and yet with regard to groups, some feel no obligation to listen.

Administrators were also divided over how they expected councilmen to react to groups. The dominant position was that council was under no obligation to listen to groups.

There were various reasons given, but the general themes were that the councilmen have had an opportunity to ask them (the administrators) questions about the legislation prior to floor action. A small group of administrators expected council to listen to all groups, and believed this to be part of the job.

The media expectations were again not those anticipated.

It would seem that group discussion would prove beneficial to the media, for it would seem that controversy and diver­ gent positions would make their task much easier, and more apt to put the events of council higher on the news priority list of their respective media. Yet those in the media did not expect council to be obligated to hear groups. There 238 were some members, however, who expressed the opinion that council was in fact obligated to listen.

Couno11-Party The final external role was that of the councilman’s role with regard to his political party. Incumbents showed a high degree of consensus; they should be active In their party. There was, however, an expression of varying degrees of partisan involvement from the high partisan position to one of more moderate support and activity. Administrators were not as consistent for they divided between the dominant position of an active party role, to one of a "nonpartisan" stand. With one exception, the members of the media agreed with the Incumbents and supported their active participation in partisan politics. The expectations expressed concerning external roles Indicated that informants were: (1) Able to perceive these roles with greater ease and clarity than Internal roles. For instance, all held at least one expectation, and often several expectations were interconnected. (2) Consistency between roles are not present among any groups of informants as was the case with administrator’-s expectations of internal role behavior. (3) Incumbents were consistent in their expectations with regard to groups and party behavior only, (ty) There again appeared to be a division among incumbents along tenure lines regarding administrative and group roles. The administrator, as a group, demonstrated the widest range 239

of expectations concerning the legislative process and the role of councll-adminlstration relation in the process. For example, only the administrators expected a check and balance function to be part of this relationship. (5) Incumbents most Interested in "Image" also indicated the greatest defer­ ence toward the administrator.

Expectatlonal Model of Council If one were to construct a model of council, and how it functions from the expectations held over the roles explored in this study, one would likely conceive of council in the following manner: (1) That there exists general agreement among all informants as to the expectations of incumbent behavior, for in the few instances in which incongruency did appear, they were isolated to either a total lack of expec­ tations for a given role, or expectations that reflected the position of holder. An example of the latter would be the media expected conflict to be settled In public. (2) There appears to be a close relationship between councilmen and administrators which would Indicate a high degree of com­ patibility between the two sectors and provide for efficient council performance in legislative matters. (3) Two dis­ tinctive groups emerge within council which are based upon tenure and age of the Incumbents. (*0 Legislative policy amking will be made in private sessions, particularly if there appears to be any conflict among council, (5) Meet­ ings will run smoothly with a procedure and routine that is ZUrO

understood by each incumbent. (6 ) Partisanship will not normally appear in council sessions, but the council will be active within their party in non-councilmanic roles. The minimizing of partisanship is a ramification of the highly integrated system, one that places importance upon smooth, effective operation. And (?) that there exists, at least among a segment of incumbents, deference toward the adminis­ tration.

Observational Model of Council The major concern of this study has been the internal process of Columbus's City Council. While the expectations held by the informants have provided a model, rough as it may be, there remains the question of how accurate these expectations are when held up for inspection against the actual observed councllmanic process.^*3 in order to estab­ lish what the internal process actually was, systematic observations were made of council in action. . In addition, to further delineate the process, role behavior questions concerning: Specialization, task leadership, use of media, and peace-maker were asked of the informants.

Purposive Role Behavior Observations of incumbent*s behavior immediately pre­ ceding, during, and following council meetings Indicate that

■^■^This had broad methodological significance for much of the present research on councils Infers behavior from expec­ tatlonal responses. Zkl

not all incumbents were, in fact, eager to mingle with citizens, administrators, or the media. Instead two dis­ tinctive patterns of behavior emerged. First, there were those councilmen who did freely move about, and seemed very comfortable greeting people and talking with them. This group consisted of younger and less tenured members. Second, there were those members of council who seldom intermingled with others during the pre- and post-meeting period. They were much more prone to come in the chambers and go directly to their desk. These members would from time to time, speak with persons if the Individuals approached their desk. Then the informants were asked if some members of coun­ cil were more prone to use the media, the same incumbents that were most apt to mingle with the people at the council meetings, were also believed to use the media the most. The use of the media to a large degree relfects per­ sonality traits of the Incumbents; nonetheless, and most important here, it adds support to observed behavior of the council. While the behavior of council at public meetings does not belie what the expectations indicated, it does modify the notion of accessibility, in the sense that there appears to be at least two perceptions of accessibility. First, an open exchange between Incumbent and "others," and second, one that is much more informal.

Those in the administration expressed a belief that incumbents should be prepared with regard to legislation z k z before council. Again observation tends to indicate that all members of council, except one, are prepared when they come to the meeting. In part this is a reflection of their dinner session just prior to the formal meeting, but even when being questioned the members demonstrate a wide grasp of legislation, and problems directly connected with it.

Some members, however, appear to be consistently better prepared when observed over a prolonged period. Three incumbents, including a Republican and two Democrats, seem to have a greater command of legislation, and when council becomes involved in questions concerning legislation, one of them usually provides the clarification. These members of council also are most apt to challenge the administrator over legislation. The significance of these legislators is that they provide the basis for legislative restraint, a role not perceived by the informants, on behalf of adminis­ trative over-involvement in the micro-systems process. They are not alone, for council as a collective body, most often reacts as a unified system when they perceive the adminis­ tration as Interfering with their process. The active mem­ bers, however, are the ones who normally draw the boundaries.

A second Important role that appears in the observation, but not in the expectations, is that of guardianship of the . micro-system from attack. Members of council, regardless of the degree of activity shown In legislative matters, unify in the face of attack upon either the council itself, or a personal attack upon one of Its members. Par greater sig­ nificance to the legislative process is the council's guarding of its jurisdiction and role In the process. This

Is accomplished by denying, postponing, or questioning seem­ ingly routine legislation. Most often, the council will merely raise a series of questions, discuss them briefly, and then pass the legislation. The importance is the timing, when this is done to what is seen as 11 sure passage" legis­ lation, it catches the administration or sponsor off-guard, and appears to be used to signal to those involved— don't take the council for granted.

Specialization appears not to fe a function of the position of incumbent and therefore does not aid in the explanation of the degree of preparedness exhibited by the members. When, for example, Informants were asked to respond to a question regarding persons viewed as extremely compe­ tent in an area, only two councilmen emerged as specialists.

It Is interesting to note that a Democrat who was most fre­ quently perceived as being a specialist, was also the same

Incumbent who most often was critical of the Democratic Mayor and administration. Moreover, he was rarely challenged by other incumbents concerning any of his behavior. A Repub­ lican member of the body was also perceived by some to be a specialist. Inferring from the Democrat's behavior, it would appear that specialization is highly respected by the other members, and with it goes a large degree of deference. 2 M

Another role emerges in the observations; that of admin­ istrative spokesman. Here the Democrat most prone to use the media is viewed as being the spokesman for the administration.

He reports the Mayor’s position on legislation and can be counted upon to back the administration In nearly all cases.

He too, presents the majority of miscellaneous administrative legislation to council, and is deferred to when other council members wish to know the mayor’s position.

Procedural Hole Behavior

The expectations of the procedural roles of notification and tabling appear to be upheld by observations of council at work. Only on three occasions was there any indication that council members were not in complete agreement on what course of action was to be taken. Again, this is a direct product of the pre-sesssion dinner meeting and the weekly council-administratlon conference. Even in the deviant cases, it was not clear that council did not have advanced notice of the intended course of action. There are some reasons to believe that even these are situations in which the incumbent did notify at least some of his colleagues.

One Interesting behavior not mentioned in the expec­ tations of the procedural role is that of voting. During debate on measures, incumbents often disagree sharply, and occasionally split their vote on amendments, but when the final vote is called, unanimity more often than not prevails.

It would appear that this gives added support to those who desire a good 11 image" to be transmitted. Moreover, it sug­ gests that "image" may be a much wider recognized norm of behavior than expectations revealed. Observations indicated that the Republican member with the least tenure provided council with the basic leadership from the floor. He most often Intervened to assure stability within the councilmanic process, by not allowing the legis­ lation to become sidetracked, or deadlocked. However, this picture was somewhat blurred by the fact that when asked, the Incumbents responded with the belief that the Democratic specialist was also the member most apt to help them maintain the proper course. The observed task-leader ranked third among his colleagues. However, among administrators the Republican incumbent held a 2 to 1 margin over the Democratic specialist in reply to the same question. Media personnel also supported the administrator's contention by selecting the Republican incumbent as being the most task-oriented among the councilmen. Furthermore, the Republican incumbent is not active with regard to the media, thus indicating that this is not a response they based on their personal inter­ action. What seems to be a likable explanation is that in private sessions the Democratic specialist is more apt to be deferred to, due to his expertise, and his party affiliation. In public sessions, where party is minimized, and often the more substantive questions have been settled, the Republican emerges as the leader. 2 k6

A further role emerges, that of a parliamentarian. This

accompanies the task-leadership in open session, for it is

with parliamentary procedures that deadlocks are most often

broken. Here too, the legal training of the Republican

becomes Important, for neither specialist nor any Democrat

has a legal background.

Conflictual Role Behavior

Perhaps the easiest role to observe is that of internal

conflict among Incumbents. In Columbus, one is struck with

the absence of such conflict, as even minor disagreements

are very infrequent.

Informants were asked if any one member stood out as a

peace-maker. Unanimous agreement among the members of coun­

cil appeared, for they believed that the senior Democrat was

most responsible for this absence. The senior Democrat was

also the choice of both administrators and media, although

some administrators expressed the belief that, it varied from

issue to issue. More important, this Democratic incumbent

was not known for his active role in regard to any of the

other roles explored, yet he performs the vital function of

preserving the peace within the ralcro-system.

Internal Political Process? Some General Findings

Figure 6 illustrates the micro-system as' it has been

reflected in both expectations of the incumbent's behavior, as well as observations of these expectations. From this 2^7 Public Actives

General Orientations Information Seekers Postlve Toward Groups Party 2 Democrats Task Leader 1 Republican Specialist Parliamentarian Administrative Spokesman

Shared Expectations and Behavior Legislative Restraint Guardianship Macro-System Elements Administration Media Groups Political Parties

Party General Orientations Leader 2 Democrats Concern with Peace- 1 Republican System's image Maker Pro-Administ rat ion Less Positive Toward Groups

Private Actives

Fig. 6 .— Internal Process Model not only a description of Columbus* city council emerges, but also a series of generalizations about its process that can be tested in future research. 1. Of primary importance was the emergence of a council which is characterized by its high degree of integration. Using Fenno's definition of integration "the degree to which there is working together or meshing together, or mutual sup­ port among roles and subgroups, "I** one finds that council performs exceedingly well as a group of legislators. They are able to act upon a large number of legislative matters within the course of a single session. Factors that encourage this high integration level are: (1) The commonly shared expectations regarding both internal behavior of council, and also, their role regarding segments of the macro-system, (2) the outstanding balance found among the members regarding occupation, age, geographical residency in the city, religious and ethnic backgrounds, and finally, and most important is (3) the impact of structural affect to the council. For instance, the absence of functioning committees within the micro-system transfers the normal committee hearing into one of a "committee of the whole." Moreover, this committee of the whole provides psychological support to members while simultaneously working as a check upon "individualism," and behavior deviant from the system's norms. In addition, it

^Richard F. Fenno, "The Appropriations Committee as a Political System," American Political Science Review. LVI (June, 1962), 310. 2 k9

directly affects the public's opportunity to affect the leg­ islative process by Insulating the incumbent from direct constituent pressures, for he is not divided from the system either psychologically or physically. Finally, the struc­ tural and procedural restrictions allow the administrative branch to usurp many legislative functions, while providing a deference toward the administrator by incumbent. While one's behavior is a result of many things, in Columbus, the councilman's behavior appears to be affected most by the process and structure of the process in which he discharges his legislative duties. Three aspects of council's internal process appear as a result of this high integration. First, as Fenno also found, it reduces the affect of party upon the internal process of the system.Second, and somewhat paradoxically in light of its deference toward the adminis­ trator, it provides an important protection, or power prerogative to use Carrell's term of the micro-system from the macro-system pressures and abuse. This protection against infringement from the macro-system was evident in the role behavior of the council. This was illustrated in the legislative restraint role and the guardianship role observed working in the micro-system. The first was a type of role behavior exhibited that was used to slow, impede, or

15ibld. l^Jeptha j. Carrell,•"The City Manager and His Council: Sources of Conflict," Public Administration Quarterly, XXII (December, 19^2), 203. 250

defeat what was thought to be routine legislation. The second was the system's coalescing in the face of attack from the macro-system. Finally, it serves to foster a high amount of reciprocity so vital to effective legislation. This is visible in the "rules of the game" notion implicitly stated in the procedural role questions. 2, Another finding which appeared was the accuracy that existed between role expectations and observed role behavior. While the expectations were rather limited in scope, there did occur not only an internal consistency within groups of informants, but an inter-group consistency as well; a finding contrary to Buechner when he studied per­ ception in Colorado's council-manager cities. -*-? Expectations of role seemed to reflect one's position vis-a-vis the role being defined in some instances, but of equal significance was the Intensity of the expectation.’*-® The Intensity appeared also to be a function of the observer's proximity to the role. If this is the case, then the council-adminis­ trative expectations provide the critical cue as to the effectiveness of the micro-system in the present study. 3. Although the council has a high degree of inte­ gration, it is not a body of one mind, habit, or behavior. One of the more striking features of the micro-system is its.

■*■7John C. Buechner, Differences in Role Perception In Colorado Counc11-Manager titles, Bureau of Governmental Re­ search and Service (Boulder: University of Colorado, 1965). l®Gross, et al., op. clt. 251 dlchotomous Internal group dynamics. The system is distinc­ tively divided both in perceived expectations and actual behavior of its members. This division is most prevalent in secondary expectations and actual behavior; it does not alter the consistency found in the system itself. While no spe­ cific test, or question was directed toward establishing the exact nature of this division, a look at each group leads to some speculative conclusions. First, age and tenure of in­ cumbents seems to divide the micro-system into these groups, or subgroups. The older age cohort appears as one group; the younger, the other. Second, each of these groups has adopted its own operating functions regarding the macro-system. The older incumbents are less likely to be outwardly active par­ ticipants in the legislative process. They do not seek out the media, nor does the media seek them out. Their observed task in the system is minimal, and with one important exception, none are thought to be performing leadership functions. The other group consisting of two Democrats and one Republican, is perceived and observed as being outwardly active in the process.**-9 people seek them out, and they seek out the administrators, and constituents. Four of the five perceived leadership roles are held by these councilmen. Council Is able to maintain high integration, and at the same time, have two distinctive groups because of the shared

19one Democratic member is not in either group due to his short tenure on council, however, there is early indi­ cation that he will become a member of the Public Actives. 2 5 2

expectations and behavior that exists among the members. The critical expectations and behavior are those shared and have a high Intensity. The effect of this division within the system seems to have the most impact on the resolution of conflict. The greater the potential or real conflict, the more important becomes the role of the tenured, private active group. First, they are needed to give unity to the system itself, and second, the system tends to seek solutions in the private not public sphere. 4. Leadership within the council is dominated by the younger members of the system. It is not a product of the 5-2 Democratic majority; rather a prominent role is played by the junior Republican member. This group in council is responsible for providing the system with its only special­ ist, a Democrat; the Republican task-leader, who keeps council moving toward its objective, is also its parlia­ mentarian; and the Democratic administrative spokesman. Significantly, however, the private actives provide council with the peace-maker, a man who emerges to his highest prominence when the personalities, or individuals within the system become Involved in deadlock. 5. Finally, systematic differences are minimal between the groups of informants. The administrators, however, are most consistent between roles, with the media being the least consistent group. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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"Municipal Social Hank and Characteristics of Local Political Leaders," Midwest Journal of Political Science, XII (November, 1968), 514-537. Eulau, Heinz. "The Informal Organization of Decisional Structures in Small Legislative Bodies." Midwest Journal of Political Science. XIII (August, 1969), 341-366. Fenno, Richard, Jr. "The House Appropriations Committee as a Political System." American Political Science Review. LVI (June, 1962)7 310-324. Hass, Eugene J. "Hole Conception and Group Consensus: A Study of Disharmony in Hospital Work Groups." Columbus: Bureau of Business Research. 1964. Huckshom, Robert J. and Young, Charles E. "Study of Voting Splits on City Councils in Los Angeles County." Western Political Quarterly. XIII (June, i960), 479-498.

Huitt, Ralph K. "Democratic Leadership in the Senate." American Political Science Review. LV (June, 1951)» 331-334. James, John. "A Preliminary Study of the Size Determinate in Small Groups." American Sociological Review. XLI (195D. 474-477. Jones, Charles 0. "Representation in Congress: The Case of the House Agricultural Committee," American Political Science Review. LV (June, 1961}, 358-367. Latham, Earl, "The Group Basis of Politics: Notes for a Theory." American Political Science Review, XLVI (June, 1952), 37&-397. McGeary, M. Nelson. "Councilman Learns His Job." National Municipal Review, XLIII (June, 1954), 284-287', Manley, John F. "The House Committee on Ways and Means: Conflict Management in a Congressional Committee," American Political Science Review. LIX (December, 1965). 927-939. 258

______. "Wilbur D. Mills: A Study of Congressional Influence," American Political Science Review, LXIII (June, 19^9 5442-464. Matthews, Donald. "Folkways of the United States Senate: Conformity to Groups Norms and Legislative Effectiveness." American Political Science Review. LIII (December, 1959), 1064-1089. : Prewitt, Kenneth and Eulau, Heinz. "Political Represen­ tation: Prolegomenon to a New Departure From an Old Problem." American Political Science Review, LXIII (June, 196'977~36l-37'8. ■ Prewitt, Kenneth and Zisk, Betty. "Political Social­ ization and Political Roles." Public Opinion Quarterly, XXX (Winter, 1966-196?), 569-582. "Report 33: A Journal of German-American History." Baltimore: Society for the History of the Germans in Maryland, 1968. ‘ r” Rothman, Stanley. "Systematic Political Theory: Obser­ vations on the Groups Approach." American Political Science Review. LVI (March, I960), 15-33. Routt, Garland C. "Interpersonal Relationships and the Legislative Process." Annals, CVC (January, 1938), 129-136. Staler, Philip E. "Role Differentiation in Small Groups." American Sociological Review. XX (1955)» 300-308. Zisk, Betty H., et al. "City Councllmen and the Group Struggle: A Typology of Role Orientations." Journal of Politics, XXVII (August, 1965). 618-646.

Public Documents and Reports Bartholomew, Harland, et al. "A Report Upon Economic Base Population and General Land Use" (St. Louis, May, 1 9 5 * 0 ♦ Columbus. City Charter 1 9 1 4 . Columbus. City Council Journal. January 2, 1970. State of Ohio. Constitution of 1851. State of Ohio. Constitution of 1914. 259

U. S. Bureau of Census. County and City Data Book. 1 9 5 7 . U. S. Bureau of Census, County and City Data Book, 1 9 6 7 . U. S. Bureau of Census. Current Population Reports, Series P-23, N. 33. "Trends in Social and Economic Con­ ditions in Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Areas." U. S. Bureau of Census. U. S. Census of Population 1900. Characteristics of Population^

Unpublished Materials Pitts, Grace. "The Italians of Columbus: An Economic and Sociological Study." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University, 1900. Michell, William. "Interest Group Theory and Overlapping Membership." Paper Delivered at the annual American Political Science Association Meeting, September, 1963. "Municipal Boundary Line Changes in Columbus, Ohio Metro­ politan Area." Citizens Research, Inc., January, 1968. Prewitt, Carl Kenneth, Jr. "Career Patterns and Role Orientations: An Inquiry into the Political Behavior of City Councllmen." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1963* Snorf, Sue. "A Sociological Study of the Hungarian Settlement in Columbus," Unpublished Master*s dissertation, Ohio State University, 1925-