Urban Québécois Political Culture and the Montreal Reform of 1909 Alan Gordon
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Document generated on 09/26/2021 8:47 a.m. Urban History Review Revue d'histoire urbaine Ward Heelers and Honest Men: Urban Québécois Political Culture and the Montreal Reform of 1909 Alan Gordon Volume 23, Number 2, March 1995 Article abstract While scholars often emphasize traditionalism, ruralism and anti-statism as URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1016631ar the "dominants" of Quebec's political culture prior to the Quiet Revolution, DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1016631ar some Québécois embraced progressivism early in the twentieth century. Municipal government reform, one of the hallmarks of the progressive See table of contents movement, cropped up in Canada's largest city, Montreal. Far from being confined to anglophones and remnants of Quebec's rouge party, support for reform came from a wide section of Montreal's French-speaking population. Publisher(s) This article analyzes the rhetoric employed by Montreal's mass circulation newspapers during the referendum campaign of 1909 in order to demonstrate Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire urbaine the popularity of reform in Montreal and to uncover the main doctrines of French-Canadian progressivism. Urban Quebec's political culture, then, ISSN accommodated the position of the city in Québécois culture and envisioned an expanding and active state role in city life. Overriding these beliefs were the 0703-0428 (print) basic assumptions of early-twentieth-century liberalism and, curiously for a 1918-5138 (digital) referendum campaign, a distrust of popular sovereignty characteristic of North American reformism in general. Explore this journal Cite this article Gordon, A. (1995). Ward Heelers and Honest Men: Urban Québécois Political Culture and the Montreal Reform of 1909. Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire urbaine, 23(2), 20–32. https://doi.org/10.7202/1016631ar All Rights Reserved © Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire urbaine, 1995 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ Ward Heelers and Honest Men: Urban Québécois Political Culture and the Montreal Reform of 1909 Alan Gordon Abstract: Only a few histories of Montreal during Brunet's simplification, he supported Canada's first urban boom have been French-Canadian ambivalence towards While scholars often emphasize written. It is a paradox that an era in the state. In Heintzman's scheme, vari• traditionalism, ruralism and anti-statism as which urban questions were so profound ous factors forced francophones away the "dominants" of Quebec's political has produced such meagre debate on from modern economic development culture prior to the Quiet Revolution, some the development of Canada's largest and into the liberal professions, resulting Québécois embraced progressivism early in 1 city. This is especially surprising consid• in a nineteenth-century employment cri• the twentieth century. Municipal ering that French Canadian boosterism sis that, in turn, necessitated government government reform, one of the hallmarks had proponents as prominent as those of patronage to maintain a reasonable of the progressive movement, cropped up in Ontario and the Prairies.2 While much ink standard of living. Thus the state be• Canada's largest city, Montreal. Far from has been spilled over the political culture being confined to anglophones and came associated with partisan connec• remnants of Quebec's rouge party, support of French Canada, little has covered the tions, producing a cynicism about for reform came from a wide section of political culture of urban French Canada, politics that called for protection from po• Montreal's French-speaking population. leaving a dangerous simplification of litical control of important social objec• 6 This article analyzes the rhetoric employed québécois culture that this article will at• tives. Municipal affairs was one such by Montreal's mass circulation newspapers tempt to correct. In essence, and con• area. For Heintzman, the Montreal reform during the referendum campaign of 1909 trary to historical stereotypes, at least movement of 1909 "both symbolized and in order to demonstrate the popularity of some French Canadians in the early reflected the continuing desire of a por• reform in Montreal and to uncover the twentieth century, following the progres• tion of Quebec's élite to protect public main doctrines of French-Canadian sive, North American urban reform move• administration from the ravages of elec• progressivism. Urban Quebec's political ment, actively supported both reformism toral politics, a concern repeatedly frus• culture, then, accommodated the position and an active state role. trated by the realities of economic need of the city in Québécois culture and experienced by the population as a envisioned an expanding and active state Political Culture in Quebec whole."7 However, Heintzman ignores role in city life. Overriding these beliefs any sense that the reform of 1909 fol• were the basic assumptions of Following the polemics of Michel Brunet, lowed the tradition of municipal reforms early-twentieth-century liberalism and, the character of québécois political cul• carried out by more "progressive" prov• curiously for a referendum campaign, a ture prior to 1960 has been called anti- inces like Ontario, and the rest of anglo• distrust of popular sovereignty étatiste. Brunet attributed the fear of the phone North America. "Nonpolitical" characteristic of North American state to a retarded classical liberalism municipal systems cropped up across reformism in general. among Quebec's nineteenth-century fran• the continent. cophone élite that emphasized Quebec's traditional rural culture as its "vocation." Studies of Quebec's municipal anti-éta- In an effort to counter the upheaval of ur• tisme also borrow from the American banization and industrialization, these be• model of urban corruption. In the age of ing phenomena of foreign inspiration, American machine politics the immigrant this traditional-minded élite turned the ru• vote was largely exploited for machine ral lifestyles into a defence against for• purposes.8 As America's urban immi• eign domination.3 In Denis Monière's grants tended to be Catholics, the notion terms, the city "par son étrangeté, [était] of corrupt Catholicism developed. Apolo• l'espace des étrangers."4 Bernard Vigod gists stress that a bias of the dominant attributes this view to attempts to explain society against the unsophisticated and and justify the Quiet Revolution through unprotected made collective action into comparison with Quebec's earlier back• a form of protection. As the urban poor wardness.5 Despite Vigod's caution, Can• tended to be Catholic, it is all too easy to ada's anglophone historians continue to associate corruption with Catholicism.9 implicitly accept Brunet's charac• This association crops up in some of the terization. For instance, although Ralph best works on Canadian municipal re• Heintzman searched for a corrective to form. One student of urban reform char- 20 Urban History Review I Revue d'histoire urbaine Vol. XXIH, No. 2 (March, 1995 mars) Ward Heelers and Honest Men Résumé acterized the Montreal combatants of The Montreal Tradition 1909 in Manichaean terms. State restruc• Alors que les érudits insistent souvent pour turing was supported by "a reform coali• Like its Western and Ontarian counter• dire que le traditionnalisme, la vie rurale et tion supported by many English voters, parts, Montreal embraced the impulses Vanti-étatisme on été les «éléments certain businessmen, and French Cana• of the progressive era. Rapid city growth, dominants» de la culture politique au dian progressives like Bourassa and and an increased importance of urban is• Québec avant la Révolution tranquille, Asselin." The opposition included "a sues, built awareness of corruption at certains Québécois ont adhéré au mixed bag of opportunists who had the City Hall. New social classes developed progressisme au début du vingtième siècle. backing of most French Canadians, es• and expanded alongside the process of La réforme de Vadministration municipale, pecially the clerical and artisan urbanization. Between the extremes of Vun des fleurons du mouvement classes."10 wealth and poverty emerged the new progressiste, a vu le jour dans la plus grande ville du Canada, Montréal Loin "white collar" middle class of clerical d'être uniquement le fait des anglophones Fernande Roy has recently criticized workers. Canadian industrial and finan• et de ce que restait du parti rouge du such single-minded approaches. In par• cial sector amalgamations after 1900 pro• Québec, Vappui à la réforme est venu ticular, she berates the recurrent notion duced a revolution in administration, a d'une bonne tranche de la population of "monotheism" in the study of ideology. far-reaching change in the complexity francophone de Montréal. Par l'analyse de Work on political culture, she argues, has and size of business practices. Canada's la rhétorique qui avait cours dans le not given adequate thought to the fluidity first big wave of mergers crested in journaux montréalais à grand tirage and variety within québécois ideologies.