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European Identity: Historical Fact and Political Problem7

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European Identity: Historical Fact and Political Problem7 SIX KRZYSZTOF POMIAN European Identity: Historical Fact and Political Problem7 magine we are invited to answer two questions: is it possible to speak of a Chi- nese identity, formed in history, which makes China different from the rest I of the world? Can the Chinese find an inspiration in this for their future? For an average Chinese person, an affirmative answer to both questions would be so self-evident as to obviate the need to ask them. For an average European looking at China from the outside, the answers would be no less obvious. But the same European would be much more hesitant if posed the questions with respect to Europe. Where does this difference between Chinese and European identity arise? The answer is easily given. A Chinese person is accustomed to thinking of China as a unified cultural and political entity; as an empire. Europeans, on the other hand, think in terms of plurality: a plurality of idioms, cultural regions, religions, and within religions, confessions. Not to mention, of course, the plurality of nations. The latter has imposed itself so powerfully and for so long on the European imagination that for Europeans, Europe as a reality other than a sum of nations is problematic. It seems self-evident that to be a Dutchman or a Pole is to have a com- mon language, a particular education, traditions, prejudices, habits, customs, and so on. But what it means to be a European is by no means obvious. That is why asking after “European identity” is futile without first showing that one can speak meaningfully of Europe not only as a continent, or as a Union, but also as a cultural and historical formation that is complementary to and superimposed upon nations. 1. The easiest way to do that is to compare Europe with its neighbours. Such an oper- ation, which is tantamount to looking at Europe from the outside, draws atten- 7 Most of this text has been first published 24 August 2009. Original in Dutch in L. Ornstein and L. Breemer (eds.). Paleis Europa. Grote denkers over Europa, as “De Europese identiteit: een historisch feit en een politiek problem”, Amsterdam: De Bezige Bij: 2007, 29-54; Transit 37 (2009) (German version). 76 001-140_Niznik_Europe on Test_168_238_OK_16.06.20.indd 76 16.06.2020 16:35:23 tion to features that distinguish Europe as an inhabited space from Muslim North Africa, the Middle East, and China (assuming we agree, for the time being, to extend Europe to the eastern frontiers of Russia). Let us start with those features that can be perceived by the senses. The most striking is probably the presence of crosses: on buildings, in cemeteries, sometimes also at crossroads and roadsides. The second feature is the plans of cities and architecture, particularly of public buildings; if we leave aside the international style fashionable since the 1930s, the most widespread style is what we call “neoclassical”. The third is the alphabet, which is different from Chinese ideography as well as from the Arabic and other alphabets. There are three major types of this writing, but it is manifest that they belong to the same family. The fourth is the density of images in the public space and in dwelling places of ordinary persons. The fifth is the great number of images that represent human figures, including naked male and female bodies. The sixth is the ringing of bells. The seventh is the presence of Greek, Roman, and mediaeval remains, either as buildings or as ruins or as objects preserved in museums. Some of these features are specific to Europe; some are present elsewhere too. But their coexistence creates a unique visual and aural landscape, which outside Europe can only be found in areas inhabited by Europeans. This inventory is certainly open-ended. And it is very general so as to encom- pass all cultural areas of Europe, in particular the western and the eastern ones, where the form of churches differs (in the East they have onion-shaped domes), as does the appearance of priests, the alphabets used, the vernacular architecture, and the amount of images of naked bodies (much less in the East). It concentrates on what is dominant, obvious, and present almost everywhere on European terri- tory; hence it deliberately neglects the millennial presence in Europe of the Jew- ish minority and the results of globalization, which in the last four decades has installed in Europe significant Muslim, Chinese, Hindu, and Sikh populations. And it is intended to have only statistical validity: in some places, distinctive features of the European cultural space are concentrated and prominent; elsewhere they are weak and rarefied. An attempt at cartography would almost certainly show that their density is the greatest in certain regions of Western Europe. Let us now move from perceptible differences to those that become visible only when European society is compared with its neighbours. First, we discover that Europe has its own way of organizing time, beginning with the week – Sunday being an official holiday – but extending to the year, with its feasts and holidays. The former, in particular Christmas and Easter, are common to Western and to Eastern Europe, although celebrated on different dates because the religious calen- dars do not coincide. Holidays are specific to each country, but each has a national holiday or a Victory Day. Second, Europe possesses its own cultural references. If we try to establish which titles, names, events, and places are referred to with the greatest frequency in European writings, the visual arts, religious and civil cere- monies, political discourse and so on, we arrive at the conclusion that, apart from those disseminated by Christianity on all continents, almost all are either ignored outside Europe or known only to small and learned minorities. However, besides Christian and also Jewish references, Europeans often appeal to ancient Greece 77 001-140_Niznik_Europe on Test_168_238_OK_16.06.20.indd 77 16.06.2020 16:35:23 and ancient Rome; the Latin Middle Ages are more frequently evoked in the West, while the East more often turns towards Byzantium. Modern art, literature, science, political doctrines, and legal norms are common to all parts of Europe. It is true that some of these cultural references are now propagated throughout the world. But if we were to treat them statistically and project the results on a map, it is almost certain that the cluster would have the greatest density in Europe. The third distinctive feature of Europe is its secularity, by which I mean the separation of politics and religion and of citizenship from adherence to a religion or a confession. The fourth is the status of women: European laws recognize only monogamous marriages; women are not compelled to cover their faces, and they have always played an essential role in European culture and politics. The fifth component of European specificity is the absence of dietary restrictions, another legacy of Christianity different to Judaism and Islam. More difficult to describe briefly are habits manifest in everyday life and materialized in the furniture of European homes and offices. All this applies, albeit to a variable extent, to coun- tries born following the European expansion between the sixteenth and the nine- teenth centuries: to the US, Canada, Latin America, Australia, and New Zealand. For brevity’s sake, I will disregard their differences and treat them as projections of Europe outside Europe proper. I stress once more that this is an open-ended inventory. But it is enough to answer in the affirmative the question of whether there are features peculiar to Europe that distinguish it from the rest of the world. If we agree on that, we must seek an explanation for the simultaneous presence in Europe of, on the one hand, the diversity of languages, religions and confessions, signs and symbols, states and nations, and, on the other hand, the unity attested to by the presence of character- istics shared by different groups of Europeans, albeit to a variable degree, differ- entiating them as a whole from their Muslim or Chinese neighbours. If we wish to avoid futile speculation and to remain on an empirical basis obtained through rational methods, then the explanation we need both for Europe’s unity and diver- sity can come only through the study of European history. 2. Present-day Europe, with all its peculiarities, is the outcome of a very long process. I am inclined to locate its starting point somewhere around the middle of the first millennium before Christ. At that time, the Greeks began to colonize the shores of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, and entered into closer contact with Celts, who occupied the centre of the continent, roughly speaking along the Danube and the Rhine in the north and, in the south, present-day France, then Gaul, northern Italy, and northern Spain. The consequence was Celtic expeditions to lands inhab- ited by Greeks and the slow transformation of Celtic societies. This, in turn, indi- rectly provoked the movement to the south of the northern and eastern neighbours of Celts; let us call them Barbarians without any pejorative connotation. More- over, the influence of Great Greece in southern Italy on its neighbours provided an 78 001-140_Niznik_Europe on Test_168_238_OK_16.06.20.indd 78 16.06.2020 16:35:23 impulse to the growth and the expansion of the small Latin-speaking tribe concen- trated around Rome. In the course of several centuries, the Romans came to domi- nate first their Etruscan and later their Greek neighbours, and started the conquest of the Mediterranean, of northern Italy, and of Transalpine Gaul.
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