Anthropological Exchanges Between Korea and Japan in the Postwar Era1
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Special Issue Anthropology of Japan in Korea and Anthropology of Korea in Japan Anthropological Exchanges between Korea and Japan in the Postwar Era1 Dongseong Park Soonchunhyang University Introduction Following Korea’s independence in 1945, Korean anthropology, severed from colonial-era Japanese anthropology, began to develop according to a model imported from the U.S. in the late 1950s. This connection with the U.S. can be illustrated by the establishment of the Korean Society for Cultural Anthropology (KOSCA). According to the memoirs of Dongkwon Lim (1968: 136-141), KOSCA was initiated by a group of folklore scholars who gathered in the autumn of 1958 to establish a new association that would be “folkloristic” but separate from the existing Korean Folklore Society, which had been known as the Society for the Study of Legends until its name was changed two years earlier. On November 19, 1958, eight scholars — Yoonho Kang, Donguk Kim, Doohyun Lee, Junghak Kim, Kisoo Kim, Dongkwon Lim, Seokjai Lim, and Chugun Chang — announced the formation of KOSCA. The term “cultural anthropology” was chosen to differentiate it from the Korean Folklore Society. In addition, the founders also believed that cultural anthropology, which had been extending its influence widely in the academic world, would also become popular in Korea. The first presentation for the KOSCA seminar on December 18, 1958 was made by Junghak Kim — a paper entitled “Recent Developments in American Anthropology.” In 1961, the Department of Anthropology and Archeology was founded at Seoul National University, signaling the beginning of anthropology as an institutionalized discipline in Korea. During Japanese colonial rule, Japanese anthropologists such as Takashi Akiba and Seiichi Izumi at Keijō Imperial University accumulated a substantial amount of anthropological research. According to Kyungsoo Chun (1999: 131-7), there were also native Koreans who received systematic training in anthropology, including Jintae Son, Soka Song 1 This is a revised and shortened version of my earlier work, “Japan, and Japanese Research on Korean Anthropologists during the Postwar Period,” published in Korean in the Journal of East Asian Cultures (2015) 61: 159-185. Japanese Review of Cultural Anthropology, vol. 16, 2015 158 Dongseong Park and Kukro Lee. In hindsight, looking back at the period after independence, Sangbok Han (1973) remarked that just after 1945 Sangbek Lee and Soka Song gave lectures entitled “Introduction to Anthropology,” “Primitive Society,” “Ethnicity and Society,” “Family” and “Seminar in Anthropology” in the Sociology Department of Seoul National University. After the Korean War ended, Heyoung Lee taught “Cultural Anthropology,” “History of Primitive Family,” “Study on Environment,” and “Special Topics in Anthropology,” while Simin Pyon, Wonbek Chun and Sangbek Lee lectured respectively on “Primitive Society,” “Primitive Man,” and “Transmission of Cultural Heritage,” and Jung Tewi and Younggyu Yun subsequently gave lectures on “Folklore Study” and “Culture and Personality” (Han 1973: 214). It is not certain how these lecturers taught anthropology to students. However, it is quite clear that teaching cultural anthropology, which started after the turmoil of the Korean War, was severed from the beginning from the anthropology that had been practiced under Japanese rule and just after independence. Explaining this severance, Kyungsoo Chun highlights several politically sensitive affairs of the time. These involved Kukro Lee, one of the most enthusiastic scholars to develop Korean anthropology and the first chairperson of the Chosun Anthropological Society — and a defector to North Korea — and also Jintae Son, a member of the Anthropological Society, and Hyokyong Kim, director of the Korean National Museum of Ethnology, who were both kidnapped by North Korea (Chun 1999: 163). Chun also noted that the founders of KOSCA did not intentionally disregard, but were simply unaware of, previous anthropological works written just before and after independence (Chun 1999: 478). The disconnection of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan after independence and the subsequent cessation of exchanges between Korean and Japanese scholars resulted in the temporary severance of anthropological practice in Korea. Ironically, however, the process of reestablishing anthropology in postwar Korea was indebted to anthropological exchanges between the two countries. Japan gave assistance to Korean scholars in obtaining anthropological knowledge, and supported their fieldwork abroad. This also helped to accelerate Japanese anthropological research on Korea. The purpose of this paper is, then, to examine how anthropological exchanges between Korea and Japan were carried out during the initial developmental phase of anthropology in Korea and what impacts these exchanges had on the formation of anthropological traditions in both Korea and Japan. Anthropological Exchanges between Korea and Japan during the Initial Phase Anthropological Exchanges before the Normalization of Diplomatic Ties During the colonial era, Japanese anthropologists conducted field research in Japanese colonies and occupied territories in Asia. After the end of the Second World War, the territory of Japan shrank to include only the Japanese archipelago itself, depriving Dongseong Park Anthropological Exchanges between Korea and Japan in the Postwar Era 159 and Kukro Lee. In hindsight, looking back at the period after independence, Sangbok Han anthropologists of their previous sites for research. This change forced them to restrict their (1973) remarked that just after 1945 Sangbek Lee and Soka Song gave lectures entitled research to domestic areas, which had customarily been the domain of folklorists. In the “Introduction to Anthropology,” “Primitive Society,” “Ethnicity and Society,” “Family” and 1950s, when Japan’s economy started to recover, Japanese field research began in America, “Seminar in Anthropology” in the Sociology Department of Seoul National University. After Central Asia, Africa, and Southeast Asia (Park 2011: 38). However, the political situation the Korean War ended, Heyoung Lee taught “Cultural Anthropology,” “History of Primitive made it impossible for Japanese scholars to resume research in East Asia; this was Family,” “Study on Environment,” and “Special Topics in Anthropology,” while Simin Pyon, postponed until the restoration of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan in 1965. Wonbek Chun and Sangbek Lee lectured respectively on “Primitive Society,” “Primitive There were cases, however, in which Korean scholars visited Japan, and scholars from Man,” and “Transmission of Cultural Heritage,” and Jung Tewi and Younggyu Yun Korea and Japan also conducted academic exchanges abroad. subsequently gave lectures on “Folklore Study” and “Culture and Personality” (Han 1973: Teakkyu Kim provides a good example. Studying at Tenri University in Nara Prefecture 214). It is not certain how these lecturers taught anthropology to students. for several months during the summer vacation of 1959, he seems to have made a visit to the However, it is quite clear that teaching cultural anthropology, which started after the University of Tokyo (Chun 2009). In addition, it is clear that he went to that university to turmoil of the Korean War, was severed from the beginning from the anthropology that had meet anthropologist Seiichi Izumi in 1961. At that time, the department of anthropology at been practiced under Japanese rule and just after independence. Explaining this severance, the University of Tokyo, due to the initiative of its head professor, Eiichiro Ishida, followed Kyungsoo Chun highlights several politically sensitive affairs of the time. These involved the U.S. “holistic” model of anthropology, incorporating the discipline’s diverse subfields of Kukro Lee, one of the most enthusiastic scholars to develop Korean anthropology and the study. The department undertook large-scale projects on “Excavation of Inca Civilization in first chairperson of the Chosun Anthropological Society — and a defector to North Korea — the Andes” and on “Area Patterns of Japanese Culture,” both of which involved graduate and also Jintae Son, a member of the Anthropological Society, and Hyokyong Kim, director students (Chun 2009: 646). Attracted to the latter project, Kim — together with Japanese of the Korean National Museum of Ethnology, who were both kidnapped by North Korea students — participated in a village study of Taishō Town in Shikoku. Returning home after (Chun 1999: 163). a year’s stay in Tokyo, he initiated intensive field research in Hahoe Village in Andong, Chun also noted that the founders of KOSCA did not intentionally disregard, but were Korea, and later published a book, Study on the Life Structure of a Clan Village (1964). Later, Kim simply unaware of, previous anthropological works written just before and after classified Korean basic culture into three areas: the Tano, the Chusok, and the complex of independence (Chun 1999: 478). The disconnection of diplomatic relations between Korea Chusok and Tano.2 His theoretical framework was based on a reinterpretation of Japanese and Japan after independence and the subsequent cessation of exchanges between Korean understandings of the concepts of “kulturkreise” (cultural circle or cultural field) of the Vienna and Japanese scholars resulted in the temporary severance of anthropological practice in school and of the “culture area” of American anthropology.