Ukraine: State and Nation Building
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The Ukrainian Weekly 2011, No.34
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE: Yushchenko testifi es against Tymoshenko – page 3 Diaspora leaders comment on today’s Ukraine – page 4 Experts/scholars on independent Ukraine at 20 – page 8 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXIX No. 34 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 21, 2011 $1/$2 in Ukraine Chrystyna Lapychak/The Ukrainian Weekly August 24, 1991: The scene inside the Verkhovna Rada after the vote for Ukraine’s independence. Members of the democratic bloc carry in a huge Ukrainian flag, which had been draped over one of the tanks protecting the Russian Parliament building at the time of the attempted coup in the Soviet Union. Movers and shakers comment on Ukraine at 20 by Mark Raczkiewycz Some submissions metaphorically com- entered college, had become the boxing dated Soviet model. This is one of the rea- Special to The Ukrainian Weekly pared to Ukraine to an adolescent entering champion of Ukraine, had travelled abroad sons that for 20 years of independence we his teens, albeit with stunted growth. and had tasted life different from that in the have not achieved the same success in KYIV – To mark the 20th anniversary of Others emphasized the unique opportu- Soviet Union. Therefore, I, like many building a state, as the Baltic states or the the re-establishment of Ukraine’s indepen- nity and potential that Ukraine has to Ukrainians, perceived the political events Georgians, our former neighbors in the dence, The Ukrainian Weekly asked some become a geopolitical player in Europe, but of the early ‘90s optimistically because we Soviet Union, who have been independent of Ukraine’s political, civic and cultural lamented that the country has taken every had a chance to start a new life. -
Central and Eastern Europe Development Outlook After the Coronavirus Pandemic
CHINA-CEE INSTITUTE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE DEVELOPMENT OUTLOOK AFTER THE CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC Editor in Chief: Dr. Chen Xin Published by: China-CEE Institute Nonprofit Ltd. Telephone: +36-1-5858-690 E-mail: [email protected] Webpage: www.china-cee.eu Address: 1052, Budapest, Petőfi Sándor utca 11. Chief Editor: Dr. Chen Xin ISSN: 978-615-6124-29-6 Cover design: PONT co.lab Copyright: China-CEE Institute Nonprofit Ltd. The reproduction of the study or parts of the study are prohibited. The findings of the study may only be cited if the source is acknowledged. Central and Eastern Europe Development Outlook after the Coronavirus Pandemic Chief Editor: Dr. Chen Xin CHINA-CEE INSTITUTE Budapest, October 2020 Content Preface ............................................................................................................ 5 Part I POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OUTLOOK ..................................... 7 Albanian politics in post-pandemic era: reshuffling influence and preparing for the next elections .............................................................................................. 8 BiH political outlook after the COVID-19 pandemic ...................................... 13 Bulgarian Political Development Outlook in Post-Pandemic Era ..................... 18 Forecast of Croatian Political Events after the COVID-19 .............................. 25 Czech Political Outlook for the Post-Crisis Period .......................................... 30 Estonian political outlook after the pandemic: Are we there yet? ................... -
Deputy TABLE of CONT",Ci;NTS
iU~ CRIlviES and CRIlvIES i~Gi..INST HUlv1:~rITY l'..ffiT VI GEID~ll'JIS.""TION OF OCCUPIED TSRRITORIES l'repared by: 1st LT. ED:l.,'UtD H. KENYON I'R1i:.SElJTED BY SECTION IT H..JillY ~l. HOLLERS. Colonel. J •.u .•G.D. Chief'of S·.. ction iiILLL' ,~ F. ~£t:.LSH. Major, ...... C., Deputy TABLE OF CONT",ci;NTS Pa(_;e No. A. Suction of Indictr,lCnt 1 1 C. St~tmJent of Evidence 1. Leb~nsrallin as the Goal of Nazi Forei~n 2 Policy. 2. CO:lsi)iracy to COil4.Uer and Geroanise 2 ForeiGn Territories. 3. The Office of Reich Commissioner for 5 the Consolidation of Jerman Nationhood. 4. DCJ.sic T:'_eories and Plans of the Reich 7 CQj".::issioner for the Consolidation of G-:)l'r:an NLtionhood. 5. Gcr:'lunisation of the Incorl')orated 8 E~stern Territories. 6. Gcrr-l£;ilisation of the Gov9rnment 12 General. 7. GU1~lanisation of the Occupied Eastern 16 Territories. 8. Evacuation and R~sett10ment in the 18 Eusturn Territories. 9. Gorl::f:iiisc.tion of the :18~tern Terri- 21 tories. D. ,,-"r:.:,unent and. Conclusion. 25 1. N~erical List of Doc~~ents. 26 2. Ducuo,lents pertaining to Individual 30 Defendants. 3. Documents pertaining to Organizations. 30 i Section of I~dictBent COUNT TEREE - ii..J\ CRIMES VIII.J - Geruanisation of Occupied Territories Pace 24 B. Le~cl Ruf~rence5 1. C;iarter - oI.4r'ticle 6 (b): W,j..".lR CRTIvIES: nanelyI violations of the laws or customs of war. Such viol~tions shall include, but not be limited to, murder, ill-treatment or deportation to slave labor or for any other pur pose of civilian population of or in occupied territory, murder or ill-treatment of prisoners of war or persons on the seas, killing of hos tages, plunder of public or private property, wanton destruction of cities, to~ms or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity." 2. -
Public Broadcasting in Ukraine
РОЗДІЛ 1 ДЕРЖАВНЕ МОВЛЕННЯ: ВІД ПРОПАГАНДИ ДО АДМІНРЕСУРСУ Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: History of Creation and Challenges PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: HISTORY OF CREATION AND CHALLENGES IN UKRAINE: HISTORY OF CREATION PUBLIC BROADCASTING 1 2 Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: History of Creation and Challenges UDC 654.19 О 76 Production of this brochure was made possible with the financial support from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark and the Government of Sweden. The content of the brochure is the sole responsibility of Detector Media NGO and does not necessarily reflect the po- sition of the National Endowment for Democracy, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark, or the Government of Sweden. S.V. Ostapa, V.V. Miskyi, I.Ye. Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova. О 76 Public broadcasting in Ukraine: History of Creation and Challenges. — Kyiv: VIOL PRINTING HOUSE LLC, 2018. — 168 p. Fig. Media experts directly involved in the establishment of the Public Broadcasting in Ukraine reveal the history of the transformation of state broadcasters into the National Public Broadcasting Company of Ukraine. It was a path from advocating for the legislation necessary for the formation of a legal entity and its first steps. This brochure also describes the main challenges faced by the National Public Broadcasting Company of Ukraine at the end of the first two years of its operation. -
Report on the Human Rights Situation in Ukraine 16 May to 15 August 2018
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 May to 15 August 2018 Contents Page I. Executive summary .......................................................................................................................... 1 II. OHCHR methodology ...................................................................................................................... 3 III. Impact of hostilities .......................................................................................................................... 3 A. Conduct of hostilities and civilian casualties ............................................................................. 3 B. Situation at the contact line and rights of conflict-affected persons ............................................ 7 1. Right to restitution and compensation for use or damage of private property ..................... 7 2. Right to social security and social protection .................................................................... 9 3. Freedom of movement, isolated communities and access to basic services ...................... 10 IV. Right to physical integrity ............................................................................................................... 11 A. Access to detainees and places of detention ............................................................................ 11 B. Arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance and abduction, torture and ill-treatment ............... 12 C. Situation -
Ukraine and the Yugoslav Conflict
Nationalities Papers, Vol. 25, No. 3, 1997 UKRAINE AND THE YUGOSLAV CONFLICT Taras Kuzio Even before gaining independence in December 1991 from the former USSR, Ukraine had supported Slovenia and Croatia's drive to independence from the former Yugoslavia. In May 1991, Croatian President Franjo Tudjman paid an official visit to Ukraine where then parliamentary speaker Leonid Kravchuk expressed sympathy with Croatia's desire for independence. Tudjman pointed out how Ukraine's seat at the United Nations had given it a head start in obtaining international recognition of its independent status. On 12 December 1991, twelve days after the Ukrainian referendum on independence, Kyiv became one of the first states to diplomatically recognise Croatia and Slovenia; and further, it announced its readiness to open embassies in both countries.1 Ukraine was the first member of the U.N. to recognise Croatia; the second and third countries, Slovenia and Lithuania, were not members of the U.N. when they recognised Croatia. Ukraine's motives were quite clear early on vis-a-vis Yugoslavia. First, it wanted to reaffirm its independent status as a new international state. Secondly, Kyiv desired to distance itself from Russian sympathy with Serbia and Yugoslavia2 in order to show the outside world—particularly at that stage, the sceptical West—that Ukraine and Russia were indeed different peoples and nations.3 Fourthly, Ukraine desired to show the outside world that it was a respectable and co-operative member of the international community. Finally, a majority of the Ukrainian leadership sympathised with the Croats and Slovenes in their drive to independence, comparing it to Ukraine's quest to divorce itself from Russia. -
What Future for Ukraine?
OÂRODEK STUDIÓW WSCHODNICH Centre for Eastern Studies Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? What Future for Ukraine? Anna Górska Warszawa, czerwiec 2005 / Warsaw, June 2005 © Copyright by OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich © Copyright by Centre for Eastern Studies Redaktor serii / Series editor Anna ¸abuszewska Opracowanie graficzne / Graphic design Dorota Nowacka T∏umaczenie / Translation Izabela Zygmunt Wydawca / Publisher OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a Warszawa / Warsaw, Poland tel./phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 fax: +48 /22/ 525 80 40 Spis treÊci / Contents Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? / 5 I. Trudny okres przejmowania w∏adzy / 6 II. Paƒstwo demokratyczne / 9 III. Paƒstwo prawa / 11 IV. Gospodarka rynkowa / 14 V. Czy Zachód mo˝e wspomóc Ukrain´ / 16 Za∏àcznik I / 18 Za∏àcznik II / 24 What Future for Ukraine? / 27 I. Difficult Period of the Transfer of Power / 28 II. A Democratic State / 31 III. A State of Law / 34 IV. Market Economy / 37 V. Can the West help Ukraine / 38 Appendix No 1 / 41 Appendix No 2 / 47 Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? Min´∏o sto dni od inauguracji prezydenta Ukrainy Wiktora Juszczenki i po- wo∏ania nowego rzàdu z Julià Tymoszenko na czele, co tradycyjnie sk∏a- nia do pierwszych podsumowaƒ i oceny polityki nowych w∏adz. W przy- padku Ukrainy jest to szczególnie interesujàce. Zmiana w∏adzy nastàpi∏a w du˝ej mierze w wyniku antysystemowego protestu spo∏ecznego, okre- Êlanego jako pomaraƒczowa rewolucja1. W zasadzie Majdan nie formu- ∏owa∏ pozytywnych hase∏ programowych, a jedynie wyraziÊcie okreÊla∏, czego spo∏eczeƒstwo ju˝ nie akceptuje – samowoli w∏adzy, korupcji, bie- dy, k∏amstwa w najwy˝szych gabinetach i mediach, przedmiotowego traktowania spo∏eczeƒstwa, o którym w∏adza przypomina sobie jedynie w kampaniach wyborczych, ale i tak nie respektuje woli wyborców. -
Ukraine Ukraine at a Glance: 2002-03
COUNTRY REPORT Ukraine Ukraine at a glance: 2002-03 OVERVIEW Efforts by both pro- and anti-presidential forces to gain the upper hand in the parliamentary election due by March 2002 will increasingly dominate the political scene. The president, Leonid Kuchma, and his parliamentary allies are likely to succeed in using their superior administrative and media resources to limit the gains of their opponents. The government will remain in power until the 2002 election and is unlikely to roll back its predecessor’s reform achievements, although electoral politics will preclude further significant reforms. The economy will grow at a more moderate pace in 2002-03, following buoyant growth in 2001. Year-end inflation will rise slightly to 12% in 2002, owing to further price liberalisation and election- related policy loosening, before falling again in 2003. Sustained export growth will ensure current-account surpluses in 2002-03, although these will narrow because of strengthening import demand and continued real currency appreciation. Key changes from last month Political outlook • The former prime minister Viktor Yushchenko looks increasingly likely to try to build an alliance for the 2002 election that is more centre- than reform-based. Economic policy outlook • Multilateral financing has resumed as expected, and should now permit completion of Ukraine’s Paris Club debts. The narrowing of the budget surplus in August underlines the Economist Intelligence Unit’s forecast that the government is likely to end the year with a slight budget deficit. Economic forecast • Preliminary trade data for the start of the third quarter has prompted a slight revision in our trade surplus forecast for this year. -
7 Political Corruption in Ukraine
NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE π 7 (111) CONTENTS POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE: ACTORS, MANIFESTATIONS, 2009 PROBLEMS OF COUNTERING (Analytical Report) ................................................................................................... 2 Founded and published by: SECTION 1. POLITICAL CORRUPTION AS A PHENOMENON: APPROACHES TO DEFINITION ..................................................................3 SECTION 2. POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE: POTENTIAL ACTORS, AREAS, MANIFESTATIONS, TRENDS ...................................................................8 SECTION 3. FACTORS INFLUENCING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF COUNTERING UKRAINIAN CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC & POLITICAL STUDIES POLITICAL CORRUPTION ......................................................................33 NAMED AFTER OLEXANDER RAZUMKOV SECTION 4. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS ......................................................... 40 ANNEX 1 FOREIGN ASSESSMENTS OF THE POLITICAL CORRUPTION Director General Anatoliy Rachok LEVEL IN UKRAINE (INTERNATIONAL CORRUPTION RATINGS) ............43 Editor-in-Chief Yevhen Shulha ANNEX 2 POLITICAL CORRUPTION: SPECIFICITY, SCALE AND WAYS Layout and design Oleksandr Shaptala OF COUNTERING IN EXPERT ASSESSMENTS ......................................44 Technical & computer support Volodymyr Kekuh ANNEX 3 POLITICAL CORRUPTION: SCALE AND WAYS OF COUNTERING IN PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS AND ASSESSMENTS ...................................49 This magazine is registered with the State Committee ARTICLE of Ukraine for Information Policy, POLITICAL -
Working Papers Arbeitspapiere
Die Ukraine und Rußland: Von der Desintegration zur Reintegration? Arbeitspapiere Working papers Tadeusz Olszański Arbeitspapiere - Mannheimer Zentrum für Europäische Sozialforschung Nr. 43, 2002 ISSN 1437-8574 Tadeusz Olszański Die Ukraine und Rußland: Von der Desintegration zur Reintegration? Olszański, Tadeusz: Die Ukraine und Rußland: Von der Desintegration zur Reintegration? / Tadeusz Olszański. – Mannheim : 2002 (Arbeitspapiere - Mannheimer Zentrum für Europäische Sozialforschung; 43) ISSN 1437-8574 Nicht im Buchhandel erhältlich Schutzgebühr: € 2,60 Bezug: Mannheimer Zentrum für Europäische Sozialforschung (MZES), Postfach, 68131 Mannheim WWW: http://www.mzes.uni-mannheim.de Redaktionelle Notiz: Tadeusz Olszański ist Mitarbeiter des Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich (Zentrum für Oststudien) in Warschau. Die Studie ist im Rahmen des von der VolkswagenStiftung geförderten Forschungsprojektes „Brüssel oder Moskau“ am MZES entstanden. Das Manuskript wurde im Mai 2001 abgeschlossen. Volker Weichsel, Verfasser des Vorworts und für die Redaktion des Manuskripts verantwortlich, ist arbeitet seit 2000 am MZES im Rahmen des Projekts „Die Entwicklung des europäischen Ordnungssystems“ über die Außen- und Integrationspolitik der ostmitteleuropäischen Staaten. Das Manuskript wurde von Markus Bieniek aus dem Polnischen übersetzt. Editorial note: Tadeusz Olszański works at the Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich (Center for Eastern Studies) in Warsaw. The manuscipt has been written for the research project “Brussels or Moscow”, which was located at the MZES and financed by the VolkswagenStiftung, and has completed in may 2001. Volker Weichsel, who has written the foreword and is the responsible editor, is working since 2000 in the project “Development of a European Regional System“ at the MZES on the foreign and integration policies of the East-Central European states. The polish manuscript has been translated by Markus Bieniek. -
International Organizations and Settlement of the Conflict in Ukraine
International Organizations and Settlement of the Conflict in Ukraine Alena F. Douhan* Abstract 195 I. Introduction 196 II. The United Nations and the Conflict in Ukraine 199 1. UN Security Council 199 2. UN General Assembly 201 3. Other UN Organs 202 III. Regional Organizations and the Conflict in Ukraine 203 1. Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe 203 2. Council of Europe 205 3. European Union 206 4. North Atlantic Treaty Organization 208 5. Collective Security Treaty Organization 209 IV. Conclusions 211 Abstract The situation in Ukraine has been a matter of concern for the interna- tional community since January 2014 and remains a central focus of legal and political scientists. The United Nations (UN) Security Council ap- peared to be unable not only to settle the conflict but also to take any feasi- ble measures for its settlement. As a result, a range of regional organizations became involved in the crisis. This article examines the legal perspectives of the activity of the UN and regional organizations which aimed to prevent, detain and settle the conflict in Ukraine. It also determines the specifics of methods used by each organization, assesses the efficacy of their activity and develops proposals for enhancement of their effectiveness. * Associate Professor of the International Law Department, Belarusian State University, Ph.D. (Minsk); where in this article only the title of a document is mentioned in a footnote, reference is made to press-statements of the United Nations accessible at <http://www.un. org>. ZaöRV 75 (2015), 195-214 http://www.zaoerv.de © 2015, Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht 196 Douhan I. -
Ukraine's Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues
Order Code RL32691 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Updated February 1, 2005 Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Summary In 2004, many observers believed that Ukraine was at a key period in its transition that could shape its geopolitical orientation for years to come, in part due to presidential elections held on October 31, November 21, and December 26, 2004. In their view, Ukraine could move closer to integration in Euro-Atlantic institutions, real democracy and the rule of law, and a genuine free market economy, or it could move toward a Russian sphere of influence with “managed democracy” and an oligarchic economy. For the past decade, Ukraine’s political scene had been dominated by President Leonid Kuchma and the oligarchic “clans” (regionally based groups of powerful politicians and businessmen) that have supported him. The oligarchs chose Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych as their candidate to succeed Kuchma as President. The chief opposition candidate, former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko, was a pro-reform, pro-Western figure seen by many observers as a man of high personal integrity. International observers criticized the election campaign and the first and second rounds of the election as not free and fair, citing such factors as government-run media bias in favor of Yanukovych, abuse of absentee ballots, barring of opposition representatives from electoral commissions, and inaccurate voter lists. Nevertheless, Yushchenko topped the first round of the vote on October 31 by a razor-thin margin over Yanukovych.