BEYOND IDEOLOGY: China-Indonesia Engagement and the Making of the Guided Democracy, 1955-1959

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

BEYOND IDEOLOGY: China-Indonesia Engagement and the Making of the Guided Democracy, 1955-1959 25 BEYOND IDEOLOGY: China-Indonesia Engagement and the Making of the Guided Democracy, 1955-1959 KANKAN XIE*1 Abstract China’s engagement with Indonesia from 1955 to 1959 was neither ideologically oriented nor realpolitik, but somewhere in between. It happened not only because of the changing domestic political situations or completely subject to the shifting international environment, but was also closely associated with intrinsic social and historical issues that transcended geographical, ideological and ethnic boundaries within and across the two nation-states. To some extent, this effective engagement was not a result of Indonesia’s leaning towards the left, but a reason for it—not in the sense of direct political intervention, but through the pursuit of common identity and interest, which significantly shaped the making of Indonesia’s Guided Democracy. Keywords: Indonesia, China, overseas Chinese, Guided Democracy, Cold War Abstrak Hubungan antara China dengan Indonesia pada tahun 1955-1959 tidak selalu berorientasi ideologis atau politik semata, tetapi berada di antara keduanya. Hal ini bukan hanya dipengaruhi oleh perubahan situasi politik dalam negeri atau lingkungan internasional, tetapi juga terkait erat dengan permasalahan sosial dan sejarah yang melampaui batas-batas geografis, ideologis dan etnis antara dua negara. Pada titik tertentu, eratnya hubungan saat itu bukan disebabkan oleh kecenderungan Indonesia yang semakin ke kiri ataupun intervensi politik secara langsung, tetapi dikarenakan adanya kesamaan kepentingan dan identitas kedua negara yang secara signifikan mendorong berbentuknya Demokrasi Terpimpin di Indonesia. Kata kunci: Indonesia, Cina, Cina perantauan, Demokrasi Terpimpin, Perang Dingin * Kankan Xie is a Ph.D. student in the Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley. Email: [email protected] Copyright © 2016 The Author. © 2016 Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities. All rights reserved. Printed in Indonesia. Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities (JISSH); Vol. 6, Issue 1, (2016), pp. 25–38. ISSN: 1979–8431 26 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES (JISSH) INTRODUCTION interplay among the key players in the scene, namely the communist government of China, Despite various hardships, thebilateral relation- President Sukarno, the PKI, the army, the differ- ship between China (PRC) and Indonesia ent factionsof the overseas Chinese community, gradually entered a phase of substantial devel- and a wide variety of other political forces. opment after the 1955 Bandung Asian-African Conference. The friendly ties between the two Inthe dominant Cold War discourseof countries became further strengthened after the 1950s, the state-to-state relationship was Sukarno officially implemented the Guided usuallyseen as ideologically defined or socio- Democracy (Demokasi Terpimpin) in 1959. From politically determined.The China-Indonesia a pure diplomatic perspective alone, 1955-1959 interaction during this period, however, was was a critical period for the two countries’ close intertwined with many other issues such engagement. as ethnicity, the seeking of (inter)national identity and the rearrangement of domestic This timeline curiously paralleled with political structure, etc. The China-Indonesia the rapid power growth of the Communist relationship was so complex that the nation- Party of Indonesia (PKI) since the 1955 General state-based analytical framework of the Cold Election. Given the close ties between the PKI War diplomacy has its intrinsic limitations to and their ruling communist counterparts in be transplanted to scrutinize the nuances of China, many scholars—especially those who the two sides’ engagement. Ruth McVey (1968, wrote withanti-communist overtones (Dijk, pp. 357-94), leading scholar of Indonesian com- 1972; Zheng, 1960)—often make convenient munism, has rightly pointed out that “China has yet politically biased conclusions that (1) the been not one thing to the Indonesians but three: PKI served as an important proxy for the a state, a revolution and an ethnic minority”. Communist Party of China (CPC) to intervene within Indonesia; (2) Indonesian domestic More specifically, the interactions between politics became increasingly radicalized under China and Indonesia in the late 1950s could Sukarno’s left-leaning leadership; and (3) the be categorized as simultaneously following radicalization of Indonesian politics could three major intertwined strands: (1) between be largely attributed to the unprecedented two newly established regimes of independent popularity of the PKI. nation-states with similar self-positioning in international political arena but quite Similarly, the post-1965 mainstream different ways of articulation in ideology; discourse in Indonesia tends to interpret the (2) between a ruling communist party and a close engagement of Indonesia and China whole spectrum of political forces in which during this specific period from two major the communists played a somewhat important angles:(a) seeing Indonesia’s leaning towards yet hardly dominant role, and (3) between two China as an inevitable consequence of the “imagined communities” where “Chinese” and changing atmosphere of the country’s domestic “Chineseness” had very distinct implications politics; and (b) seeing the Chinese intervention (See Anderson 1991). in Indonesian domestic affairs as a result of China exporting its revolution and communist Relevant research on this topic has been ideology (see Mazingo, 1965).These two angles done by only a handful of Cold War historians might be useful lenses to examine the two sides’ (Simon 1969; Mozingo 1976; Dijk 1972; Zheng initial incentives to cooperate with each other. 1960; Sukma 1999) from outside of Indonesia But both angles are far from sufficient to explain and China, largely due to the fact that the the complex and unstable mechanism of the issue remains sensitive in both countries, and two countries’ relationship at that moment. it would be extremely difficult to conduct a In fact, any account on the Sino-Indonesia comprehensive study on this topic without bilateral relationship would be incomplete using credible sources from official archives. without paying close attention to the changing While most of the scholars noticed the three international political environment and the aforementioned strands, their assessments on BEYOND IDEOLOGY: China-Indonesia Engangement... 27 this issue are usually based on limited primary states. It was not simply through Sukarno, the sources and biased second-hand literatures. PKI, or the Indonesian Chinese community that With the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign the CPC-led Chinese government intervened in Affairs of PRC opening to the public, a large Indonesian domestic politics. Rather, as I will number of classified documents concerning show in this paper, Beijing’s engagement with the China-Indonesia engagement in the 1950s Indonesia went far beyond sheer ethnic and have become available, scholars are thus able ideological domains and reached an enormously to conduct more intensive research by using wide variety of interest groups in Indonesia, these materials. In 2011, Liu Hong published a including groups that had conflicting interests book on China-Indonesia interactions between and those anti-communist and anti-Chinese 1949 and 1965, which was the first monograph in essence. To a great extent, this effective on this topic that had effectively used sources in engagement is not a result of Indonesia’s leaning English, Chinese and Indonesian. However, due towards the left, but a reason for it—not in to the complex nature of this particular theme, the sense of direct political intervention, but a lot of nuanced issues remain undiscovered. through the pursuit of common identity and By utilizing primary sources such as pam- interest, which significantly shaped the making phlets, meeting minutes, public speeches and of Indonesia’s Guided Democracy. newspapers in both Indonesian and Chinese as well as secondary sources in English, I have ARTICULATING REVOLUTION IN tried to make sense of context by closely read- DOMESTIC POLITICS ing of a wide variety of texts. For propaganda Before Indonesia’s first parliamentary election purposes on both sides, some speeches were was held in 1955, the cabinet was led alternately originally given in Chinese and then translated by the nationalistic PNI (Partai Nasional Indone- into Indonesian or vice versa. The politics of sia, Indonesian National Party) and the largest translation (see Ricci 2011; Flood 2009) thus Islamic party Masjumi (Partai Majelis Syuro becomes a very interesting angle to investigate Muslimin Indonesia, Council of Indonesian Mus- the two country’s engagement. lim Associations)(see Ricklefs 1982; Feith 1962).23 This paper demonstrates that China’s The major debate between these two parties had engagement with Indonesia from 1955 to been constantly focused on the role of Islam 1959 was neither ideologically oriented nor in the state. As the vanguard of Indonesian 12 realpolitik, but somewhere in between. I argue secularism, the PNI always advocated the use that the improvement of the Sino-Indonesia of the state’s founding philosophical principle bilateral relationship during this period is Pancasila (the Five Principles) in dealing with not only because of the changing domestic conflicting issues among Muslims, nationalists, political situation or completely subject to Christians and other groups (see Department
Recommended publications
  • Surrealist Painting in Yogyakarta Martinus Dwi Marianto University of Wollongong
    University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 1995 Surrealist painting in Yogyakarta Martinus Dwi Marianto University of Wollongong Recommended Citation Marianto, Martinus Dwi, Surrealist painting in Yogyakarta, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, Faculty of Creative Arts, University of Wollongong, 1995. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/1757 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] SURREALIST PAINTING IN YOGYAKARTA A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY from UNIVERSITY OF WOLLONGONG by MARTINUS DWI MARIANTO B.F.A (STSRI 'ASRT, Yogyakarta) M.F.A. (Rhode Island School of Design, USA) FACULTY OF CREATIVE ARTS 1995 CERTIFICATION I certify that this work has not been submitted for a degree to any other university or institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by any other person, except where due reference has been made in the text. Martinus Dwi Marianto July 1995 ABSTRACT Surrealist painting flourished in Yogyakarta around the middle of the 1980s to early 1990s. It became popular amongst art students in Yogyakarta, and formed a significant style of painting which generally is characterised by the use of casual juxtapositions of disparate ideas and subjects resulting in absurd, startling, and sometimes disturbing images. In this thesis, Yogyakartan Surrealism is seen as the expression in painting of various social, cultural, and economic developments taking place rapidly and simultaneously in Yogyakarta's urban landscape.
    [Show full text]
  • 461114 1 En Bookbackmatter 209..247
    Conclusion: Convergent Paths In November 1945, the President of the Republic of Vietnam, Hồ Chí Minh, sent a letter addressed to ‘the President of the Republic of Indonesia’, proposing that a joint declaration of solidarity to be made by Indonesia and Vietnam in the form of a ‘Preparatory Commission Struggling for a Federation of the Free Peoples of Southern Asia’. The letter, entrusted to an American journalist named Harold Isaacs, did not reach President Soekarno.1 It was handed to Vice-President Mohammad Hatta, who then passed it on to Prime Minister Sutan Sjahrir. Sjahrir discussed the offer with Soedjatmoko Koko, the interpreter to foreign correspon- dents of the Republican government, but told him that he would not reply and preferred just to ignore the letter. Sjahrir indifference sprang from his conviction that the situation in Indonesia and Vietnam were very different. The Indonesian nationalists were up against the Dutch, who were ‘a weak colonial power and could be defeated quickly.’ Hồ Chí Minh had to contend with the French, who could and would resist him for a long time. Furthermore, he looked askance at the fact that the DRV government depended on support from the communists, which was not the case in Indonesia. In conclusion, Sjahrir argued, ‘If we ally ourselves with Hồ Chí Minh, we shall weaken ourselves and delay Independence.’2 The story of the missed opportunity for cooperation between Vietnam and Indonesia3 as a result of Sjahrir’s ‘betrayal of the greater Asian revolution’,as 1Harold Robert Isaacs is the author of No Peace for Asia, which has been cited widely in this dissertation.
    [Show full text]
  • A Note on the Sources for the 1945 Constitutional Debates in Indonesia
    Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 167, no. 2-3 (2011), pp. 196-209 URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-101387 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 0006-2294 A.B. KUSUMA AND R.E. ELSON A note on the sources for the 1945 constitutional debates in Indonesia In 1962 J.H.A. Logemann published an article entitled ‘Nieuwe gegevens over het ontstaan van de Indonesische grondwet van 1945’ (New data on the creation of the Indonesian Constitution of 1945).1 Logemann’s analysis, presented 48 years ago, needs revisiting since it was based upon a single work compiled by Muhammad Yamin (1903-1962), Naskah persiapan Undang-undang Dasar 1945 (Documents for the preparation of the 1945 Constitution).2 Yamin’s work was purportedly an edition of the debates conducted by the Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan (BPUPK, Committee to Investigate Preparations for Independence)3 between 29 May and 17 July 1945, and by the 1 Research for this article was assisted by funding from the Australian Research Council’s Dis- covery Grant Program. The writers wish to thank K.J.P.F.M. Jeurgens for his generous assistance in researching this article. 2 Yamin 1959-60. Logemann (1962:691) thought that the book comprised just two volumes, as Yamin himself had suggested in the preface to his first volume (Yamin 1959-60, I:9-10). Volumes 2 and 3 were published in 1960. 3 The official (Indonesian) name of this body was Badan oentoek Menjelidiki Oesaha-oesaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan (Committee to Investigate Preparations for Independence) (see Soeara Asia, 1-3-1945; Pandji Poestaka, 15-3-1945; Asia Raya, 28-5-1945), but it was often called the Badan Penjelidik Oesaha(-oesaha) Persiapan Kemerdekaan (see Asia Raya, 28-5-1945 and 30-5-1945; Sinar Baroe, 28-5-1945).
    [Show full text]
  • Indo 13 0 1107127212 183
    DIVISIONS AND POWER IN THE INDONESIAN NATIONAL PARTY, 1965-1966* Angus McIntyre The principal division which split the PNI into two sharply opposed factions in 1965-1966 had its origins as far back as 1957, when the PKI made spectacular advances in large part at PNI expense in the 1957 regional elections in Java and South Sumatra. In Central Java, where the PKI supplanted the PNI as the region's strongest party (based on the 1955 general elections results) , the PNI reaction at the time was most outspoken. Hadisubeno, the regional party chairman, blamed the party's poor showing on its past association with the PKI1 and accordingly urged the party's central executive council to re­ view this relationship. He suggested that the party consider forming an alliance with the Masjumi (the modernist Islamic party) and the Nahdatul Ulama (NU, the traditional Islamic party).2 A conference of the Central Java PNI passed a resolution forbidding cooperation with the PKI.3 These acts were interpreted by many as a slap at President Sukarno,** who had made it increasingly clear in the preceding months that to oppose the PKI was to oppose him as well; however, the party's central leadership, no less hostile to the PKI, was unwilling to risk such an interpretation and thereby further impair its relations with Sukarno. Indeed, only a few months before, Sukarno had indicated strong displeasure with the PNI in his address to the party on the occasion of its thirtieth anniversary celebrations. He implied that PNI members had lost their commitment to the goal of a socialist or marhaenist5 society, the realization of which had been his very reason * The writer would like to express his gratitude to the Jajasan Siswa Lokantara Indonesia for providing him with the opportunity to con- duct research in Indonesia in 1966 and 1967 and to the Myer Founda­ tion for giving him financial assistance in 1967.
    [Show full text]
  • Exploring the History of Indonesian Nationalism
    University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM Graduate College Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 2021 Developing Identity: Exploring The History Of Indonesian Nationalism Thomas Joseph Butcher University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis Part of the Asian History Commons, and the South and Southeast Asian Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Butcher, Thomas Joseph, "Developing Identity: Exploring The History Of Indonesian Nationalism" (2021). Graduate College Dissertations and Theses. 1393. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/1393 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate College Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEVELOPING IDENTITY: EXPLORING THE HISTORY OF INDONESIAN NATIONALISM A Thesis Presented by Thomas Joseph Butcher to The Faculty of the Graduate College of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Specializing in History May, 2021 Defense Date: March 26, 2021 Thesis Examination Committee: Erik Esselstrom, Ph.D., Advisor Thomas Borchert, Ph.D., Chairperson Dona Brown, Ph.D. Cynthia J. Forehand, Ph.D., Dean of the Graduate College Abstract This thesis examines the history of Indonesian nationalism over the course of the twentieth century. In this thesis, I argue that the country’s two main political leaders of the twentieth century, Presidents Sukarno (1945-1967) and Suharto (1967-1998) manipulated nationalist ideology to enhance and extend their executive powers. The thesis begins by looking at the ways that the nationalist movement originated during the final years of the Dutch East Indies colonial period.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Brill.Com10/01/2021 01:16:39PM Via Free Access | Islam and the Making of the Nation
    5 The ‘War of the Roses’ The Islamic state and the Pancasila Republic (1949-1962) [The government] should not consider [the Darul Islam] an enemy, rather like a father his son. Regardless of how naughty the son, if taught a lesson he should not be beaten to death, rather given a lecture, or dealt just one blow, drenched in affection. It is similar with a domestic rebellious movement.1 Disillusioned by the Republic’s acquiescence to Dutch demands, under pressure by the TNI’s operations in West Java and let down by Masyumi’s inability to make political Islam relevant in parlia- mentary politics, on 7 August 1949 Kartosuwiryo and the dewan imamah had officially proclaimed the establishment of the Negara Islam Indonesia. As shown in the previous chapter, Masyumi’s political leadership and some elements of the TNI reached out to Kartosuwiryo’s NII in the following months to find a political solution to what had become known as the ‘Darul Islam problem’ (soal Darul Islam). This chapter follows the relationship between the Islamic state and the Indone- sian Republic in the aftermath of the surrender of Dutch sovereignty, focusing in particular on how the transformation from the federal RIS to a unitary state affected NII’s attitude and activities. Diplomacy had dictated the rhythm of Indonesian politics for years, with treaties followed by ceasefires followed by their infringe- ment. Some provinces in the archipelago were slowly warming up to the idea of a federal Republic under the patronage of the House of Orange, but the population of West Java – regardless of its alle- giance to the Islamic state – remained unimpressed by the Roem- Van Royen agreement, which, far from confirming the country’s independence, had established the Negara Pasoendan as an instru- ment of The Hague.
    [Show full text]
  • Research Study
    *. APPROVED FOR RELEASE DATE:.( mY 2007 I, Research Study liWOlVEXZ4-1965 neCoup That Batkfired December 1968- i i ! This publication is prepared for tbe w of US. Cavernmeat officials. The formaf coverage urd contents of tbe puti+tim are designed to meet the specific requirements of those u~n.US. Covernment offids may obtain additional copies of this document directly or through liaison hl from the Cend InteIIigencx Agency. Non-US. Government usem myobtain this dong with rimikr CIA publications on a subscription bask by addressing inquiries to: Document Expediting (DOCEX) bject Exchange and Gift Division Library of Con- Washington, D.C ZOSaO Non-US. Gowrrrmmt users not interested in the DOCEX Project subscription service may purchase xeproductio~~of rpecific publications on nn individual hasis from: Photoduplication Servia Libmy of Congress W~hington,D.C. 20540 f ? INDONESIA - 1965 The Coup That Backfired December 1968 BURY& LAOS TMAILANO CAYBODIA SOUTU VICINAY PHILIPPIIEL b. .- .r4.n MALAYSIA INDONESIA . .. .. 4. , 1. AUSTRALIA JAVA Foreword What is commonly referred to as the Indonesian coup is more properly called "The 30 September Movement," the name the conspirators themselves gave their movement. In this paper, the term "Indonesian coup" is used inter- changeably with "The 30 September Movement ," mainly for the sake of variety. It is technically correct to refer to the events in lndonesia as a "coup" in the literal sense of the word, meaning "a sudden, forceful stroke in politics." To the extent that the word has been accepted in common usage to mean "the sudden and forcible overthrow - of the government ," however, it may be misleading.
    [Show full text]
  • Presiden Ketularan Menteri Perhubungan.Pdf (544948 Bytes)
    Presiden Ketularan Menteri Perhubungan - Historia https://historia.id/histeria/articles/presiden-ketularan-menteri-perhubu... Asal Usul Agama Ekonomi Galeri Histeria Historiografis Kuno Kultur Militer ❯ Masuk ›Beranda • Histeria Presiden Ketularan Menteri Perhubungan Lomba Infografis Presiden Sukarno tadinya anti petai dan jengkol. Gara-gara ulah seorang menterinya, dia ikutan jadi doyan Jepret melahap biji-bijian beraroma khas ini. Majalah Oleh Martin Sitompul Historia Channel Podcast Tentang Kami Pedoman Kontak Syarat & Ketentuan Channel Opini Presiden Sukarno dan Adnan Kapau Gani. Foto : Nationaal Archief/Wikimedia Bolalob Adnan Kapau Gani yang tampan itu sekali waktu bertandang ke Istana Negara. Gani saat itu menjabat Kaskus Menteri Perhubungan era Kabinet Ali yang pertama. Ada agenda yang yang hendak dibicarakan Gani Womantalk dengan Presiden Sukarno. Beritagar Kedatangan Gani diterima oleh Bung Karno. Alih-alih membincangkan soal pemerintahan, Gani malah meminta advis presiden sehubungan dengan pembuatan film perjuangan Pangeran Diponegoro yang Kincir akan diperankan oleh dirinya. Selain sebagai pejabat negara, Gani memang telah malang melintang di Garasi dunia seni peran sebagai aktor. Kurio Sebelum memberikan masukan dan arahannya, Bung Karno ingin mengajak Gani terlebih dahulu makan Bobotoh siang. Gani mengiyakan. Guntur, putra sulung Bung Karno menyaksikan kedatangan Gani dan mengenang dialog antara Gani dan ayahnya pada hari itu dalam memoar Bung Karno: Bapakku, Kawanku, Guruku. “Kapau, jij (kamu) makan siang disini ya,” ajak Bung Karno, “Ayolah Kapau, ik (aku) kebetulan masak rendang kesukaan jij.” BACA JUGA: Makanan Sederhana Presiden Pertama LIHAT JUGA: TELEPON KHUSUS SOEHARTO Gani bersedia namun dengan mengajukan satu syarat: Ibu Fatmawati menyediakan sambal yang pedas bersama petai dan jengkol muda. Sukarno menyanggupi. “Yah, en Bung mesti juga makan petai plus jengkol,” kata Gani menggoda.
    [Show full text]
  • American Visions of the Netherlands East Indies/ Indonesia: US Foreign Policy and Indonesian Nationalism, 1920-1949 Gouda, Frances; Brocades Zaalberg, Thijs
    www.ssoar.info American Visions of the Netherlands East Indies/ Indonesia: US Foreign Policy and Indonesian Nationalism, 1920-1949 Gouda, Frances; Brocades Zaalberg, Thijs Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Monographie / monograph Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: OAPEN (Open Access Publishing in European Networks) Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Gouda, F., & Brocades Zaalberg, T. (2002). American Visions of the Netherlands East Indies/Indonesia: US Foreign Policy and Indonesian Nationalism, 1920-1949. (American Studies). Amsterdam: Amsterdam Univ. Press. https://nbn- resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-337325 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de FRANCES GOUDA with THIJS BROCADES ZAALBERG AMERICAN VISIONS of the NETHERLANDS EAST INDIES/INDONESIA US Foreign Policy and Indonesian Nationalism, 1920-1949 AMSTERDAM UNIVERSITY PRESS de 3e PROEF - BOEK 29-11-2001 23:41 Pagina 1 AMERICAN VISIONS OF THE NETHERLANDS EAST INDIES/INDONESIA de 3e PROEF - BOEK 29-11-2001 23:41 Pagina 2 de 3e PROEF - BOEK 29-11-2001 23:41 Pagina 3 AmericanVisions of the Netherlands East Indies/Indonesia
    [Show full text]
  • Strategies of Rent Seeking During the Sukarno Period: Foreigners and Corruption, 1950–1965
    Volume 13 Number 1 ISSN: Page April 2017 1410-4962 91—108 Strategies of Rent Seeking during The Sukarno Period: Foreigners and Corruption, 1950–1965 FARABI FAKIH Universitas Gadjah Mada Abstract This articles tries to analyze the corruption strategy that was becoming Keywords: institutionalized during the Liberal Democracy (1950-1957) and Guided corruption; Democracy (1957-1965) period and how the state dealt with these challenges managerial through managerial strategies. Corruption here is seen as a discourse that are elite; often used by new state elite entrant to discredit old elites, especially those with legitimating connection to the financial or economic policy makers. The position of foreigners discourses; here are central because they provide opportunities for asset transfer or the creation asset transfer of new assets. By looking at the financial transition from Liberal Democracy to Guided Democracy, the forms of transfer or asset production through corruption or collusion could be discerned. Abstrak Artikel ini berusaha menguliti strategi korupsi yang mulai terpatri pada masa Kata Kunci: Demokrasi Liberal (1950-1957) dan Demokrasi Terpimpin (1957-1965) serta korupsi; elit bagaimana negara menjawab tantangan tersebut lewat usaha-usaha manajerial. manajerial; Korupsi disini dilihat sebagai wacana yang seringkali dipakai oleh entrant atau elit wacana baru negara untuk mendiskreditkan elit-elit lama, khususnya mereka yang punya legitimasi; koneksi kepada kebijakan keuangan dan ekonomi. Posisi orang asing disini sangat transfer aset sentral karena mereka menyediakan kesempatan untuk transfer aset ataupun penciptaan aset baru. Dengan melihat pada transisi kekuasaan dari Demokrasi Liberal kepada Demokrasi Terpimpin, bentuk-bentuk transfer ataupun produksi asset lewat praktek korupsi dan kolusi disini dijabarkan.
    [Show full text]
  • The Partai Nasional Indonesia, 1963
    THE PARTAI NASIONAL INDONESIA 1963-1965 J. Eliseo Rocamora Reputations once acquired are hard to shed. The stereotype of the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI) as an opportunist, conservative party composed of Javanese prijaji elements remains despite basic changes which occurred within the party in the later years of Guided Democracy. Tljis undifferentiated image of the PNI arose in the early 1950's and, for that time, it represented a fairly accurate, though limited, description. As the party began to change under the impetus of Guided Democracy politics and the push of internal party dynamics, Indonesian and foreign observers either disregarded the party alto­ gether or tended to seek explanations for these changes in outside factors." Thus, the PNI's "turn to the left," in the 1963 to 1965 period, was termed variously as: an opportunistic response to the increasingly leftist politics of Guided Democracy; the result of strong pressure from President Sukarno; or the work of PKI (Communist Party) infiltration of the party leadership. The fact that Djakarta's political cognoscenti-- journalists and intellectuals--continue to espouse and disseminate this interpreta­ tion reflects biases born of their own political attitudes and in­ volvement. A similarly-limited view of the PNI in Western academic literature is in part the result of the paucity of work on the Guided Democracy period and in part a consequence of an excessive concentra­ tion on a few actors at the center. The generally-accepted framework for analyzing Guided Democracy politics1--a three-sided triangle made up of Sukarno, the Army and the PKI--only explains certain facets of Indonesian politics, that is, the major battles for ideological and institutional predominance.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded 4.0From License
    chapter 3 Expertise and National Planning Abstract This chapter looks into the development of Indonesia’s postcolonial higher education system and the international technical assistance protocol in developing Indonesia’s new managerial class. It looks into the rapid expansion of higher education and the effort of the Indonesian society to decolonize its education system away from the Dutch model. Because of the swiftness of this process, Indonesianization looked a lot like Americanization. International aid through technical assistance was the primary means through which Western ideas on development planning and expert production through international higher education became cemented. Aid money helped create personal and institutional relationships between Indonesian and American govern- ment institutions and universities. In particular, the relationship between experts like the economist Sumitro Djojohadikusumo, Indonesia’s state planning institution, the faculty of economics of the University of Indonesia and UN and usaid technical experts and Western social scientists from American within mit’s Indonesia Project and others. These forms of transnational relationships legitimized the position of In- donesian planning experts within planning institutions that had strong institution- al relationship with the West. This pattern would continue throughout much of the twentieth century. Keywords Indonesianization of higher education – Americanization – international technical aid – modernization theory – Indonesia project This chapter discusses two developments concerning the post- colonial crea- tion of expertise during the 1950s. The first was the development of higher edu- cation in both quantitative and qualitative terms: this included the expansion of domestic tertiary education and the Americanization of the curriculum and study methods, as well as the introduction of the Guided Study method.
    [Show full text]