Lehigh University Lehigh Preserve The changing face of Argentina Perspectives on Business and Economics 1-1-1995 The Reconciliation in Argentina: Is it Complete? Tina R. Niedzwiecki Lehigh University Follow this and additional works at: http://preserve.lehigh.edu/perspectives-v13 Recommended Citation Niedzwiecki, Tina R., "The Reconciliation in Argentina: Is it Complete?" (1995). The changing face of Argentina. Paper 8. http://preserve.lehigh.edu/perspectives-v13/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Perspectives on Business and Economics at Lehigh Preserve. It has been accepted for inclusion in The changing face of Argentina by an authorized administrator of Lehigh Preserve. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE RECONCILIATION IN ARGENTINA: IS IT COMPLETE? Tina R. Niedzwiecki The people refer to it as "the Dirty War." ticipation and, in an extreme case, banning the The Argentines thought that the "temporary" Peronist party, which still supported the views military government that took over in 1976 was of the late president. In order to fully imple­ rescuing them from the poorly-led Isabel Peron ment its plan, the military found it necessary government. (Isabel was president Juan Peron's to eliminate certain factors from society. These third wife and vice-president prior to his death.) "factors" were people, who were taken and Isabel forced the country into economic tur­ killed or tortured because the military found moil through her mismanagement. To add to that their respective political beliefs were the country's economic decay, guerrilla move­ threatening to its plan for society. ments became active and used violence to show In 1983 the rule of terror finally came to their presence. The military government tried an end when Raul Alfonsfn of the Radical Party to eradicate traces of Isabel and any sense of dis­ was democratically elected with over fifty per­ order caused by guerrilla groups through rad­ cent of the vote. The transition to democracy ical and extreme measures. had begun. One of the first issues the new leader The "Dirty War" began in 1975 even before addressed was the enormous disrespect for basic this military coup and would last for the next human rights under the military regime. He seven years, during which time some of the dealt with the issue by establishing La Comision Argentine people would be subjected to Nacional sobre Ia Desaparicion de Personas (the unimaginable torture which often led to death, National Commission on the Disappearance of all at the hands of the Argentine military. People). The group's purpose was to investigate Depending on the source, as few as ten thou­ the human rights violations, the result of which sand and as many as thirty thousand people was the Nunca Mas (Never Again) report which died or disappeared at the hands of this military explained in detail its findings. government. The military hoped to restructure Democracy continued with the next tran­ society and rid it of all "problems." This meant sition of power to the freely elected President excluding all leftist groups from political par- Carlos Menem. At the time of this writing, 65 Menem is still president, and the violent mili­ rilla groups started to push for political power. tary regime of the not -very-distant past seems Eventually violent occurrences became so fre­ a mere faded memory. The Argentine people quent that the country was facing a full scale perhaps have suffered enough and want simply guerrilla war. The guerrillas were kidnapping to forget, but something will not let them. prominent government officials, setting off In this paper, I will discuss and evaluate the bombs, and even assassinating figures within democratic transition in detail with a special the army and other institutions. Soon the focus on the human rights violations of the mil­ armed forces intervened and answered the itary regime and, consequently, the reconcilia­ guerrillas' actions with violence, torture and tion which Argentine society faced. I will also death. The military reacted to the guerrillas' examine the different social and political groups violence by subjecting Argentina to extreme involved in the process of democratization and repression. The military began to stage its own reconciliation. Finally, I will analyze the success violent outbursts without any forewarning. In of the reconciliation under both the Alfonsfn and addition, it began taking prisoners who soon Menem administrations respectively. came to be called the "disappeared." The num­ ber of people that disappeared grew rapidly. The The Coup of 1976 military would use these hostages as a way to deter guerrillas from any further violent acts On July 1, 197 4, President Juan Peron died and often would even execute them. (Rock, p. while serving as Argentina's president for the 363) With the country almost under a state of second time. Peron was a man who, for gener­ siege, the military took the responsibility of ations, served as the figurehead of the political stopping the violent outbursts and restoring party that bears his name and continues on order. The only problem was that it didn't stop with great strength in Argentine politics. Upon the bloodshed. Instead of stopping the guerril­ his death, his vice-president took office. The las' violence by reacting with its own violence, new president was now the late president's wife, the military's plan escalated into a bloody bat­ Isabel. Under her rule, Argentina deteriorated tle which would be named "the Dirty War." economically, socially and politically. The mil­ All of this, coupled with the economic itary took it upon itself to relieve the situation decay of the country, led to the extreme cir­ by intervening. This regime sought to drasti­ cumstances of tension and confusion that so cally change society and was not afraid to use often precede unusual solutions. As in the case violence to accomplish these goals. of many Latin American countries, Argentina's The overthrow was orchestrated by one "solution" was the 1976 coup d'etat. General Jorge Rafael Videla. He and his regime In order to ensure success, the military took on two huge responsibilities. The first was regime began "eliminating" members of soci­ to quell recent uprisings by such violent guer­ ety who would threaten its prosperity through rilla groups as the Montoneros. This radical forced disappearances, torture, and death. and often violent group grew out of supporters Despite this reign of terror, the country's situ­ of the former President Peron's politics and ation did not improve. The military regime's social reforms. The group's objective was for subsequent attempt at economic reforms suc­ Peronist politics to prevail. Like a typical left­ ceeded for about four years, bringing inflation ist guerrilla group in Latin America, it would down to 88 percent per year in 1980: but by use violent and illegal measures to prove its 1981 Argentina would find itself once again in point, for example, kidnappings, protests which economic crisis. Inflation rose to over 100 per­ ended in violence, etc. The second responsi­ cent per year, and the country faced a recession. bility that General Videla undertook was to try (Skidmore and Smith, p. 105) The military to salvage Argentina's economy from virtual regime's goal was to restructure society, but destruction. (For further information regard­ what it achieved was scarring it. ing Argentina's economic struggles see Arthur In one final attempt at dignity, the military Comstock's essay in this volume.) regime, which was now led by General Leopoldo With Juan Peron dead, the Peronist guer- Galtieri, decided to try to boost national pride 66 and consequently gain national support through making the exchange rate between the two coun­ an event which would end up costing the regime tries' currencies even. Inflation subsequently its power. The event was what is now known as declined, and Argentina's inflation rate has been the Falklands/Malvinas War. These islands lie relatively stable through the present. off the coast of Argentina, but are still controlled and populated by the British. Argentina invad­ The Military Government and ed the islands on April2, 1982, in what promised Human Rights to be a small dispute with a simple ending. Margaret Thatcher, Prime Minister of Britain, In 1976 Argentina's new military govern­ had other ideas, however. She quickly dis­ ment faced considerable opposition. In order patched troops to the small islands and the dis­ to cope with the various threats, the junta used pute became an international incident. In the its military to perpetuate gross human rights end Britain triumphed, and her victory cost the violations which included torture, death and Argentine military its political power. After the "detained-disappearance." This last form of Falklands/Malvinas War the Argentine economy repression, detained-disappearance, was a tac­ continued to deteriorate. This in turn led to the tic not uncommon to other Latin American mil­ end of the military rule and the beginning of a itary regimes. The controlling body would transition to democracy. arrest a person for questioning, for example, and he or she would never return. Evidence of death The Democratic Transition: a was never found, so the person was not consid­ Political Perspective ered executed, though that was the likely fate. Instead, because the last known status was In December of 1983 Raul Alfonsfn of the arrest, the person was considered "detained," UCR party (Union Cfvica Radical) succeeded the but at the same time "disappeared." In 1976 last of the military presidents, General Reynaldo alone, the number of those considered detained­ Bignone, and became the first civilian democ­ disappeared rose to over 4,000. (Skaar, p. 49) ratically elected president of Argentina since the By using these repressive tactics, the military coup of 1976.