Falkland Islands War: Diplomatic Failure in April 1982
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Juicio a Las Juntas Militares (Argentina)
Juicio a las juntas militares (Argentina) The 1985 trial of the Argentinean Military Junta Members is an historical trial which saw the prosecution of the leaders of the three first Argentinean juntas of 1976 – 1983. The hearings were held from 22 April to 9 December 1985. Due to the large number of victims, the Court selected 280 emblematic cases among the 709 cases presented by the Prosecution. The Prosecutor’s closing argument, with its “ ¡ nuncas mas !”, remains historical. On 9 December 1985, the verdict stated that the Military Juntas had “developed and implemented a criminal plan to fight terrorism, leaving considerable discretion to the junior officers of the armed forces to imprison those who where described as ‘subversives’ by the intelligence services; to torture them; to subject them to inhumane living conditions; and ultimately to decide freely on the final fate of their victims: being transferred to the legal system (judiciary or police), being released, or being simply executed” (unofficial translation of an extract of the judgment). Jorge Rafael Videla and Emilio Eduardo Massera (first Junta) were sentenced to life imprisonment. Roberto Eduardo Viola (second Junta) was sentenced to 17 years’ imprisonment, Armando Lambruschini (second Junta) to 8 years and Orlando Ramón Agosti (first Junta) to 4 years. Omar Graffigna (second Junta), Leopoldo Galtieri, Jorge Isaac Anaya et Basilio Lami Dozo (third Junta) were acquitted for lack of evidence. This trial is the first in South-America where former dictators were brought before judges by a democratic government. On 29 December 1990, Argentinean President Carlos Menen published Decree 2741/90 pardoning the accused sentenced during the 1985 trial. -
La Última Dictadura, Los Usos Del Pasado Y La Construcción De Narrativas Autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980)
Quinto Sol ISSN: 0329-2665 ISSN: 1851-2879 [email protected] Universidad Nacional de La Pampa Argentina Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado y la construcción de narrativas autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Schenquer, Laura; Cañada, Lucía Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado y la construcción de narrativas autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Quinto Sol, vol. 24, núm. 2, 2020 Universidad Nacional de La Pampa, Argentina Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=23163487005 DOI: https://doi.org/10.19137/qs.v24i2.3797 Esta obra está bajo una Licencia Creative Commons Atribución-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional. PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Laura Schenquer, et al. Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado ... Artículos Monumentos, marcas y homenajes: la última dictadura, los usos del pasado y la construcción de narrativas autolegitimantes (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Monuments, marks and tributes: the last dictatorship, the uses of the past and the construction of self-legitimating narratives (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Monumentos, marcas e homenagens: a última ditadura, os usos do passado e a construção de narrativas autolegitimáveis (Buenos Aires, 1979-1980) Laura Schenquer DOI: https://doi.org/10.19137/qs.v24i2.3797 Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas, Redalyc: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa? Argentina id=23163487005 Universidad Nacional del Litoral, Argentina [email protected] Lucía Cañada Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina [email protected] Recepción: 15 Abril 2019 Aprobación: 02 Julio 2019 Resumen: La pregunta por el control represivo y por la conquista del consenso social viene inquietando a los estudiosos de los regímenes fascistas y autoritarios. -
Imperial Nostalgia: Victorian Values, History and Teenage Fiction in Britain
RONALD PAUL Imperial Nostalgia: Victorian Values, History and Teenage Fiction in Britain In his pamphlet, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, on the seizure of French government power in 1851 by Napoleon’s grandson, Louis, Karl Marx makes the following famous comment about the way in which political leaders often dress up their own ideological motives and actions in the guise of the past in order to give them greater historical legitimacy: The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living. And just when they seem engaged in revolutionizing themselves and things, in creating something that has never yet existed, precisely in such periods of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service and borrow from them names, bat- tle-cries, and costumes in order to present the new scene of world history in this time-honoured disguise and this borrowed language.1 One historically contentious term that has been recycled in recent years in the public debate in Britain is that of “Victorian values”. For most of the 20th century, the word “Victorian” was associated with negative connotations of hypercritical morality, brutal industrial exploitation and colonial oppression. However, it was Mrs Thatcher who first gave the word a more positive political spin in the 1980s with her unabashed celebration of Victorian laissez-faire capitalism and patriotic fervour. This piece of historical obfuscation was aimed at disguising the grim reality of her neoliberal policies of economic privatisation, anti-trade union legislation, cut backs in the so-called “Nanny” Welfare State and the gunboat diplomacy of the Falklands War. -
Kaiser Thesis Revised Final Bez Copyright Page
TRANSGENERATIONAL FECUNDITY COMPENSATION AND POST-PARASITISM REPRODUCTION BY APHIDS IN RESPONSE TO THEIR PARASITOIDS A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY MATTHEW CHARLES KAISER IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GEORGE EUGENE HEIMPEL (ADVISOR) March 2017 © Matthew C Kaiser 2017 Acknowledgements I would first like to thank my advisor George Heimpel for his limitless support and encouragement over these years. It has been a true pleasure being a member of his lab group, where I have been surrounded by so many brilliant and sympathetic minds. Through him I gained a mentor, role model, and an outstanding jazz guitar player to jam with. I would also like to thank my advising committee members Drs. David Andow, Elizabeth Borer, and Emilie Snell-Rood for valuable feedback and guidance for improving my work. I thank everyone who has come and gone from our lab group and provided feedback, guidance and discussions of this work while I have been here, especially Dr. Mark Asplen, Dr. Mariana Bulgarella, Megan Carter, Dr. Jeremy Chacón, Dr. Nico Desneux, Dr. Christine Dieckhoff, Jonathan Dregni, Dr. Jim Eckberg, Hannah Gray, Dr. Thelma Heidel-Baker, Dr. Joe Kaser, Dr. Emily Mohl, Nick Padowski, Dr. Julie Peterson, Dr. Milan Plećaš, Anh Tran, Dr. J.J. Weis and Stephanie Wolf. Special thanks to Jonathan for ensuring plants, insects, supplies and chocolate were always there when needed. Thank you to Stephanie Dahl and everyone else behind the Minnesota Department of Agriculture quarantine facility here on campus, where the majority of this work was carried out. -
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The National Archives' reference CAB 130/1224 .!r J3al I Catala ue Reference:cab/130/1224 Ima e Reference:1 © Crown Copyright The National Archives' reference CAB 130/1224 I TOP SECRET I ~ THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT • The circulation of this paper has been strictty limited. This copy is issued for the personal use of. ............................. Copy No ..................... " MISC 7(83) 2nd Meeting CABL'IBT NUCLEAR DEFENCE POLICY MINUTES of a Meeting held in 10 Downing Street on TUESDAY 8 MARCH 1983 at q.30 pm PRESENT The Rt Hon Margaret Thatcher MP Prime Minister The Rt Hon William Whitelaw MP The Rt Hon Sir Geoffrey Howe QC MP Secretary of State for the Chancellor of the Exchequer Home Department The Rt Hon Francis Pym MP The Rt Hon Michael Heseltine MP Secretary of State for Foreign Secretary of State for Defence and Commonwealth Affairs A.LSO PRESENT Field Marshall Sir Edwin Bram.all Chief of the Defence Staff SECRETARIAT ·Sir Robert Armstrong Mr ADS Goodall Mr R LL Facer SUBJECT BASING OF UNITED STATES CRUISE MISSILES ? • I TOP SECRET I e Refenmce:cab/130/1224 Reference:1 © Crown Copyright The National Archives' reference CAB 130/1224 I TOP SECRET I BASING OF UNITED STATES CRUISE If.ISSILES - Previous Reference: MISC 7(83)1st Meeting Ministers resumed their consideration of control arrangements for United States Ground Launched Cruise Missiles (GLCMs) to be based in the United Kingdom. They had before them a minute from the Secretary of State for Defence dated 25 January about the timing -
Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990
From ‘as British as Finchley’ to ‘no selfish strategic interest’: Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990 Fiona Diane McKelvey, BA (Hons), MRes Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences of Ulster University A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Ulster University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2018 I confirm that the word count of this thesis is less than 100,000 words excluding the title page, contents, acknowledgements, summary or abstract, abbreviations, footnotes, diagrams, maps, illustrations, tables, appendices, and references or bibliography Contents Acknowledgements i Abstract ii Abbreviations iii List of Tables v Introduction An Unrequited Love Affair? Unionism and Conservatism, 1885-1979 1 Research Questions, Contribution to Knowledge, Research Methods, Methodology and Structure of Thesis 1 Playing the Orange Card: Westminster and the Home Rule Crises, 1885-1921 10 The Realm of ‘old unhappy far-off things and battles long ago’: Ulster Unionists at Westminster after 1921 18 ‘For God's sake bring me a large Scotch. What a bloody awful country’: 1950-1974 22 Thatcher on the Road to Number Ten, 1975-1979 26 Conclusion 28 Chapter 1 Jack Lynch, Charles J. Haughey and Margaret Thatcher, 1979-1981 31 'Rise and Follow Charlie': Haughey's Journey from the Backbenches to the Taoiseach's Office 34 The Atkins Talks 40 Haughey’s Search for the ‘glittering prize’ 45 The Haughey-Thatcher Meetings 49 Conclusion 65 Chapter 2 Crisis in Ireland: The Hunger Strikes, 1980-1981 -
Supreme Court, Institutional Change And
Supreme Court, Institutional Change and Authoritarian Regimes: Argentina and Brazil (1964-1985) Andrés del Río(a) CORTE SUPREMA, CAMBIO INSTITUCIONAL Y REGÍMENES AUTORITARIOS: DOI:10.21789/25007807.1280 | ARGENTINA Y BRASIL (1964-1985) SUPREMO TRIBUNAL, MUDANÇA INSTITUCIONAL E REGIMES PP. 75-103 | AUTORITÁRIOS: ARGENTINA E BRASIL (1964-1985) ISSN 2500-7807 | Fecha de recepción: 15 de septiembre de 2017 Fecha de aprobación: 07 de diciembre de 2017 ENE.-JUN. 2018 | .4 Sugerencia de citación: ⁰ Del Rio, A. (2018). Supreme Court, Institutional Change and Authoritarian Regimes: Argentina and Brazil (1964-1985). Razón Crítica, 4, 75-103 , doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.21789/25007807.1280 RAZÓN CRÍTICA N (a) Doctor en Ciencias Politicas por el Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Políticos da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, IESP-UERJ. Profesor adjunto de Ciencia Política del Instituto de Educação de Angra dos Reis de la Universidad Federal Fluminense IEAR-UFF, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7605-7834 [email protected] PP. 75-103 | DOI:10.21789/25007807.1280PP. 75-103 | ISSN 2500-7807 | RESUMEN ENE.-JUN. 2018 | En el siglo pasado, América Latina experimentó cambios políticos importantes. .4 ⁰ Muchos países de la región –como Argentina y Brasil– se enfrentaron a duros gobiernos autoritarios, así como a florecientes democracias. En estos dos países, los cambios constantes de los regímenes políticos también provocaron importantes cambios institucionales en el poder judicial, particularmente en la Corte Suprema de Justicia. Este estudio analiza los cambios institucionales de las Cortes Supremas RAZÓN CRÍTICA N desde una perspectiva comparada. Al observar los casos de Argentina y Brasil, se revisará la trayectoria de ambas Cortes Supremas en un escenario político violento (1964 - 1985). -
The Falklands/Malvinas Conflict by Jorge O
Lessons from Failure: The Falklands/Malvinas Conflict by Jorge O. Laucirica The dispute between Argentina and Great Britain over the Falkland/Malvinas Islands1 led to the only major war between two Western countries since World War II. It is an interesting case for the study of preventive diplomacy and conflict management, as it involves a cross-section of international relations. The conflict involved (a) a major power, Great Britain; (b) an active U.S. role, first as a mediator and then as an ally to one of the parties; (c) a subcontinental power, albeit a “minor” player in a broader context, Argentina; (d) a global intergovernmental organization, the United Nations; and (e) a regional intergovernmental organization, the Organization of American States (OAS). The Falklands/Malvinas territory encompasses two large islands, East and West Falkland—or Soledad and Gran Malvina, according to the Argentine denomination— as well as some 200 smaller islands, all of them scattered in a 7,500-mile area situated about 500 miles northeast of Cape Horn and 300 miles east of the Argentine coast- line. The population of the Falklands is 2,221, according to the territorial census of 1996.2 Argentina formally brought the dispute over sovereignty to the attention of the UN, in the context of decolonization, in 1965. A process including resolutions, griev- ances, and bilateral negotiations carried on for seventeen years, culminating in the 1982 South Atlantic war. Eighteen years after the confrontation, and despite the lat- est changes in the status quo (commercial flights between the islands and Argentina were reestablished in 1999), the conflict remains open, with Argentina still clinging to its claims of sovereignty over Malvinas and the South Georgia, South Orcadas, South Shetland, and South Sandwich Islands, all of them located in the South Atlan- tic and administered by the United Kingdom. -
La Relación Entre Los Militares Y Los Corresponsales Argentinos Autorizados a Informar Desde Las Islas Durante La Guerra De
CUADERNOS.INFO Nº 40 ISSN 0719-3661 E-Version: ISSN 0719-367x http://www.cuadernos.info https://doi.org/10.7764/cdi.40.1054 Received: 10-18-2016 / Accepted: 04-26-2017 The relationship between the military and Argentine correspondents authorized to report from the islands during the Falklands War La relación entre los militares y los corresponsales argentinos autorizados a informar desde las islas durante la guerra de las Malvinas A relacao entre militares e correspondentes argentinos autorizados a cobrir in loco a Guerra das Malvinas EVA LAVÍN, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, Madrid, España ([email protected]) JORGE GALLARDO-CAMACHO, Universidad Camilo José Cela, Madrid, España ([email protected]) ABSTRACT RESUMEN RESUMO The Falklands War marks a turning La guerra de las Malvinas marca un A Guerra das Malvinas marcou um ponto point in war journalism. The islands punto de inflexión en el periodismo de de inflexão no jornalismo de guerra. A location at 464 kilometers from the guerra. La localización de las islas a 464 localização das ilhas, a 464 km da costa Argentine coast and more than 12,700 kilómetros de las costas argentinas y a da Argentina e a mais de 12.700 quilô- kilometers from the British caused the más de 12.700 kilómetros de las británicas metros dos britânicos, permitiram aos military to exercise information censor- hizo que los militares ejercieran la censura militares censurar informações e liberar ship and allow access to a few corres- informativa y permitieran el acceso a unos o acesso a campo para poucos correspon- pondents. This paper uses a qualitative pocos corresponsales. -
The 'Argentine Problem' : an Analysis of Political Instability in a Modern Society
THE 'ARGENTINE PROBLEM7: AN ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN A MODERN SOCIETY Alphonse Victor Mallette B.A., University of Lethbridge, 1980 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS @ Alphonse Victor Mallette 1986 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY June, 1986 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, proJect or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for flnanclal gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay Author: -. - rJ (date) -.-.--ABSTRACT This thesis is designed to explain, through political and historical analysis, a phenomenon identified by scholars of pol- itical development as the "Argentine Problem". Argentina is seen as a paradox, a nation which does not display the political stab- ility commensurate with its level of socio-economic development. The work also seeks to examine the origins and policies of the most serious manifestation of dictatorial rule in the nation's history, the period of military power from 1976 to 1983. -
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