O Regime Fascista
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Fascist Italy's Illiberal Cultural Networks Culture, Corporatism And
Genealogie e geografie dell’anti-democrazia nella crisi europea degli anni Trenta Fascismi, corporativismi, laburismi a cura di Laura Cerasi Fascist Italy’s Illiberal Cultural Networks Culture, Corporatism and International Relations Benjamin G. Martin Uppsala University, Sweden Abstract Italian fascists presented corporatism, a system of sector-wide unions bring- ing together workers and employers under firm state control, as a new way to resolve tensions between labour and capital, and to reincorporate the working classes in na- tional life. ‘Cultural corporatism’ – the fascist labour model applied to the realm of the arts – was likewise presented as a historic resolution of the problem of the artist’s role in modern society. Focusing on two art conferences in Venice in 1932 and 1934, this article explores how Italian leaders promoted cultural corporatism internationally, creating illiberal international networks designed to help promote fascist ideology and Italian soft power. Keywords Fascism. Corporatism. State control. Labour. Capital. Summary 1 Introduction. – 2 Broadcasting Cultural Corporatism. – 3 Venice 1932: Better Art Through Organisation. – 4 Italy’s International Cultural Outreach: Strategies and Themes. – 5 Venice 1934: Art and the State, Italy and the League. – 6 Conclusion. 1 Introduction The great ideological conflict of the interwar decades was a clash of world- views and visions of society, but it also had a quite practical component: which ideology could best respond to the concrete problems of the age? Problems like economic breakdown, mass unemployment, and labour unrest were not only practical, of course: they seemed linked to a broader breakdown of so- Studi di storia 8 e-ISSN 2610-9107 | ISSN 2610-9883 ISBN [ebook] 978-88-6969-317-5 | ISBN [print] 978-88-6969-318-2 Open access 137 Published 2019-05-31 © 2019 | cb Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Public License DOI 10.30687/978-88-6969-317-5/007 Martin Fascist Italy’s Illiberal Cultural Networks. -
A British Reflection: the Relationship Between Dante's Comedy and The
A British Reflection: the Relationship between Dante’s Comedy and the Italian Fascist Movement and Regime during the 1920s and 1930s with references to the Risorgimento. Keon Esky A thesis submitted in fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. University of Sydney 2016 KEON ESKY Fig. 1 Raffaello Sanzio, ‘La Disputa’ (detail) 1510-11, Fresco - Stanza della Segnatura, Palazzi Pontifici, Vatican. KEON ESKY ii I dedicate this thesis to my late father who would have wanted me to embark on such a journey, and to my partner who with patience and love has never stopped believing that I could do it. KEON ESKY iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis owes a debt of gratitude to many people in many different countries, and indeed continents. They have all contributed in various measures to the completion of this endeavour. However, this study is deeply indebted first and foremost to my supervisor Dr. Francesco Borghesi. Without his assistance throughout these many years, this thesis would not have been possible. For his support, patience, motivation, and vast knowledge I shall be forever thankful. He truly was my Virgil. Besides my supervisor, I would like to thank the whole Department of Italian Studies at the University of Sydney, who have patiently worked with me and assisted me when I needed it. My sincere thanks go to Dr. Rubino and the rest of the committees that in the years have formed the panel for the Annual Reviews for their insightful comments and encouragement, but equally for their firm questioning, which helped me widening the scope of my research and accept other perspectives. -
12 the Return of the Ukrainian Far Right the Case of VO Svoboda
12 The Return of the Ukrainian Far Right The Case of VO Svoboda Per Anders Rudling Ukraine, one of the youngest states in Europe, received its current borders between 1939 and 1954. The country remains divided between east and west, a division that is discernible in language, culture, religion and, not the least, historical memory. Whereas Ukrainian nationalism in the 1990s was described in terms of “a minority faith,” over the past half-decade there has been a signifi cant upswing in far-right activity (Wilson, 1997: 117–146). The far-right tradition is particularly strong in western Ukraine. Today a signifi cant ultra-nationalist party, the All-Ukrainian Association ( Vseukrains’ke Ob ’’ iednanne , VO) Svoboda, appears to be on the verge of a political breakthrough at the national level. This article is a survey, not only of its ideology and the political tradition to which it belongs but also of the political climate which facilitated its growth. It contextualizes the current turn to the right in western Ukraine against the backdrop of instrumental- ization of history and the offi cial rehabilitation of the ultra-nationalists of the 1930s and 1940s. MEMORIES OF A VIOLENT 20TH CENTURY Swept to power by the Orange Revolution, the third president of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010), put in substantial efforts into the pro- duction of historical myths. He tasked a set of nationalistically minded historians to produce and disseminate an edifying national history as well as a new set of national heroes. Given Yushchenko’s aim to unify the country around a new set of historical myths, his legitimizing historians ironically sought their heroes in the interwar period, during which the Ukrainian-speaking lands were divided, and had very different historical experiences. -
00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.Qxp Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08
00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 1 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 2 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 3 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 4 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 5 AVaga Corporativa Corporativismo e Ditaduras na Europa e na América Latina António Costa Pinto Francisco Palomanes Martinho (organizadores) 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 18/04/16 10:52 Page 6 Imprensa de Ciências Sociais Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa Av. Prof. Aníbal de Bettencourt, 9 1600-189 Lisboa - Portugal Telef. 21 780 47 00 – Fax 21 794 02 74 www.ics.ulisboa.pt/imprensa E-mail: [email protected] Instituto de Ciências Sociais — Catalogação na Publicação A vaga corporativa : corporativismo e ditaduras na Europa e na América Latina / org. António Costa Pinto, Francisco Palomanes Martinho. - Lisboa : Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 2016. ISBN 978-972-671-368-5 CDU 32 Capa e concepção gráfica: João Segurado Revisão: Levi Condinho Impressão e acabamento: Manuel Barbosa & Filhos, Lda. Depósito legal: 408312/16 1.ª edição: Abril de 2016 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 7 Índice Os autores . 13 Apresentação . 19 Capítulo 1 Corporativismo, ditaduras e representação política autoritária . 27 António Costa Pinto Parte I As experiências europeias Capítulo 2 O corporativismo na ditadura fascista italiana . 41 Goffredo Adinolfi Capítulo 3 «Estado corporativo» e ditadura autoritária: a Áustria de Dollfuss e Schuschnigg (1933-1938) . -
Nazi Party from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Nazi Party From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about the German Nazi Party that existed from 1920–1945. For the ideology, see Nazism. For other Nazi Parties, see Nazi Navigation Party (disambiguation). Main page The National Socialist German Workers' Party (German: Contents National Socialist German Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (help·info), abbreviated NSDAP), commonly known Featured content Workers' Party in English as the Nazi Party, was a political party in Germany between 1920 and 1945. Its Current events Nationalsozialistische Deutsche predecessor, the German Workers' Party (DAP), existed from 1919 to 1920. The term Nazi is Random article Arbeiterpartei German and stems from Nationalsozialist,[6] due to the pronunciation of Latin -tion- as -tsion- in Donate to Wikipedia German (rather than -shon- as it is in English), with German Z being pronounced as 'ts'. Interaction Help About Wikipedia Community portal Recent changes Leader Karl Harrer Contact page 1919–1920 Anton Drexler 1920–1921 Toolbox Adolf Hitler What links here 1921–1945 Related changes Martin Bormann 1945 Upload file Special pages Founded 1920 Permanent link Dissolved 1945 Page information Preceded by German Workers' Party (DAP) Data item Succeeded by None (banned) Cite this page Ideologies continued with neo-Nazism Print/export Headquarters Munich, Germany[1] Newspaper Völkischer Beobachter Create a book Youth wing Hitler Youth Download as PDF Paramilitary Sturmabteilung -
Citation.Pdf
Table of Contents Chapter I: Introduction and the Definition of Fascism - 2 Chapter II: Rise of Fascism in Italy - 14 Chapter III: Rise of Fascism in Germany - 33 Chapter IV: Road to the Spanish Civil War - 55 Chapter V: Rise of Franco - 77 Chapter VI: Comparing Spain with Italy and Germany - 99 Bibliography - 116 ii Chapter I Introduction The interwar period between the First and Second World Wars in Europe is a fascinating period of study for a political and military historian. The period saw some of the most radical changes to the European map since the end of the Napoleonic Wars, and the peace that established this period led to a general dissatisfaction with the political status quo. It was a period that saw the old guard being swept away, with new ideologies rising to challenge the political norms of liberalism and socialism. Italy and Germany are the two major countries that spring to mind when one thinks of ideological change during this time. Both saw a rise in the far-right that ultimately allowed those fringe organizations to seize power, but they were not the only major European countries to experience social upheaval before the Second World War. Spain, while neutral during the First World War, could not escape the changes or problems sweeping across Europe. However, whereas the Italian far-right and German far-right obtained their power through the established political systems in those countries, Spain ignited into a three-year-long civil war that saw anywhere between two hundred and fifty thousand to a million people killed. -
Neo-Socialism and the Fascist Destiny of an Anti-Fascist Discourse
"Order, Authority, Nation": Neo-Socialism and the Fascist Destiny of an Anti-Fascist Discourse by Mathieu Hikaru Desan A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Professor George Steinmetz, Chair Professor Howard Brick Assistant Professor Robert S. Jansen Emeritus Professor Howard Kimeldorf Professor Gisèle Sapiro Centre national de la recherche scientifique/École des hautes études en sciences sociales Acknowledgments Scholarly production is necessarily a collective endeavor. Even during the long isolated hours spent in dusty archives, this basic fact was never far from my mind, and this dissertation would be nothing without the community of scholars and friends that has nourished me over the past ten years. First thanks are due to George Steinmetz, my advisor and Chair. From the very beginning of my time as a graduate student, he has been my intellectual role model. He has also been my champion throughout the years, and every opportunity I have had has been in large measure thanks to him. Both his work and our conversations have been constant sources of inspiration, and the breadth of his knowledge has been a vital resource, especially to someone whose interests traverse disciplinary boundaries. George is that rare sociologist whose theoretical curiosity and sophistication is matched only by the lucidity of this thought. Nobody is more responsible for my scholarly development than George, and all my work bears his imprint. I will spend a lifetime trying to live up to his scholarly example. I owe him an enormous debt of gratitude. -
From Corporatism to the “Foundation of Labour”: Notes on Political Cultures
Corporativismos: experiências históricas e Dossiê suas representações ao longo do século XX Abstract: Until the mid-1930s, corporatism represented the main vehicle of self-representation that fascism gave to its own resolution of the crisis of the modern state; the investment in corporatism involved not only the attempt to build a new institutional architecture that regulated the relations between the State, the individual and society, but also the legal, economic and political From debate. However, while the importance of corporatism decreased in the last years of the regime, the labour corporatism to issue to which it was genetically linked found new impetus. After Liberation Day, the labour issue was not abandoned along with corporatism, but it was laid down the “foundation in Article 1 of the Constitution. The aim of this paper is to acknowledge the political cultures that in interwar years faced the above-mentioned processes, with particular of labour”: notes reference to the fascist “left”, the reformist socialists and, above all, Catholics of different orientations, in order to on political examine some features of the relationship between the labour issue and statehood across the 20th century. Keywords: Italian fascism; Corporate State; social cultures across Catholicism; Labour; Republican Constitution. Fascist and Do corporativismo até a “fundação do tra- balho”: observações das culturas políticas Republican Italy durante o Fascismo e a República Italiana Resumo: Até meados de 1930, o corporativismo representou o veículo principal de ego-representação Laura Cerasi [*] que o Fascismo apresentou para a sua própria resolução da crise do estado moderno; o investimento em corporativismo não só envolveu a tentativa de [*] Universidade de Veneza — Veneza — Itália. -
Some Issues in the Intellectual History of Fascism
CHAPTER ONE Some Issues in the Intellectual History of Fascism FOR ABOUT three-quarters of a century, almost all academic discussion concerning Mussolini’s Fascism1 has tended to imagine the movement it animated, and the regime it informed, as entirely lacking a reasoned ratio- nale. It early became commonplace to attribute to Fascism a unique irra- tionality, accompanied by a ready recourse to violence. Fascism, it has been argued, was full of emotion, but entirely empty of cognitive content. Fascists were, and are, understood to have renounced all rational dis- course, in order to “glorify the non-rational.” Their ideology, movement, revolution, and behavior were made distinctive by the appeal to two, and only two, “absolutes”: “violence and war.”2 Before the advent of the Second World War, some analysts had gone so far as to insist that “fascism” was the product of “orgasm anxiety,” a sex- ual dysfunction that found release only in “mystic intoxication,” homicidal hostility, and the complete suppression of rational thought.3 Marxists and fellow travelers argued that since Fascism was “the violent attempt of de- caying capitalism to defeat the proletarian revolution and forcibly arrest the growing contradictions of its whole development,” it could not support itself with a sustained rationale. Its conceptions were “empty and hollow,” finding expession in “deceitful terminology” consciously designed to con- ceal the “realities of class-rule and class-exploitation.”4 For many, “Fascism [was] essentially a political weapon adopted by the ruling class . that takes root in the minds of millions . [appealing] to certain uncritical and infantile impulses which, in a people debarred from a rational, healthy existence . -
On Fascist Ideology
On Fascist Ideology Federico Finchelstein Comprendere e saper valutare con esattezza il nemico, significa possedere gia` una con- dizione necessaria per la vittoria. Antonio Gramsci1 Fascism is a political ideology that encompassed totalitarianism, state terrorism, imperialism, racism and, in the German case, the most radical genocide of the last century: the Holocaust. Fascism, in its many forms did not hesitate to kill its own citizens as well as its colonial subjects in its search for ideological and political closure. Millions of civilians perished on a global scale during the apogee of fascist ideologies in Europe and beyond. In historical terms, fascism can be defined as a movement and a regime. Emilio Gentile – who, with Zeev Sternhell and George Mosse,2 is the most insightful historian of fascism – presents fascism as a modern revolutionary phenomenon that was nationalist and revolution- ary, anti-liberal and anti-Marxist. Gentile also presents fascism as being typically organized in a militaristic party that had a totalitarian conception of state politics, an activist and anti- theoretical ideology as well as a focus on virility and anti-hedonistic mythical foundations. For Gentile a defining feature of fascism was its character as a secular religion which affirms the primacy of the nation understood as an organic and ethnically homogenous community. Moreover, this nation was to be hierarchically organized in a corporativist state endowed with a war-mongering vocation that searches for a politics of national expansion, potency and conquest. Fascism, in short, was not a mere reactionary ideology. Rather, fascism aimed at creating a new order and a new civilization.3 The word fascism derives from the Italian word fascio and refers to a political group (such as the political group lead by Giuseppe Garibaldi during the time of Italian unification.) Fascism also refers visually and historically to a Roman imperial symbol of authority. -
Redalyc.Democratic Corporatism – the Italian Debate During the “First
Estudos Ibero-Americanos ISSN: 0101-4064 [email protected] Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul Brasil Zaganella, Marco Zaganella Democratic Corporatism – The Italian debate during the “First Republic” (1948-1992) Estudos Ibero-Americanos, vol. 42, núm. 2, mayo-agosto, 2016, pp. 430-453 Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul Porto Alegre, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=134646844005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative CORPORATIVISMO HISTÓRICO NO BRASIL E NA EUROPA http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1980-864X.2016.2.22505 Democratic Corporatism – The Italian debate during the “First Republic” (1948-1992)* Corporativismo Democrático – O debate italiano durante a “Primeira República” (1948-1992) Corporativismo demócrata – El debate italiano durante la “Primera República” (1948-1992) Marco Zaganella** Abstract: The paper intends to explore the Italian debate on corporatism after the fall of fascism, in the years of the so-called “First Republic” (1948-1992). Over this long time period, which spanned more than four decades, the debate on corporatism continued to interest the nostalgic political right represented by the Italian Social Movement (MSI), but rekindled also the minds of Catholics. In both cases, the aim was to harmonize the corporatist theory with democratic principles. During Sixties the debate on the launch of a planning policy in Italy was seized by some members of the MSI as an opportunity to revive the corporatism and find a concrete solution to “govern” the Italian economy. -
Four Competing Discourses on the Islamism-Fascism Comparison
fascism 7 (2018) 241-274 brill.com/fasc ‘Islamofascism’: Four Competing Discourses on the Islamism-Fascism Comparison Tamir Bar-On School of Social Sciences and Government, Tec de Monterrey, Campus Querétaro, Querétaro, México [email protected] Abstract With the dramatic rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, we witnessed the revival of the Islamism-fascism comparison. This paper begins with a short history of the Islamism-fascism comparison. It then argues that both Islamism and fascism are co- herent political ideologies. The author proposes a four-fold typology of different dis- courses in respect of the Islamism-fascism comparison, which are called ‘Thou shall not compare’, ‘Islamofascism’, ‘Islamofascism as epithet’, and ‘Dare to compare’. It’s concluded that we should compare Islamism and fascism, but that the two ideologies are distinctive, totalitarian ideologies. Clerical fascism is the closest ideologically to Islamism, although it is also a distinctive political ideology. Keywords Islamism – fascism – Islamofascism – political ideologies – discourses – intellectuals – totalitarianism – clerical fascism In 2016, Hamed Abdel-Samad published a provocative book entitled Islamic Fascism in which he suggested that the ‘Islamofascist’ worldview has its origins with the Muslim Brotherhood, which ‘had always eulogized the principles of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini.’1 Abdel-Samad also suggested an associa- tion between the ‘Islamofascist’ ideas of the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Amin 1 Premanand Mishra, ‘Islamic Fascism Book Review,’ Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 1 (2016): 122. © Bar-On, 2018 | doi 10.1163/22116257-00702005 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc license at the time of publication.