The Case of Benito Mussolini, August 1914 – May 1915

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Case of Benito Mussolini, August 1914 – May 1915 164 O’brien Chapter 8 Inventing Fascism in the Period of Italian Neutrality: the Case of Benito Mussolini, August 1914 – May 1915 Paul O’Brien In his 1962 biography of Benito Mussolini, Christopher Hibbert referred to Mussolini’s position in relation to Italy’s 1915 intervention in the European war in terms of ‘the seed of Fascism [being] sown.’ This is a very far-reaching claim, since it suggests that Italian intervention may explain the origins of the fascist phenomenon. Unfortunately, however, not only is the statement not followed up with any further argumentation or sources, but Mussolini himself is in and out of the war by the end of the first paragraph of the following page.1 A few years later, the first volume of Renzo De Felice’s biography gave an account of Mussolini’s ‘conversion’ to the cause of the war and touched on his activity in the rest of the period of Italian neutrality between August 1914 and May 1915.2 However, De Felice’s account is replete with contradictions. He argues, for example, that Mussolini’s right-wing nationalist turn began only after Italy’s military defeat at Caporetto in October–November 1917,3 a position which is difficult to reconcile with De Felice’s interpretation of Mussolini and fascism in 1919 as left-wing and revolutionary.4 A. James Gregor’s 1979 study on the intel- lectual life of the young Mussolini attempts to develop what in a 1974 book Gregor had argued to be the ‘progressive revolutionary’ nature of fascism due to its focus on industrialization. But Gregor depends too heavily on abstract sociological typologies.5 He therefore quotes uncritically from Mussolini’s writings, and the latter’s political and military activities during the First World War are dealt with only briefly.6 Moreover, these activities are set within the ‘historically progressive’ categories which Gregor applies to his quotations 1 C. Hibbert, Benito Mussolini: The Rise and Fall of Il Duce (London, 1961), pp. 39-40. 2 R. De Felice, Mussolini il rivoluzionario (Turin, 1965), Chs. 9-10. 3 Ibid. Ch. 11. 4 Ibid. Ch. 12. 5 A.J. Gregor, Interpretations of Fascism (Morristown NJ, 1974), esp. Ch. 5. 6 A.J. Gregor, Young Mussolini and the Intellectual Origins of Fascism (Berkeley, CA, 1979), pp. 205-7. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2018 | doi 10.1163/9789004363724_010 Inventing Fascism in the Period of Italian Neutrality 165 from Mussolini and, from there, to his ‘progressive revolutionary’ interpreta- tion of fascism in general. Finally, Richard Bosworth’s mammoth biography makes no critical reassessment of the war texts of Mussolini and in fact sees the material has having little meaning in terms of the development of fascist ideology.7 In short, we are left with quite a few pre-fabricated ideas, the basis of which is presumption rather than analytical substance. This chapter could skim over Mussolini’s experience as a journalist and soldier, covering the war in its entirety, and argue that it was precisely in that period that he practically invented fascism. However, to allow for a more detailed assessment of Musso- lini’s political trajectory towards fascism, it will limit itself to the period of Italian neutrality (August 1914-May 1915), arguing that it was already in that narrowly defined timeframe that he laid the foundation of the fascist project. At the time of the international diplomatic crisis in July 1914 Benito Mus- solini was chief editor of Avanti!, the daily newspaper of the Partito Socialista Italiano (PSI). He had held this position since December 1912 following the triumph of the Maximalist current at the party’s Reggio Emilia congress the previous month. In the wake of Austria’s 23 July ultimatum to Serbia, Mussolini declared that the Italian working class would give ‘not a man, not a penny!’ and would spill ‘not one drop of blood’ for a cause ‘that has nothing to do with it.’ He demanded that the Italian government declare absolute neutral- ity8 and issued slogans such as ‘Down with the war!,’ ‘Long live the interna- tional solidarity of the proletariat!’ and ‘Long live socialism!.’9 On 3 August Italy announced its neutrality. But not for this was Mussolini sitting contentedly in his editor’s chair. He had in fact begun to question socialist anti-militarism before the outbreak of the war. In November 1913 he founded a periodical, Utopia, through which he teased out his personal views independent of Avanti!. In May 1914 he published an article by Sergio Panunzio, a revolutionary syndi- calist, which argued that, since a war would create a revolutionary situation, ‘whoever cries Down with war! is the most ferocious conservative.’10 Examination of correspondence between the two men that same month shows that Mussolini subscribed to Panunzio’s view.11 In August, Mussolini refused to pub- lish an article by Panunzio in Avanti!. The piece in question was most likely the 7 R. Bosworth, Mussolini (London, 2002), pp. 114-21. 8 B. Mussolini, Opera Omnia, eds. E. and D. Susmel, 44 Vols (Florence, 1951-1980), Vol- ume 6, pp. 287-8. From here on OO. 9 Ibid., pp. 289 and 290-3. 10 S. Panunzio, “Il lato teorico e il lato pratico del socialismo”, Utopia (15-31 May 1914). 11 F. Perfetti, “La ‘conversione’ all’interventismo di Mussolini nel suo carteggio con Sergio Panunzio”, Storia Contemporanea, Volume 17, No. 1 (February 1986), 139-67. .
Recommended publications
  • 12 the Return of the Ukrainian Far Right the Case of VO Svoboda
    12 The Return of the Ukrainian Far Right The Case of VO Svoboda Per Anders Rudling Ukraine, one of the youngest states in Europe, received its current borders between 1939 and 1954. The country remains divided between east and west, a division that is discernible in language, culture, religion and, not the least, historical memory. Whereas Ukrainian nationalism in the 1990s was described in terms of “a minority faith,” over the past half-decade there has been a signifi cant upswing in far-right activity (Wilson, 1997: 117–146). The far-right tradition is particularly strong in western Ukraine. Today a signifi cant ultra-nationalist party, the All-Ukrainian Association ( Vseukrains’ke Ob ’’ iednanne , VO) Svoboda, appears to be on the verge of a political breakthrough at the national level. This article is a survey, not only of its ideology and the political tradition to which it belongs but also of the political climate which facilitated its growth. It contextualizes the current turn to the right in western Ukraine against the backdrop of instrumental- ization of history and the offi cial rehabilitation of the ultra-nationalists of the 1930s and 1940s. MEMORIES OF A VIOLENT 20TH CENTURY Swept to power by the Orange Revolution, the third president of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010), put in substantial efforts into the pro- duction of historical myths. He tasked a set of nationalistically minded historians to produce and disseminate an edifying national history as well as a new set of national heroes. Given Yushchenko’s aim to unify the country around a new set of historical myths, his legitimizing historians ironically sought their heroes in the interwar period, during which the Ukrainian-speaking lands were divided, and had very different historical experiences.
    [Show full text]
  • 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.Qxp Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08
    00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 1 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 2 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 3 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 4 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 5 AVaga Corporativa Corporativismo e Ditaduras na Europa e na América Latina António Costa Pinto Francisco Palomanes Martinho (organizadores) 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 18/04/16 10:52 Page 6 Imprensa de Ciências Sociais Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa Av. Prof. Aníbal de Bettencourt, 9 1600-189 Lisboa - Portugal Telef. 21 780 47 00 – Fax 21 794 02 74 www.ics.ulisboa.pt/imprensa E-mail: [email protected] Instituto de Ciências Sociais — Catalogação na Publicação A vaga corporativa : corporativismo e ditaduras na Europa e na América Latina / org. António Costa Pinto, Francisco Palomanes Martinho. - Lisboa : Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 2016. ISBN 978-972-671-368-5 CDU 32 Capa e concepção gráfica: João Segurado Revisão: Levi Condinho Impressão e acabamento: Manuel Barbosa & Filhos, Lda. Depósito legal: 408312/16 1.ª edição: Abril de 2016 00 Vaga Corporativa Intro.qxp_Layout 1 11/04/16 12:08 Page 7 Índice Os autores . 13 Apresentação . 19 Capítulo 1 Corporativismo, ditaduras e representação política autoritária . 27 António Costa Pinto Parte I As experiências europeias Capítulo 2 O corporativismo na ditadura fascista italiana . 41 Goffredo Adinolfi Capítulo 3 «Estado corporativo» e ditadura autoritária: a Áustria de Dollfuss e Schuschnigg (1933-1938) .
    [Show full text]
  • Nazi Party from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
    Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Nazi Party From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about the German Nazi Party that existed from 1920–1945. For the ideology, see Nazism. For other Nazi Parties, see Nazi Navigation Party (disambiguation). Main page The National Socialist German Workers' Party (German: Contents National Socialist German Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (help·info), abbreviated NSDAP), commonly known Featured content Workers' Party in English as the Nazi Party, was a political party in Germany between 1920 and 1945. Its Current events Nationalsozialistische Deutsche predecessor, the German Workers' Party (DAP), existed from 1919 to 1920. The term Nazi is Random article Arbeiterpartei German and stems from Nationalsozialist,[6] due to the pronunciation of Latin -tion- as -tsion- in Donate to Wikipedia German (rather than -shon- as it is in English), with German Z being pronounced as 'ts'. Interaction Help About Wikipedia Community portal Recent changes Leader Karl Harrer Contact page 1919–1920 Anton Drexler 1920–1921 Toolbox Adolf Hitler What links here 1921–1945 Related changes Martin Bormann 1945 Upload file Special pages Founded 1920 Permanent link Dissolved 1945 Page information Preceded by German Workers' Party (DAP) Data item Succeeded by None (banned) Cite this page Ideologies continued with neo-Nazism Print/export Headquarters Munich, Germany[1] Newspaper Völkischer Beobachter Create a book Youth wing Hitler Youth Download as PDF Paramilitary Sturmabteilung
    [Show full text]
  • Citation.Pdf
    Table of Contents Chapter I: Introduction and the Definition of Fascism - 2 Chapter II: Rise of Fascism in Italy - 14 Chapter III: Rise of Fascism in Germany - 33 Chapter IV: Road to the Spanish Civil War - 55 Chapter V: Rise of Franco - 77 Chapter VI: Comparing Spain with Italy and Germany - 99 Bibliography - 116 ii Chapter I Introduction The interwar period between the First and Second World Wars in Europe is a fascinating period of study for a political and military historian. The period saw some of the most radical changes to the European map since the end of the Napoleonic Wars, and the peace that established this period led to a general dissatisfaction with the political status quo. It was a period that saw the old guard being swept away, with new ideologies rising to challenge the political norms of liberalism and socialism. Italy and Germany are the two major countries that spring to mind when one thinks of ideological change during this time. Both saw a rise in the far-right that ultimately allowed those fringe organizations to seize power, but they were not the only major European countries to experience social upheaval before the Second World War. Spain, while neutral during the First World War, could not escape the changes or problems sweeping across Europe. However, whereas the Italian far-right and German far-right obtained their power through the established political systems in those countries, Spain ignited into a three-year-long civil war that saw anywhere between two hundred and fifty thousand to a million people killed.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Issues in the Intellectual History of Fascism
    CHAPTER ONE Some Issues in the Intellectual History of Fascism FOR ABOUT three-quarters of a century, almost all academic discussion concerning Mussolini’s Fascism1 has tended to imagine the movement it animated, and the regime it informed, as entirely lacking a reasoned ratio- nale. It early became commonplace to attribute to Fascism a unique irra- tionality, accompanied by a ready recourse to violence. Fascism, it has been argued, was full of emotion, but entirely empty of cognitive content. Fascists were, and are, understood to have renounced all rational dis- course, in order to “glorify the non-rational.” Their ideology, movement, revolution, and behavior were made distinctive by the appeal to two, and only two, “absolutes”: “violence and war.”2 Before the advent of the Second World War, some analysts had gone so far as to insist that “fascism” was the product of “orgasm anxiety,” a sex- ual dysfunction that found release only in “mystic intoxication,” homicidal hostility, and the complete suppression of rational thought.3 Marxists and fellow travelers argued that since Fascism was “the violent attempt of de- caying capitalism to defeat the proletarian revolution and forcibly arrest the growing contradictions of its whole development,” it could not support itself with a sustained rationale. Its conceptions were “empty and hollow,” finding expession in “deceitful terminology” consciously designed to con- ceal the “realities of class-rule and class-exploitation.”4 For many, “Fascism [was] essentially a political weapon adopted by the ruling class . that takes root in the minds of millions . [appealing] to certain uncritical and infantile impulses which, in a people debarred from a rational, healthy existence .
    [Show full text]
  • On Fascist Ideology
    On Fascist Ideology Federico Finchelstein Comprendere e saper valutare con esattezza il nemico, significa possedere gia` una con- dizione necessaria per la vittoria. Antonio Gramsci1 Fascism is a political ideology that encompassed totalitarianism, state terrorism, imperialism, racism and, in the German case, the most radical genocide of the last century: the Holocaust. Fascism, in its many forms did not hesitate to kill its own citizens as well as its colonial subjects in its search for ideological and political closure. Millions of civilians perished on a global scale during the apogee of fascist ideologies in Europe and beyond. In historical terms, fascism can be defined as a movement and a regime. Emilio Gentile – who, with Zeev Sternhell and George Mosse,2 is the most insightful historian of fascism – presents fascism as a modern revolutionary phenomenon that was nationalist and revolution- ary, anti-liberal and anti-Marxist. Gentile also presents fascism as being typically organized in a militaristic party that had a totalitarian conception of state politics, an activist and anti- theoretical ideology as well as a focus on virility and anti-hedonistic mythical foundations. For Gentile a defining feature of fascism was its character as a secular religion which affirms the primacy of the nation understood as an organic and ethnically homogenous community. Moreover, this nation was to be hierarchically organized in a corporativist state endowed with a war-mongering vocation that searches for a politics of national expansion, potency and conquest. Fascism, in short, was not a mere reactionary ideology. Rather, fascism aimed at creating a new order and a new civilization.3 The word fascism derives from the Italian word fascio and refers to a political group (such as the political group lead by Giuseppe Garibaldi during the time of Italian unification.) Fascism also refers visually and historically to a Roman imperial symbol of authority.
    [Show full text]
  • Temporality and Time in Fascist Experience La Temporalidad Y El Tiempo En La Experiencia Fascista
    methaodos.revista de ciencias sociales, 2014, 2 (1): 45-58 Lorenzo Santoro ISSN: 2340-8413 | DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17502/m.rcs.v2i1.37 Temporality and Time in Fascist Experience La temporalidad y el tiempo en la experiencia fascista Lorenzo Santoro Università della Calabria, Italia [email protected] Recibido: 23-2-2014 Modificado: 29-4-2014 Aceptado: 15-5-2014 Abstract The article deals with the theme of Temporality in Italian fascism, an argument that is significant in order to analyze its peculiar approach to mass culture, mass rites but also concerning the function of its elite culture. A number of fascist political leaders, intellectuals and agitators insisted in such argument as a fundamental element in the developing of the regime and the approaching of its most peculiar qualities such as new multifaceted imperialism and the necessity to project a new Nation imbued of a new political and monolithic culture. Fascism tried to gain a synthesis between very different cultural elements such as futurism, revolutionarism and classicism, romanità, which deserve a peculiar analysis able to deal with the complexity of mass society. For these reasons the essay proposes an articulated methodologically overview on the argument of Temporality in Historiography and social sciences. In fact it insists in analyzing. Key words: Braudel, Gurvich, Luhmann, Mosse, Vovelle. Resumen Esta investigación aborda el tema de la temporalidad en el fascismo italiano, un asunto muy significativo no solo para analizar su peculiar acercamiento a la cultura de masas y a los ritos masivos, sino también para referirse a la función de la cultura de élite.
    [Show full text]
  • Waffen-SS from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia (Redirected from Waffenss)
    Create account Log in Article Talk Read Edit View history Waffen-SS From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (Redirected from WaffenSS) Navigation The Waffen-SS (German pronunciation: [ˈvafәn.ɛs.ɛs], Armed SS) was created as the Waffen-SS [2] Main page armed wing of the Nazi Party's Schutzstaffel ("Protective Squadron"), and gradually [3] Contents developed into a multi-ethnic and multi-national military force of Nazi Germany. Featured content The Waffen-SS grew from three regiments to over 38 divisions during World War II, and [4] Current events served alongside the Heer (regular army) but was never formally part of it. Adolf Hitler Active 1933–1945 Random article resisted integrating the Waffen-SS into the army, as it was to remain the armed wing of Country Nazi Germany Donate to Wikipedia [5] the Party and to become an elite police force once the war was won. Prior to the war Allegiance Adolf Hitler it was under the control of the SS Führungshauptamt (SS operational command office) Branch Schutzstaffel beneath Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler. Upon mobilization its tactical control was Interaction Type Panzer given to the High Command of the Armed Forces (Oberkommando der Wehrmacht).[6] Help Panzergrenadier Initially membership was open to Aryans only in accordance with the racial policy of Cavalry About Wikipedia Nazi Germany, but the rules were partially relaxed in 1940, although Jews and Poles Infantry Community portal remained banned. Hitler authorized the formation of units composed largely or solely of Mountain Infantry Recent changes foreign volunteers and conscripts. By the end of the war, non-Germans made up Police Contact Wikipedia approximately 60 percent of the Waffen-SS.[citation needed] Size 38 Divisions and many minor units at its peak At the post-war Nuremberg Trials the Waffen-SS was condemned as a criminal Toolbox Part of Wehrmacht (de facto) organization due to its essential connection to the Nazi Party and involvement in Garrison/HQ SS Führungshauptamt, Berlin What links here numerous war crimes.
    [Show full text]
  • War in Peace Paramilitary Violence in Europe After the Great War
    War in Peace Paramilitary Violence in Europe after the Great War Edited by ROBERT GERWARTH AND JOHN HORNE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, 0X2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade matk of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Oxford University Press 2012 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2012 impression: 2 Ail rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Piess, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data available ISBN 978—0—19—965491—8 Printed in Great Britain by MPG Books Group, Bodmin and King’s Lynn Acknowledgements This book is the result of collaborative efforts over a long period. Most of the authors assembled in this volume met at two themed workshops, held in Dublin in 2008 and 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.ON the CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER IN/OF ITALIAN FASCISM
    JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations E-ISSN: 1647-7251 [email protected] Observatório de Relações Exteriores Portugal Velez, Pedro ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER IN/OF ITALIAN FASCISM JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations, vol. 7, núm. 2, noviembre, 2016, pp. 64- 89 Observatório de Relações Exteriores Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=413548516005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative OBSERVARE Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa e-ISSN: 1647-7251 Vol. 7, Nº. 2 (November 2016-April 2017), pp. 64-89 ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER IN/OF ITALIAN FASCISM Pedro Velez [email protected] Law degree from the Law Faculty of the University Nova de Lisboa/FDUNL. Doctorate in Law from the FDUNL (Portugal), specialising in Political Science (thesis title: Constitution and transcendence: the case of communitarian regimes of the interwar). In recent years, he has been dedicated to research and the teaching of public law disciplines (Introduction to Public Law, Constitutional Law, Constitutional Portuguese Law, Administrative Law) at the Law School of the Catholic University of Porto-Portugal, the FDUNL and the European University. He has also taught (FDUNL) histo-judicial disciplines – History of (Portuguese) Institutions; History of the State – in co-regency with Professor Diogo Freitas do Amaral. Areas of interest include: historical types of State, political forms, political regimes/forms of government and systems of government, constitutionalism and relations between the politico-constitutional and religious.
    [Show full text]
  • Adolf Hitler from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
    Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Adolf Hitler From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia "Hitler" redirects here. For other uses, see Hitler (disambiguation). Navigation Adolf Hitler (German: [ˈadɔlf ˈhɪtlɐ] ( listen); 20 April 1889 – 30 April 1945) was an Austrian-born Main page Adolf Hitler German politician and the leader of the Nazi Party (German: Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Contents Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP); National Socialist German Workers Party). He was chancellor of Featured content Germany from 1933 to 1945 and dictator of Nazi Germany (as Führer und Reichskanzler) from Current events 1934 to 1945. Hitler was at the centre of Nazi Germany, World War II in Europe, and the Random article Holocaust. Donate to Wikipedia Hitler was a decorated veteran of World War I. He joined the German Workers' Party (precursor of the NSDAP) in 1919, and became leader of the NSDAP in 1921. In 1923, he attempted a coup Interaction d'état in Munich, known as the Beer Hall Putsch. The failed coup resulted in Hitler's imprisonment, Help during which time he wrote his memoir, Mein Kampf (My Struggle). After his release in 1924, Hitler About Wikipedia gained popular support by attacking the Treaty of Versailles and promoting Pan-Germanism, Community portal antisemitism, and anti-communism with charismatic oratory and Nazi propaganda. After his Recent changes appointment as chancellor in 1933, he transformed the Weimar Republic into the Third Reich, a Contact Wikipedia single-party dictatorship based on the totalitarian and autocratic ideology of Nazism. Hitler's aim was to establish a New Order of absolute Nazi German hegemony in continental Toolbox Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • El Caso De Georges Valois: ¿Una Rara Avis? El Estudio Del Fascismo Francés En Un Contexto Transnacional∗
    El caso de Georges Valois: ¿Una rara avis? El estudio del fascismo francés en un contexto transnacional∗ The case of Georges Valois: A, uncommon case? The study of French fascism in a transnational context Analizar la trayectoria de Geoges Valois puede ayudar a renovar el estudio del fascismo como fenómeno histórico. A través de un acercamiento transnacional se busca poner en entredicho algunos supuestos. En primer lugar, la cronologia històrica del fascismo, cuyos orígenes siempre han venido marcados por el desarrollo del caso italiano En segundo lugar, tenir en cuenta la importancia de los elementos nacionales y la ideosincracia de los fascistas a la hora de comprender su naturaleza. Por último, subrayar la necesidad de entender el fascismo como el resultado de un proceso de fascistización. Analysing the parcours of Georges Valois could refresh the study of fascism as a historical phenomenon. Thank to a transnational approach, some academic considerations could be revisited. Firstly, the historical cronology of fascism. The italian case has been taken as the sample to analyse the eclosion of the other moviments. Secondly, the importance of taking into account the national elements, as well the idiosincracy of the people who joined sides with fascism. Last but not least, the paper aims to underline the necessity of understand fascism as the result of a process of facsistization. Joan Pubill Brugués Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Presentación. Unos breves planteamientos iniciales sobre el fenómeno fascista como objeto de estudio El fascismo es quizás uno de los mayores retos para quienes quieren adentrarse en la fenomenología histórica de las sociedades contemporáneas.
    [Show full text]