Redalyc.ON the CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER IN/OF ITALIAN FASCISM
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Mussolini's Gladius: the Double-Edged Sword of Antiquity In
Student Publications Student Scholarship Spring 2016 Mussolini's Gladius: The ouble-ED dged Sword of Antiquity in Fascist Italy Kyle W. Schrader Gettysburg College Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship Part of the European History Commons, Military History Commons, and the Political History Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Schrader, Kyle W., "Mussolini's Gladius: The oubD le-Edged Sword of Antiquity in Fascist Italy" (2016). Student Publications. 431. https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/431 This is the author's version of the work. This publication appears in Gettysburg College's institutional repository by permission of the copyright owner for personal use, not for redistribution. Cupola permanent link: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/ 431 This open access student research paper is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Mussolini's Gladius: The ouble-ED dged Sword of Antiquity in Fascist Italy Abstract Mussolini and the Fascist Party used a plethora of propaganda techniques in order to suggest the renewal of the old Roman Empire with the rise of the Italian Fascist Party. Through the use of ideology, race issues, religion, educational control, posters, theatre, architecture, and archeology, the Fascists used the Roman past to glorify modern Italy and the Fascist party. The asF cists’ use of these Roman allusions made their own deficiencies more apparent and led to a general failure of their propaganda program in terms of creating a new Italian identity focused upon the Ancient Roman past. -
World History Week 3 Take Home Packet
Local District South Students: We hope that you are adjusting to the difficult situation we all find ourselves in and that you are taking time to rest, care for yourself and those you love, and do something everyday to lift your spirits. We want you to know that you are missed and that we have been working hard to develop ways to support you. We want to stay connected with you and provide you with opportunities to learn while you are at home. We hope that you find these activities interesting and that they provide you with something to look forward to over the course of the next week. Stay home; stay healthy; stay safe. We cannot wait until we see you again. Sincerely, The Local District South Instructional Team and your school family World History Week 3 Take Home Packet Student Name_________________________________________________________________________ School________________________________________ Teacher_______________________________ Students: Each of the Social Science Learning Opportunities Packet was developed based on a portion of the standards framework. The mini-unit you will be working on this week, is based on these questions from the framework: ● What was totalitarianism, and how was it implemented in similar and different ways in Japan, Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union? We encourage you to engage in the Extended Learning Opportunity if you are able. Over the course of the next week, please do the activities listed for each day. Week 3, Day 1 1. Read, “Life in a Totalitarian Country” and annotate using the annotation bookmark. 2. Answer the quiz questions. 3. Write a response to this prompt:Observe: How does the text describe the relationship between fear and totalitarian governments? Week 3, Day 2 1. -
Cronologia Da Política Externa Do Governo Lula (2003 – 2006)
CRONOLOGIA DA POLÍTICA EXTERNA DO GOVERNO LULA (2003 – 2006) Livros Grátis http://www.livrosgratis.com.br Milhares de livros grátis para download. MINISTÉRIO DAS RELAÇÕES EXTERIORES Ministro de Estado Embaixador Celso Amorim Secretário-Geral Embaixador Samuel Pinheiro Guimarães FUNDAÇÃO ALEXANDRE DE GUSMÃO Presidente Jeronimo Moscardo SECRETARIA DE PLANEJAMENTO DIPLOMÁTICO Eugênio Vargas Garcia Patricia Wagner Chiarello Bruno de Lacerda Carrilho Camilo Licks Rostand Prates Henri Yves Pinal Carrières TODOS OS DIREITOS RESERVADOS Ministério das Relações Exteriores Secretaria de Planejamento Diplomático Esplanada dos Ministérios Palácio Itamaraty, 2 º andar Brasília - DF CEP 70170-900 Telefones: (5561) 3441-6105/6106/8029 Fax: (5561) 3411-6993 E-mail: [email protected] MINISTÉRIO DAS RELAÇÕES EXTERIORES SECRETARIA DE PLANEJAMENTO DIPLOMÁTICO FUNDAÇÃO ALEXANDRE DE G USMÃO CRONOLOGIA DA POLÍTICA EXTERNA DO GOVERNO LULA (2003 – 2006) BRASÍLIA, 2007 Direitos de publicação reservados à Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão (Funag) Ministério das Relações Exteriores Esplanada dos Ministérios, Bloco H Anexo II, Térreo 70170-900 Brasília – DF Telefones: (61) 3411 6033/6034/6847/6028 Fax: (61) 3411 9125 Site: www.funag.gov.br E-mail: [email protected] Equipe Técnica Coordenação: ELIANE MIRANDA PAIVA Assistente de Coordenação e Produção: ARAPUÃ DE SOUZA BRITO Programação Visual e Diagramação: PAULO PEDERSOLLI Impresso no Brasil 2007 Brasil. Ministério das Relações Exteriores. Secretaria de Planejamento Diplomático p. 164 ISBN 85-7631-071-6 1. Brasil – Relações exteriores – 2003-2006. 2. Brasil – História. 3. Brasil. Presidente (2003-2006 : L.I.L. da Silva). I. Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão. II. Título. CDU 327(81) Depósito Legal na Fundação Biblioteca Nacional conforme Decreto n° 1.825 de 20.12.1907 NOTA O presente volume reúne os principais fatos relativos à diplomacia brasileira no primeiro Governo do Presidente da República Federativa do Brasil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, entre 1o de janeiro de 2003 e 31 de dezembro de 2006. -
QUALESTORIA. Rivista Di Storia Contemporanea. L'italia E La
«Qualestoria» n.1, giugno 2021, pp. 163-186 DOI: 10.13137/0393-6082/32191 https://www.openstarts.units.it/handle/10077/21200 163 Culture, arts, politics. Italy in Ivan Meštrović’s and Bogdan Radica’s discourses between the two World Wars di Maciej Czerwiński In this article the activity and discourses of two Dalmatian public figures are taken into consideration: the sculptor Ivan Meštrović and the journalist Bogdan Radica. They both had an enormous influence on how the image of Italy was created and disseminated in Yugoslavia, in particular in the 1920s and 1930s. The analysis of their discourses is interpreted in terms of the concept of Dalmatia within a wider Mediterranean basin which also refers to two diverse conceptualizations of Yugoslavism, cultural and politi- cal. Meštrović’s vision of Dalmatia/Croatia/Yugoslavia was based on his rural hinterland idiom enabling him to embrace racial and cultural Yugoslavism. In contrast, Radica, in spite of having a pro-Yugoslav orientation during the same period, did not believe in race, so for him the idea of Croat-Serb unity was more a political issue (to a lesser extent a cultural one). Keywords: Dalmatia, Yugoslav-Italian relationships, Croatianness, Yugoslavism, Bor- derlands Parole chiave: Dalmazia, Relazioni Jugoslavia-Italia, Croaticità, Jugoslavismo, Aree di confine Introduction This article takes into consideration the activity and discourses of the sculptor Ivan Meštrović and the journalist Bogdan Radica1. The choice of these two figures from Dalmatia, though very different in terms of their profession and political status in the interwar Yugoslav state (1918-41), has an important justification. Not only they both were influenced by Italian culture and heritage (displaying the typical Dalmatian ambivalence towards politics), but they also evaluated Italian heritage and politics in the Croatian/Yugoslav public sphere. -
UKRAINIAN INTEGRAL NATIONALISM and the GREEK-CATHOLIC CHURCH in the 1920-30S Oleksandr Zaitsev, Ukrainian Catholic University (Lviv)
1 UKRAINIAN INTEGRAL NATIONALISM AND THE GREEK-CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE 1920-30S Oleksandr Zaitsev, Ukrainian Catholic University (Lviv) In 1934, after a series of terrorist attacks carried out by the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in Galicia, the head of the Greek-Catholic Church (GCC), Metropolitan Andrei Sheptyts’kyi, issued a pastoral letter which sharply condemned “the criminal deeds of Ukrainian terrorists”.1 It was the highest point in the conflict between the Greek- Catholic Church and the revolutionary Nationalist movement.2 Why did the conflict arise? The most obvious answer is: because the Church could not condone violence and murder. But this is only part of the truth. Although there are numerous studies on the history of radical Ukrainian Nationalism and the GCC, the ‘uncomfortable’ aspects of their relations still await special research. In full accordance with Ernest Renan’s famous aphorism, 3 nationalist historians directly resorted to selective emphasis or ‘forgetting’ of historical events: they preferred to write about how the Church supported the struggle for liberation and about the clergy participation in the Nationalist movement, but quite understandably avoided discussing the conflict between the OUN and the Church. 4 In the depiction of Soviet historians, “the criminal activities of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists always found support on the part of the Uniate Church,” whose head, “the Trojan horse of Vatican” count Sheptyts’kyi, was the nationalists’ spiritual father.5 No conflicts between the ‘father’ and the ‘children’ were mentioned. Ironically, in this respect the approaches of the nationalist historians and their Soviet counterparts – leaving 1 Andrei Sheptyts’kyi, Pastyrs’ki poslannia, vol. -
Comparative Political Reactions in Spain from the 1930S to the Present
Comparative Political Reactions in Spain from the 1930s to the Present Undergraduate Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with honors research distinction in Spanish in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Benjamin Chiappone The Ohio State University April 2020 Project Advisor: Professor Eugenia Romero, Department of Spanish and Portuguese Co-Advisor: Professor Ignasi Gozalo-Salellas, Department of Spanish and Portuguese Table of Contents Introduction……………………………………………………………………3 1. The Franco Regime • Francoism & Fascist European Counterparts…………………………………………6 • Franco & the Coup d’état……………………………………………………10 • Memory of the Dictatorship…………………………………………………...12 2. Left-Wing Reactions • CNT & Anarchist Traditions…………………………………………14 • ETA’s Terrorism………………………………………………………………21 • The Catatonia Crisis…………………………………………………………31 • Catalonia & Protest Through the 1992 Olympic Games…………………..35 3. VOX: a Right-Wing Reaction • VOX’s Success & Politics……………………………..…………………...41 Conclusion……………………………………………………..……………..50 2 Introduction George Santayana, a 20th century philosopher once said, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” In Spain’s Pacto de Olvido, the goal was just that, to forget. The pact was initially a political decision, but was given legal legitimacy in the Ley De Amnistía. The decree prevented any accountability for the people who were killed, tortured, and exiled during the civil war. It pardoned those (even far-right military commanders) who were involved in the regime, allowed those who were exiled to return to Spain, and has prevented the nation from investigating human rights violations under the dictatorship. Further, the pact prevented any observation of the war or any commission to look into who bore responsibility for the war (Encarnación). Regardless, memory is crucial in order to understand the past of a nation and its trajectory moving forward. -
From the Adriatic to the Black Sea: the Italian Economic and Military Expansion Endeavour in the Balkan-Danube Area
Studies in Political and Historical Geography Vol. 8 (2019): 117–137 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2300-0562.08.07 Corrado Montagnoli From the Adriatic to the Black Sea: The Italian economic and military expansion endeavour in the Balkan-Danube area Abstract: During the years that followed the end of the Great War, the Adriatic area found itself in a period of deep economic crisis due to the emptiness caused by the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The ancient Habsburg harbours, which had recently turned Italian, had lost their natural positions of Mitteleuropean economic outlets toward the Mediterranean due to the new political order of Central-Eastern Europe. Rome, then, attempted a series of economic manoeuvres aimed at improving Italian trade in the Julian harbours, first of all the port of Trieste, and at encouraging Italian entrepreneurial penetration in the Balkans. Resolved in a failure, the desire for commercial boost toward the oriental Adriatic shore coincided with the Dalmatian Irredentism and became a topic for claiming the 1941 military intervention across the Balkan peninsula. Italian geopoliticians, who had just developed the geopolitical discipline in Italy, made the Adriatic-Balkan area one of their most discussed topics. The fascist geopolitical project aimed at creating an economic aisle between the Adriatic and the Black Sea, in order to bypass the Turkish straits and become completion and outlet toward the Mediterranean of the Nazi Baltic-Mitteleuropean space in the north. Rome attempted the agreement with the other Danubian States, which subscribed the Tripartite Pact, in order to create a kind of economic cooperation area under the Italian lead. -
Presidents of the United Nations General Assembly
Presidents of the United Nations General Assembly Sixty -ninth 2014 Mr. Sam Kahamba Kutesa (Pres i- Uganda dent-elect) Sixty -eighth 2013 Mr. John W. Ashe Antigua and Barbuda Sixty -seventh 2012 Mr. Vuk Jeremić Serbia Sixty -sixth 2011 Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al -Nasser Qatar Sixty -fifth 2010 Mr. Joseph Deiss Switzerland Sixty -fourth 2009 Dr. Ali Abdussalam Treki Libyan Arab Jamahiriya Tenth emergency special (resumed) 2009 Father Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann Nicaragua Sixty -third 2008 Father Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann Nicaragua Sixty -second 2007 Dr. Srgjan Kerim The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Tenth emergency special (resumed twice) 2006 Sheikha Haya Rashed Al Khalifa Bahrain Sixty -first 2006 Sheikha Haya Rashed Al Khalifa Bahrain Sixtieth 2005 Mr. Jan Eliasson Sweden Twenty -eighth special 2005 Mr. Jean Ping Gabon Fifty -ninth 2004 Mr. Jean Ping Gabon Tenth emergency special (resumed) 2004 Mr. Julian Robert Hunte Saint Lucia (resumed twice) 2003 Mr. Julian Robert Hunte Saint Lucia Fifty -eighth 2003 Mr. Julian Robert Hunte Saint Lucia Fifty -seventh 2002 Mr. Jan Kavan Czech Republic Twenty -seventh special 2002 Mr. Han Seung -soo Republic of Korea Tenth emergency special (resumed twice) 2002 Mr. Han Seung -soo Republic of Korea (resumed) 2001 Mr. Han Seung -soo Republic of Korea Fifty -sixth 2001 Mr. Han Seung -soo Republic of Korea Twenty -sixth special 2001 Mr. Harri Holkeri Finland Twenty -fifth special 2001 Mr. Harri Holkeri Finland Tenth emergency special (resumed) 2000 Mr. Harri Holkeri Finland Fifty -fifth 2000 Mr. Harri Holkeri Finland Twenty -fourth special 2000 Mr. Theo -Ben Gurirab Namibia Twenty -third special 2000 Mr. -
Fascism Rises in Europe
3 Fascism Rises in Europe MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES POWER AND AUTHORITY In These dictators changed the •fascism •Nazism response to political turmoil and course of history, and the world • Benito • Mein Kampf economic crises, Italy and is still recovering from their Mussolini • lebensraum Germany turned to totalitarian abuse of power. • Adolf Hitler dictators. SETTING THE STAGE Many democracies, including the United States, Britain, and France, remained strong despite the economic crisis caused by the Great Depression. However, millions of people lost faith in democratic govern- ment. In response, they turned to an extreme system of government called fas- cism. Fascists promised to revive the economy, punish those responsible for hard times, and restore order and national pride. Their message attracted many people who felt frustrated and angered by the peace treaties that followed World War I and by the Great Depression. TAKING NOTES Fascism’s Rise in Italy Comparing and Contrasting Use a chart Fascism (FASH•IHZ•uhm) was a new, militant political movement that empha- to compare Mussolini's sized loyalty to the state and obedience to its leader. Unlike communism, fascism rise to power and his had no clearly defined theory or program. Nevertheless, most Fascists shared goals with Hitler's. several ideas. They preached an extreme form of nationalism, or loyalty to one’s country. Fascists believed that nations must struggle—peaceful states were Hitler Mussolini doomed to be conquered. They pledged loyalty to an authoritarian leader who Rise: Rise: guided and brought order to the state. In each nation, Fascists wore uniforms of a certain color, used special salutes, and held mass rallies. -
DO AS the SPANIARDS DO. the 1821 PIEDMONT INSURRECTION and the BIRTH of CONSTITUTIONALISM Haced Como Los Españoles. Los Movimi
DO AS THE SPANIARDS DO. THE 1821 PIEDMONT INSURRECTION AND THE BIRTH OF CONSTITUTIONALISM Haced como los españoles. Los movimientos de 1821 en Piamonte y el origen del constitucionalismo PIERANGELO GENTILE Universidad de Turín [email protected] Cómo citar/Citation Gentile, P. (2021). Do as the Spaniards do. The 1821 Piedmont insurrection and the birth of constitutionalism. Historia y Política, 45, 23-51. doi: https://doi.org/10.18042/hp.45.02 (Reception: 15/01/2020; review: 19/04/2020; acceptance: 19/09/2020; publication: 01/06/2021) Abstract Despite the local reference historiography, the 1821 Piedmont insurrection still lacks a reading that gives due weight to the historical-constitutional aspect. When Carlo Alberto, the “revolutionary” Prince of Carignano, granted the Cádiz Consti- tution, after the abdication of Vittorio Emanuele I, a crisis began in the secular history of the dynasty and the kingdom of Sardinia: for the first time freedoms and rights of representation broke the direct pledge of allegiance, tipycal of the absolute state, between kings and people. The new political system was not autochthonous but looked to that of Spain, among the many possible models. Using the extensive available bibliography, I analyzed the national and international influences of that 24 PIERANGELO GENTILE short historical season. Moreover I emphasized the social and geographic origin of the leaders of the insurrection (i.e. nobility and bourgeoisie, core and periphery of the State) and the consequences of their actions. Even if the insurrection was brought down by the convergence of the royalist forces and the Austrian army, its legacy weighed on the dynasty. -
12 the Return of the Ukrainian Far Right the Case of VO Svoboda
12 The Return of the Ukrainian Far Right The Case of VO Svoboda Per Anders Rudling Ukraine, one of the youngest states in Europe, received its current borders between 1939 and 1954. The country remains divided between east and west, a division that is discernible in language, culture, religion and, not the least, historical memory. Whereas Ukrainian nationalism in the 1990s was described in terms of “a minority faith,” over the past half-decade there has been a signifi cant upswing in far-right activity (Wilson, 1997: 117–146). The far-right tradition is particularly strong in western Ukraine. Today a signifi cant ultra-nationalist party, the All-Ukrainian Association ( Vseukrains’ke Ob ’’ iednanne , VO) Svoboda, appears to be on the verge of a political breakthrough at the national level. This article is a survey, not only of its ideology and the political tradition to which it belongs but also of the political climate which facilitated its growth. It contextualizes the current turn to the right in western Ukraine against the backdrop of instrumental- ization of history and the offi cial rehabilitation of the ultra-nationalists of the 1930s and 1940s. MEMORIES OF A VIOLENT 20TH CENTURY Swept to power by the Orange Revolution, the third president of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010), put in substantial efforts into the pro- duction of historical myths. He tasked a set of nationalistically minded historians to produce and disseminate an edifying national history as well as a new set of national heroes. Given Yushchenko’s aim to unify the country around a new set of historical myths, his legitimizing historians ironically sought their heroes in the interwar period, during which the Ukrainian-speaking lands were divided, and had very different historical experiences. -
Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil
Fascist Fiction: Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil by Giulia Riccò Department of Romance Studies Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Lamonte Aidoo, Supervisor ___________________________ Roberto Dainotto ___________________________ Nicola Gavioli ___________________________ Saskia Ziolkowski Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Romance Studies in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 i v ABSTRACT Fascist Fiction: Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil by Giulia Riccò Department of Romance Studies Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Lamonte Aidoo, Supervisor ___________________________ Roberto Dainotto ___________________________ Nicola Gavioli ___________________________ Saskia Ziolkowski An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Romance Studies in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 Copyright by Giulia Riccò 2019 Abstract My dissertation, Fascist Fiction: Inventing the Lesser Evil in Italy and Brazil, accounts for the resilience of fascism by tracing the rhetoric of the “lesser evil”—a discursive practice constitutive of fascism—through contemporary politics and literature in Italy and Brazil. By invoking the looming presence of a graver, more insidious threat the rhetoric of the lesser evil legitimizes fascist violence against dissidents and vulnerable populations. Through an analysis of texts by fascist philosopher Giovanni Gentile and his Brazilian counterpart Miguel Reale, I reveal that the rhetoric of the lesser evil is a constitutive part of fascist discourse and that in Italy and Brazil this aspect of fascist doctrine met a favorable combination of subjective and objective conditions which has allowed it to thrive within democratic structures.