Chumash Canoes of Mission Santa Barbara: the Revolt of 1824

UC Merced The Journal of California Anthropology

Title Chumash Canoes of Mission Santa Barbara: the Revolt of 1824

Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6362h81j

Journal The Journal of California Anthropology, 3(2)

Author Hudson, Dee Travis

Publication Date 1976-12-01

Peer reviewed

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Chuniaisli Canoes of Mission Santa Barbara: the Revolt of 1824

DEE TRAVIS HUDSON

ISTORICAL records of Me.xican The purpose of this paper is to fill in some H California are somewhat detailed of the missing information about these two in their accounts of the Chumash Revolt of Chumash canoes from Mission Santa Barbara 1824. This armed confrontation between two and what we know at present about the men different cultures was captured in letters and who built and used them. My principal source reports penned by military and missionary is the 3,200 pages of notes on Chumash canoes men. From them historians are able to recon collected for the Smithsonian Institution by struct the complex chain of events associated anthropologist John Peabody Harrington, with the uprising at Missions Santa Ines, La who recorded considerable data on Chumash Purisima, and Santa Barbara, and the subse culture from about 1912until hisdeath in 1961. quent retreat and pursuit inland of these His principal informant on canoes was Fer people by Mexican military forces (Bancroft nando Librado, a Santa Cruz Island Chumash 1885; Englehardt 1923, 1932a, 1932b; Geiger born in 1804 and raised at Mission San 1970; Stickel and Cooper 1969). These ac Buenaventura. After working as a vaquero and counts are the Mexican version. Except for handyman at various places in Santa Barbara Blackburn's (1975a) recent publication per County in later years, Fernando Librado died taining to one Chumash account of this in Santa Barbara in 1915 (Blackburn 1975b: conflict, little is known about Chumash 18). In his last years he imparted to Harrington participants in the revolt or their side of the considerable information on Chumash plank story. canoes that he had seen in his youth and many In still another way, the Mexican reports stories and events pertaining to the men who are biased, for all have concentrated on the built and used these boats. The canoes of events taking place on land. Few people realize Mission Santa Barbara were built by one of his that two Chumash plank canoes also partici relatives, and Fernando Librado had seen pated in the Revolt of 1824. These canoes, them himself. though not involved in naval battles at sea, We are currently preparing all of the were manned by neophytes fleeing from Harrington Chumash canoe data for publica Mission Santa Barbara. Their destination was tion as a book (Hudson, Rempe, and Tim- Santa Cruz Island, some 30 miles across the brook, n.d.), which will cite the appropriate channel. sources that follow in this paper; 1 fail to do so JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY here, however, since the references are too whale bone wedges, each plank received numerous and complex to include in this brief careful work with bone, shell, and stone tools and general paper. to shape, size, and smooth it, and to remove In addition to Harrington's voluminous undesirable features, such as cracks or knots. notes on Chumash canoes, I have also relied Only the best wood could be used, and from upon materials in the SantaBarbara Mission many logs only a few good boards would be Archive Library and research conducted by produced. These were, in terms of Chumash Barbara Collins, a student at the University of economics, expensive lumber. Once complet California, Santa Barbara, and a volunteer at ed, all the boards were standardized to uniform the Santa Barbara Museum of Natural Histo thickness and smoothed with sharkskin sand ry. I wish at this time to thank her, as well as paper. Fr. Maynard Geiger, O.F.M., for making this Supervising this and all boatbuilding tasks material available. I also wish to thank Janice was the 'altomolich or "maker of canoes." As Timbrook, Assistant Curator at the museum, the master boatbuilder, he directed the activ for proofreading and comments on this paper. ities of a half dozen men engaged in the project To provide a better understanding of the and undertaking a variety of skilled tasks— Chumash plank canoe and the social and boardmaking, fitting planks, drilling holes, political importance ofthe men connected with tarring, sewing, caulking, and decorating. He it, I will start with a brief description of its held an elite position in Chumash society, construction, followed by its use in both distinguished by wearing a waist-length cape of aboriginal and Mission times. This will be bearskin (Bolton 1930:252). He was also highly followed with a description of Mission Santa respected, not only for his knowledge and skills Barbara's two canoes and information about in boat construction and use, but also for his the men who built and used these boats. The wealth, for only a rich man could afford the paper will conclude with a reconstruction of expensive materials and labor charges needed the events associated with these canoes in the to build a plank boat. It would take as much as Chumash Revolt of 1824. six months to build a tomol or plank canoe. The 'altomolich held a position of consid THE CHUMASH PLANK CANOE erable economic authority in his community, since his finished boat would be used for The Chumash plank canoe of the Santa procuring food—fishing, collecting abalones, Barbara Channel was frameless, lacking an sea mammal hunting—as well as for distant internal structure of ribs, and was made from voyages across the channel for the purpose of planks split out of driftwood logs. The conducting trade. There were only a few men preferred building material was redwood, for it associated with canoes in his village, and of was relatively light in weight, durable, strong, them, the 'altomolich represented the local and easy to work. But redwood was rare head or leader of an elite professional group. among the wood which drifted into the channel This group was a guild called the "Brother- and washed ashore. More common were hood-of-the-Canoe." It was not uncommon various pines and fir. and they were likewise for the 'altoniolich to be associated with the used. Driftwood itself was the important mainstream of Chumash political power, for consideration; stranded on beaches above high he could also bethe village chief or wo/, or hold tide for years, it would be naturally seasoned membership in an elite religious-political and highly desirable for boat construction. organization called the 'antap. After the logs were split into planks, using With finished planks stacked and ready for CHUMASH CANOES

use, the 'altomolich directed his men to Heating the woqo refined it, driving off the construct the bottom board for the canoe—a naturally present water by evaporation. Then long, heavy plank, dished out on its upper the correct amount of pine pitch was mixed in surface. A supporting frame was next con and heated. When completed the yap was structed to anchor the bottom board in place— tested on spare planks before it was used on the the tomol would be built right-side-up by canoe. adding rounds of hull boards, the first of which The hull was given additional strength by rested directly upon the bottom board. Work "sewing" the boards together. This was done ing from the shaped bottom and its supporting by drilling pairs of holes, each pair connected frame, Chumash boatbuilders strung lines in a by a groove, to receive several wrappings of complex pattern to serve as a guide for the twine which bound the boards together, both form of the canoe-to-be. end-to-end and side-to-side. The twine itself The first round of boards, usually 6 or was waxed lok. a vegetable fiber cordage made more in number, had to be twisted and bent to by women from the stalks of the red milkweed fit the bottom board. This was done by placing plant. Animal sinew was not used, for it would the boards in a clay-lined pit filled with water. stretch when wet and was subject to rot. Fire-heated rocks were added to bring the Usually only three wrappings of twine water to a boil. A few hours of soaking made were necessary to tie the boards together the rigid planks pliable, and they could then be securely. The wrapping itself fit into the groove twisted and bent to desired shape. On some between the holes. After the twine was pulled occasions, it would not be necessary to use this tight and the ends terminated in two separate technique, for splitting a board out of a curved knots, yop was applied to seal the holes, log or hewing it to shape with stone and shell wrappings, and grooves from the sea. tools would likewise produce the desired form. After completing the first round of boards, Fitting was not simple, for while boards the 'alionwlich directed his workers in rested edge-to-edge on top of one another, they repeating the above processes for the subse were bevelled to overlap end-to-end, thereby quent rounds. The builders varied the shapes giving the canoe greater strength. Hull boards and sizes of the hull boards as necessary so that were also bevelled on the outside to form a the work would develop into the desired form groove where they joined together; this of the canoe. Angles, bends, seams, ties, bevels, allowed a caulking material to be placed in the and countless other points occupied their hull seams of the boat later. attention—this was necessary if the finished With fitting completed, it was time for the tomol was to be seaworthy and as the Chu tarrers to start their work. There were two men mash said, "worthy of being called worked." who performed this task, working as a team to Between the fifth and sixth round of apply hot adhesive to all adjoining edges of the boards the builders installed the only struc boards and to position the boards before the tural bracing- a crossbeam that went across adhesive cooled. The work required both speed the boat amidships. Though appearing much and accuracy—otherwise, one would have like a thwart in a modern boat, the crossbeam little confidence in the finished boat at sea. served only as a brace, since the seamen never This adhesive, called yap, was a mixture of sat upon it when they rowed. two ingredients: hard tar, called woqo, and Then the builders added the sixth and final pine pitch. The woqo was mined by the round—the gunwale round boards. Unlike any Chumash, for one could not use the more of the rounds below, the gunwale boards did available soft tar found along the beaches. rwt meet at the prow and stern, but remained JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY apart, forming a V-shaped gape. This gape was The tomol was then made ready for its a necessary feature, because all lines leaving maiden voyage, to be tested in nearshore the boat during its use had to pull the boat waters for seaworthiness. As captain, the from its prow or stern. Harpoon or fishing 'altomolich sat in the stern of the canoe. In lines off the sides of the boat could easily front of him were two other crewmen, a rower capsize it. Chumash seamen reinforced the fore and a rower-bailer amidships. A fourth gunwale round by tying a rope around the ends man stood in the sea to hold the boat steady of the boat to keep the boards from pulling and push it off. The crew knelt on seagrass away from each other. matting and used longdouble-bladed paddles, At this point hull construction was essen synchronizing their paddle strokes to the tially complete. Remaining to be done were the words of a special canoe song. The boat was addition of posts on the inside ofthe boat at the put through a series of tests, and satisfactory prow and stern to provide added strength, and completion meant that it was a functional the attachment of half-moon-shaped wash canoe. Given regular maintenance and care, it boards above the gunwale round at the prow would serve well for 20 years or more. and stern. The latter were called "ears." The prow and stern posts were triangular- ABORIGINAL CANOE USE shaped planks, carefully fitted so that they would reach from the top ofthe bottom board The Chumash have long been known as to the base ofthe V-shaped gape. After the post California's greatest maritime people (Kroeber was fitted and anchored with yop, it too was 1925; Landberg 1965). Fishing, collecting sewn with lok to hold the end boards firmly shellfish, and sea mammal hunting were together at the prow and stern. important economic activities for which the The "ears" were sewn to the gunwale tomol was used. Departing for the rich boards. Besides being ornamental, they kept fisheries off the coast in the predawn morning surf from coming into the canoe upon launch calm, the canoemen would return by after ing or landing in high seas. After the ears were noon, often with a boatload of fish they had attached, the boat was ready for finishing and caught using shell fishhook and line, nets and decorating. traps, or harpoons for larger prey such as giant In finishing, first the hull was carefully sea bass. inspected for apparent weaknesses, and Procuring food from the sea was only one corrective action taken as required. All excess use for the plank boat. Equally important was or runover yop was removed, and sharkskin transportation of goods for trade across the was employed to smooth the rough edges. channel or between the islands. Cargo bound Then a stain made from red ochre and pine for island ports included bundles of milkweed pitch was applied to the seasoned wood as a fiber, seeds, acorns, deer, bows, and arrows. sealer. Otherwise, the dry wood absorbed sea To the mainland in return came finished water and became heavy. products, such as a variety of objects made The tomol was completed with artistic from shell, bone, or stone, and basketry and embellishment in paint or shell inlay, some otter pelts. Trade was a lucrative enterprise for times both. The ears could receive one of many these merchants-at-sea. Canoe ports along geometric patterns in shell inlay. A few canoes both coasts were linked together, their trade were also "spangled" with crushed abalone regulated by members ofthe Brotherhood-of- shell applied to a sticky tar surface on the edge the-Canoe. of the gunwale boards at the prow and stern. Another use of the plank canoe was to CHUMASH CANOES transport passengers, some of whom evi Following the status of the 'allomolich dently paid their fares in shell bead money. before him, the tomolelu was a respected and Trips might be made by entire villages, perhaps important man. During the construction of a to attend a ceremony held at some distant town plank boat in some designated area belonging across the channel or to visit relatives and to the mission, the tomolelu wore distinctive friends. The number of passengers a canoe clothing to mark his rank of importance: a could carry depended upon the size ofthe boat shirt replaced the former bearskin cape, while and the size of the passengers. the workers wore only a G-string. Technology also changed, as men were allocated iron tools MISSION CANOE USE to replace their former ones of bone, shell, and stone. It is well known that the colonization of It was necessary for the priest and other Chumash country by the Spanish spelled mission officials to trust their tomolelu disaster for the aboriginal way of life. Brought completely, because he was often absent from into the mission system as laborers, craftsmen, their control at sea or at the beach or port tanners, herders, or farmers, or decimated by where the canoe was kept and maintained. In waves of epidemic diseases, the survivors and addition, he inspired the confidence of his their descendants faced the same end result — crewmen to trust his judgement at sea by acculturation. practicing the old traditional beliefs, rituals, What is generally not known by scholars is and customs of Chumash seamen. that the Chumash plank canoe, its technology, The priests' motives for having these use, and some of the social organization expensive boats were basically similar to those surrounding it, survived during the Mission of the Chumash: procuring food from the sea, period. communicating with the Channel Islands, and The tremendous expense for materials and sea otter hunting. labor was paid by the Church, and the missions During lean times for the mission agricul- became the owners of the canoes. Wood not ural system, the Chumash were often released needed for mission construction was sent by to exploit the wild plant and animal foods, and the priests to selected groups of freed laborers, fishing was certainly a part of this activity. such as carpenters, to construct plank boats Former Chumash ports became fishing ports under the guidance and authority of a lonw- for mission canoes. At Mission Santa Barbara lero. the canoes operated out of what is now the The word tonwiero, which replaced the harbor, the former village of Syuhiun. Their aboriginal 'altomolich, is of interest in terms of canoes also used La Paiera estero, later known its etymology, for it illustrates well the as Goleta Slough. Mission San Buenaventura marriage between Chumash canoes and the had its fishing port at the site of Shisholof>. once mission system. The word tomol is Chumash an important Chumash coastal town with for canoe. The Spanish added the suffix ero to many canoes. For Mission Santa Ines, the port mean "one who is associated with canoes." The was probably situated at Qasll, or modern result was a curious blend of Chumash and Refugio State Beach, while for Mission La Spanish—tomolelu as the Chumash prounced Purisima Concepcion the port was located at it, for they lacked the sound of "r" in their El Cojo, The former Chumash village there language, and replaced the "o" sound with the was also known as Shisholop. the name itself more familiar "u" ending (Thomas Blackburn, perhaps meaning "port" (Applegate 1974:199), personal communication, 1975). No doubt the major reason for the plank 10 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY canoe's survival into Mission times concerned Buenaventura, three canoes; Santa Barbara, its use in procurement and trade of sea otter two canoes; and Santa Ines, one canoe. In pelts. As noted previously, Chumash seamen addition, there is some evidence that La transported otter pelts from the islands in Purisima owned at least one canoe. Fr. aboriginal times, so it did not take long for the Mariano Payeras of that mission, for example, arriving Spanish to seize upon this market wrote in his account book under the date system and turn it into a foreign trading February 6, 1814, that he had entered into a enterprise. The missions in Chumash country partnership with a Santa Rosa Island captain entered the fur business, providing their named Gele to purchase two Indian boats. neophyte canoemen with food and supplies, Payeras'share consisted of a sack of wheat and and covering the cost of constructing plank 17 pesos in glass beads. (Brown 1967:16, 47). canoes—all of which was directed to procuring Incidentally, these data go a long way toward otter pelts for the mission for sale or trade explaining the subsequent historic intro (Ogden 1941:15-25). By the first decade of the duction of the plank canoe to Mission San Luis nineteenth century, business was booming. Obispo, an area in which these craft were not Mission San Buenaventura, for example, known prior to the coming of Europeans reported yearly totals of 100 to 160 pelts (Heizer and Massey 1953:293). (Simpson 1962:64), while Mission La Purisima was receiving an annual cash benefit of $10,000 USE IN THE REVOLT OF 1824 from the pelts (Bancroft 1885:124). Many of these pelts were not directly As I noted earlier in this paper, two exported to Mexico, but were sold illegally to Chumash canoes, both from Mission Santa foreign vessels, mostly Russian and American. Barbara, took part in the revolt of 1824. The One sea captain. William Shaler, skipper ofthe story of this revolt is a rather long and complex Lelia B\ rJ, noted in 1804 that the sea otters of one which 1 will not repeat here. Of importance the Santa Barbara Channel were better than to us is that after the revolt had begun at those found along any other part ofthe coast. Missions Santa Ines and La Purisima, a Vessels such as his, John T. Hudson's Tamana. messenger was dispatched for Mission Santa and many others would spend 5 or 6 months Barbara to notify the Indians there of what trading with friars and Indians for such furs, was taking place. This messenger, travelling leaving behind annually some $25,000 from via San Marcos Pass, arrived the following American traders alone. The illegal nature of morning-Sunday, February 22, 1824. Wom this trade required that the vessels put into less en and children at Santa Barbara were ordered er-used ports to escape Spanish civil authority into the foothills for their own safety; the men (Bancrofi 1885:21, 23-24, 33-36). No doubt had meetings and later armed themselves for some of the ports they used were the Mission potential fighting with Presidio soldiers. Chumash canoe ports; El Cojo, Qasil. and so After a series of incidents at the mission forth. which resulted in open conflict, the Indian men Harrington's notes indicate that each of began to evacuate the neophyte quarters that the missions in Chumash country owned one afternoon, heading inland to join their fami or more plank canoes. Exactly what the count lies. By this time several neophytes had been was for each mission during the height ofthe killed by Presidio soldiers. In the weeks that sea otter trade, before 1810, is not known at followed, Mexican military forces sent out this time. We do have some indication ofthe from Monterey and Santa Barbara finally number of canoes owned in the I820's: San caught up with the Chumash in the Tulare CHUMASH CANOES 11 region of what is now southwestern Kern TOMOLELUS OF MISSION County. By June 22nd, the Chumash and SANTA BARBARA Mexican forces had reached a peaceful solu tion to the conflict, and the Indian people then Harrington's notes provide the names of returned back to Santa Barbara. The revolt four Chumash men at Mission Santa Barbara was officially over (Geiger 1970). who were associated with the construction and Of importance to us are the words of Fr. use of plank canoes just prior to the revolt. Antonio Ripoll, the resident priest at Mission These men were Jose Sudon Ka-mu-li-ya-tset, Santa Barbara when the revolt broke out. Jose Venadero Si-li-na-hu-wii. Paisano, and After spending several pages of his letter of Laudenzio. May 5th, while the revolt was still in progress, The notes state that Jose Sudon, Paisano, on the subject ofthe conflict, personalities, and and Laudenzio constructed two plank canoes emotions, he concluded with the following at a location which corresponds with Ripoll's comment concerning his personal feelings Mescaltitlan. Both of these boats are de (Geiger 1970:357): scribed. Nothing else is known concerning Finally, this narrative would be endless Paisano and Laudenzio, but a great deal of were 1 to recount the feelings 1 have information is available on Jose Sudon from experienced and the sufferings 1 have both the canoe notes and mission records. undergone during this period. They have The canoe notes reveal that Jose Sudon been of such intensity that I have been received his last name, Sudon, because he was tempted to flee to the island in a canoe always in a sweathouse. The name is derived where fifty of the neophytes from here are from sudor, Spanish, meaning "to sweat." He who on the day of the uprising embarked during the night at Mescaltitan. We have was born at Swahil village on Santa Cruz only two canoes but I am certain that if we Island, the grandson of the village's first had twenty or thirty we could take the two captain and founder. Years later he was living hundred people whom I have reunited with in Santa Barbara and was the captain of a me and I would have gone along with village near Goleta Slough. During Mission them. . . . Santa Barbara days, Jose Sudon and his What we learn from this account is sig friend, Jose Venadero, were both mission nificant enough to summarize here. First, fishermen. Both were also captains of canoes Mission Santa Barbara owned two canoes. and members of the Brotherhood-of-the Second, the neophytes used them, embarking Canoe, but apparently abandoned their canoes the evening of February 22nd from Mescalti sometime in the mid 1830's in Santa Barbara. tan, as Ripoll spells it or more properly No canoes were ever seen in the Santa Barbara Mescaltitlan at La Patero estero. Third, fifty region after that date. people were transported in these boats to "the Mission records corroborate Harrington's island," most likely Santa Cruz Island (Geiger biographical data on this man. Under Entry 1970:364, note 78). Last, by May 5th, some 11 No. 4126 in the Baptismal Register at Mission weeks after the departure, these people had Santa Barbara is the name Jose Ca-mu-lu-ya- apparently still not returned to Santa Barbara. tset (note phonetic spelling ofthe padre). His Let us now turn to Harrington's canoe notes, wife, Cecilia, is listed under entry No. 4134. records at Mission Santa Barbara and the Both were baptized in the Mission church by information previously presented in this paper, Fray Antonio Ripoll on July 29, 1819. Both to fill in some ofthe missing details in Ripoll's were natives of Santa Cruz Island; Jose was account. listed as about 38 years old, while his wife was 12 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY about 41 years old. They are noted as the of 'Aqicum, hispanicized into Quichuma, and parents of Atenogenes Li-li-ua-nai-tset. Jose again later changed into its modern spelling of was given the Christian name of Jose Crespin. Cachuma (Applegate 1974:197). Jose's god His godfather was a man named Buena father was Captain Jose Dario Arguello, who ventura. served as Commandante of the Presidio of We could find no other references in the Santa Barbara, and for a brief period as Mission records to Jose, his wife, or his child. Governor of California. A check with local city records and cemeteries From the information given above, the yielded no further information. 1 believe, conclusion can be drawn that Venadero and however, that he is the same man who, on Sudon were the builders of the canoes which November 4, 1856, provided Rev. Antonio took part in the revolt. Their association with Timeno with a vocabulary of Santa Cruz Mission Santa Barbara the La Patera region, Island Chumash. According to Taylor (1860) and membership in the Brotherhood-of-the- this man was named Joseph Ca-inu-lu-ya-zet Canoe support this, as does their status as (phonetic spelling), aged about 80 years, of tomolelu and users of these boats at sea. In Santa Barbara. addition, the baptism dates of these men at Harrington's canoe notes provide the Mission Santa Barbara indicate that the two following information about Jose Venadero. plank boats used in the revolt were constructed He was born in Quichuma and given the Indian sometime after the year 1819, when Jose name of Si-li-na-hu-wit. His name Venadero Sudon arrived at the mission. That the canoes was given to him because he knew the haunts of headed for Santa Cruz Island during the revolt deer, mountain lion, and other animals—the may be related to the fact that Jose Sudon was Spanish word venadero means "a place from that island—a native of Swahil on the frequented by deer." Jose Venadero was a close east coast of the island. associate of Jose Sudon A fisherman during 1 should point out here before passing on Mission Santa Barbara days, Venadero was into a brief description of these two canoes, also a member of the Brotherhood-of-the- that Mission Santa Barbara quite probably Canoe and a local officer of that organization. owned several canoes in the many years ofthe The canoe notes also relate that after a Ventura mission prior to Jose Sudon's and Jose plank canoe had made a visit to La Patera, Venadero's arrival. Jose Venadero built a boat very much like it. 1 am not certain, nor are the notes clear, whether DESCRIPTIONS OF THE TWO CANOES this was a third canoe for Mission Santa Fortunately, descriptions of these two Barbara, or if it may have been one ofthe two plank canoes built by Jose Sudon have under Jose Sudon's construction. I suspect the survived. The information was passed on to latter interpretation is correct since only two Harrington by Fernando Librado, who must canoes are e\er mentioned for the Santa have been about 20 years old when he saw Barbara region. them. Again there is corroboration between According to Librado, both canoes were Harrington's data and the Mission Santa built by traditional Chumash methods in most Barbara Baptismal Register. Under Entry No. of their features. A few features were distinc 3535, Jose Venadero Ci-li-nafu-it (phonetic tive, and these I will describe below. spelling of priest) was baptized on April 9, Both canoes lacked any sort of shell inlay 1812, at about the age of 40. His native village in the "ears." Such inlay was a fairly common was Sihuava, which is not far from the village artistic feature on many Chumash canoes. CHUMASH CANOES 13

The typical use of the red ochre stain families, who were the remaining occupants of sealer, so frequently observed by early coastal the tiny mission canoe port, also took part in explorers (cf. Heizer 1938:Table 1) was used gathering essential belongings to sustain them only on the outside of one canoe, while the on their journey and in the months ahead. The other went totally without it. boats were loaded with some 50 people. Perhaps of historic introduction to Chumash One can only speculate on the composition boatbuilding was the addition of ribs, for this of this group. First, there would be adult men feature is noted as lacking on the canoes seen who crewed these boats or served in their by the explorers (cf. Heizer 1938:Table 1). In launching and landing. With four for each the two Mission Santa Barbara canoes, ribs boat, there would thus be about eight men. were installed on both craft. On one boat two Their wives, and perhaps an aged relative or ribs were employed, positioned no doubt in the two, would add another eight or so adults, fore and aft sections of the canoe. On the other among them Cecilia, Sudon's wife. Then came boat the location of the single rib is not noted. their children, among them Atenogenes Li-li- With all of this information now at hand, ua-nai-tset, the child of Sudon. How many let us conclude by reconstructing the events children were in the community is anyone's associated with these canoes and the Chumash guess. If our estimated 16-18 adults are Revolt of 1824. subtracted from the total population of about 50, then about 32-34 children completed the CANOES AND THE REVOLT: group, or about two children for each adult. A RECONSTRUCTION As a means of cross-checking these figures, On the afternoon of February 22, 1824,43- we can compare the weight ofthe passengers to year-old Jose Sudon Ka-mu-li-ya-tset and his the carrying capacity of the tomol. Figuring friend, 52-year-old Jose Venadero Si-li-na-hu- 200 pounds for each adult and 100 pounds for wit, considered plans to use the mission's two each child, probably high estimates, the canoes to flee from the revolt in progress at calculated weight is about 3,200 pounds per Santa Barbara. They were probably assisted by canoe. This figure is not unreasonable in view Paisano, Laudenzio, and four other men—all of what we know now about the carrying of whom formed the operating crews (seamen capacity of a 26.5-foot-long Chumash tomol and launchers) for these two boats. we have built and tested (Hudson, Rempe, and The boats were kept in the tules at La Timbrook, n.d.). It does not include the weight Patera, near Mescaltitlan Island, at the small of the belongings of the fugitives and the settlement-port for neophyte Chumash who accessories needed to operate the boat. In any used and maintained these boats for Mission event, the boats were no doubt heavily loaded Santa Barbara. Jose Sudon, a tomolelu, was and certainly extremely crowded, but obvi also probably the settlement's captain, since he ously still seaworthy. did hold this office in later years. The canoes then left the estero in darkness, Under cover of darkness to avoid discov their destination being Santa Cruz Island. ery by Mexican soldiers from the Presidio, the Normally the boats would have turned east sailors removed the boats from their tule ward to follow the coast, stopping at various storage place and began to prepare them for canoe ports until reaching Port Hueneme. sea. Paddles, matting, and bailing baskets were Then they would cross at the narrowest part of gathered, and water bottles were filled. the channel to Anacapa Island, steering Blankets to warm them at sea during the chilly westward for Santa Cruz Island. But perhaps February night were also collected. The sailors' fear of discovery, or of being detained at 14 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Mission San Buenaventura when the boats put Mexican military forces sent to bring them into Shisholop. resulted in their attempting a back, we can assume that no disciplinary direct crossing of the channel. During the late action was taken against those who fled to the hours of the evening or early hours of the islands by canoe. morning the passage would be easiest, but it It is hoped that this reconstruction and the was still rarely attempted by the sailors information presented in this paper will (Hudson, Rempe, and Timbrook, n.d.). Even contribute to a fuller understanding of the so, they decided upon a course due south which Chumash Revoh of 1824, and the men and would bring them to Santa Cruz Island, canoes which took part in it. perhaps to the canoe port of Kahas, located at today's Prisoner's Harbor. They had to risk it, Santa Barbara Museum of because the mainland was in a state of war and Natural History only the islands offered safety. Where they landed on Santa Cruz Island is unknown, but perhaps Jose Sudon, who knew REFERENCES the island well from having left it only 5 years before, selected a safe location for the refugee Applegate, Richard colony at Swahil. the village where he had been 1974 Chumash Placenames. The Journal of born and raised. In any event, Sudon most California Anthropology 1:185-205. probably became the colony's leader. From Ripoll's letter, we know that they Bancroft, Hubert 1885 The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, were on the island for at least 11 weeks and Vol. 19: California. San Francisco: A. perhaps longer. We can guess that their L, Bancroft and Co. subsistence followed the aboriginal patterns of exploiting land plant and animal foods, Blackburn, Thomas collecting shellfish, and procuring fish and sea 1975a The Chumash Revolt of 1824: A Native mammals by use of their two canoes. From Account. The Journal of California their arrival in late February until the end of Anthropology 2:223-227. the rainy season in April, however, food supplies would have been scarce; fish, though 1975b December's Child: A Book of Chumash erratic and unpredictable in winter, and Oral Narratives. Berkeley: University of shellfish must have been the principal food California Press. resources available (Landberg 1965:102). By Bolton, Herbert spring, green plants and sprouts, bulbs, roots, 1930 Anza's California Expeditions, Vol. IV, and tubers would have supplemented their Font's Diary. Berkeley: University of seafood diet. In any case, these people must California Press. have had to work hard to procure enough food for survival. Brown, Alan K. Unfortunately, there is as yet no infor 1967 The Aboriginal Populationof the Santa Barbara Channel. Reports of the Uni mation about the return of these people to the versity of California Archaeological mainland or their ultimate fate. The notes do Survey No. 69. indicate that both Jose Sudon and Jose Venadero were back at La Patera with their Engelhardt, Zephyrin canoes in the 1830's. Since the Chumash who 1923 Santa Barbara Mission. San Franciso: retreated inland were "pardoned" by the The James'-H. Barry Co. CHUMASH CANOES 15

1932a Mission Santa Intv. Santa Barbara: Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of Mission Santa Barbara. American Ethnology Bulletin 78.

1932b Mission La Concepcion Purisima, Landberg, Leif Santa Barbara: Mission Santa Barbara, 1965 The Chumash Indians ot Southern California. Southwest Museum Papers Geiger, Maynard (translator and editor) 19. 1970 Fray Antonio Ripoll's Description of the Chumash Revolt at Santa Barbara in 1824, Southern California Quarterly Ogden, Adele 52:345-364, 1941 The California Sea Otter Trade: 1784- 1848. Berkeley: Uni\ersity of California Heizer, Robert Press. 1938 The Plank Canoe of the Santa Barbara Region, California, Ethnological Stud Simpson, Lesley ies 7:194-228, 1962 The Letters of Jose Seiian, O.F.M., Mission San Buenaventura, 1796-1823. Heizer, Robert, and William Massey Ventura: Ventura County Historical 1953 Aboriginal Navigation off the Coasts of Society. Upper and Baja California, Smith sonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnological Bulletin 151:285-311, Stickel, E. Gary, and Adrienne Cooper 1969 The Chumash Revolt of 1824: A Case Hudson, Dee Travis, Melissa Rempe, and Janice for an Archaeological Application of Timbrook Feedback Theory. Los Angeles: Uni- n.d. Tomol: The Ethnographic Notes on \ersity of California Archaeological Chumash Watercraft by John Peabody Survey Annual Report 11:5-21. Harrington. Ramona, California: Bal lena Press. (MS 1976, in press). Taylor, Alexander I860 The Indianology of California. The Kroeber, Alfred California Farmer and Journal of Use 1925 Handbook ofthe Indians of California. ful Sciences, May 4, 1860, Col. No. 9.