The Genie from Washington, DC, Goes Global: Master of Obscurity (M
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
JORIS VAN SEVEREN Hoofdstuk 6
Woord vooraf DEEL II Dramatis personæ MET GOED EN BLOED TEN DIENSTE Inleiding: Voor de val Hoofdstuk 5. Een standbeeld voor de aardappel DEEL I (1941–1943) OP DE EREPLAATS NAAST GOD: JORIS VAN SEVEREN Hoofdstuk 6. L’Heure H Hoofdstuk 1. (1942–1944) Een idealist, er is met hem niet te praten (1932–1934) Hoofdstuk 7. De laatste kans Hoofdstuk 2. (1944–1953) De toevlucht, zo zou het gaan (1934–1937) Slot Hoofdstuk 3. Verregaande wanorde en carenties Verantwoording (1936 –1940) Dankwoord Hoofdstuk 4. Deze troebele maanden (1940 –1941) " ! Familie en zaken van Leo Van Dorpe, voorzitter Vlaams Economisch Verbond. zakenman en pater familias aan Sint-Niklase kant. - ke mentor van Frantz. en Frantz Van Dorpe, kwam na WOI in de problemen wegens activisme, na WOII senator voor de en voorzitter van het Vlaams Economisch Verbond. van vader Leo en Frantz, parachutist voor het netwerk Baboon. ## Verdinaso Tony Herbert, Othello, Zéro en Geheim Leger; later academicus en politiek raadgever. en van de opvolger Dinaso Militanten Orde, treedt na het Verdinaso. de breuk binnen het Verdinaso toe tot de Algemeene SS-Vlaanderen en trekt naar het Oostfront; wordt nadien tweemaal bij verstek ter dood veroordeeld maar komt Verzet - hoofd van de Belgische sectie van de Special Operations ken bij het Verdinaso, stapt daarna actief in de collabora- Executive (), de Britse geheime oorlogsdienst van bij tie als propagandist; na de oorlog ter dood veroordeeld het begin van WOII. Hier Dinaso!, radio-omroep , organisator van radioverzetsnetwerk breekt met Verdinaso maar blijft actief in nevenprojecten; Samoyède. tijdens oorlog persverantwoordelijke bij de Nationale Landbouw- en Voedingscoöperatie () en einde van operatie-Athos, onderdeel van Zéro; nadien actief als chemicus, onder meer kortstondig bij Attraco. -
On the Threshold of the Holocaust: Anti-Jewish Riots and Pogroms In
Geschichte - Erinnerung – Politik 11 11 Geschichte - Erinnerung – Politik 11 Tomasz Szarota Tomasz Szarota Tomasz Szarota Szarota Tomasz On the Threshold of the Holocaust In the early months of the German occu- volume describes various characters On the Threshold pation during WWII, many of Europe’s and their stories, revealing some striking major cities witnessed anti-Jewish riots, similarities and telling differences, while anti-Semitic incidents, and even pogroms raising tantalising questions. of the Holocaust carried out by the local population. Who took part in these excesses, and what was their attitude towards the Germans? The Author Anti-Jewish Riots and Pogroms Were they guided or spontaneous? What Tomasz Szarota is Professor at the Insti- part did the Germans play in these events tute of History of the Polish Academy in Occupied Europe and how did they manipulate them for of Sciences and serves on the Advisory their own benefit? Delving into the source Board of the Museum of the Second Warsaw – Paris – The Hague – material for Warsaw, Paris, The Hague, World War in Gda´nsk. His special interest Amsterdam, Antwerp, and Kaunas, this comprises WWII, Nazi-occupied Poland, Amsterdam – Antwerp – Kaunas study is the first to take a comparative the resistance movement, and life in look at these questions. Looking closely Warsaw and other European cities under at events many would like to forget, the the German occupation. On the the Threshold of Holocaust ISBN 978-3-631-64048-7 GEP 11_264048_Szarota_AK_A5HC PLE edition new.indd 1 31.08.15 10:52 Geschichte - Erinnerung – Politik 11 11 Geschichte - Erinnerung – Politik 11 Tomasz Szarota Tomasz Szarota Tomasz Szarota Szarota Tomasz On the Threshold of the Holocaust In the early months of the German occu- volume describes various characters On the Threshold pation during WWII, many of Europe’s and their stories, revealing some striking major cities witnessed anti-Jewish riots, similarities and telling differences, while anti-Semitic incidents, and even pogroms raising tantalising questions. -
Arrow Cross Women and Female Informants Andrea Petö
Arrow Cross Women and Female Informants Andrea Petö To cite this version: Andrea Petö. Arrow Cross Women and Female Informants. Baltic Worlds, 2009, pp.49-52. hal- 03226368 HAL Id: hal-03226368 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03226368 Submitted on 22 May 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 48 essay feature interview reviews 49 “The Arrow Cross did not bother with cal climate hardened due to the Cold War, new legisla- of the role of law. Women were encouraged to study women. Women were not partners for tion was introduced in order to regulate the function law because they were seen as reliable. They began to them. During the interrogations, I did not of people’s tribunals more strictly. Act VII of 1946 was graduate from the university and receive important meet a single Arrow Cross woman. And you followed by Act XXXIV of 1947, which regulated the positions in the newly transformed state apparatus. are saying this only now [that 10 percent of proceedings.1 Arrow Cross party members were women]. Critics of the work of the People’s Tribunals in Hun- ARROW CROSS Why didn’t you tell me this thirty-five years gary have used both legal and political arguments to WOMEN ActIVISTS ago, when I could have swooped down on define the tribunals’ shortcomings.2 The legal critique According to membership records, estimated 15,000 them?” focuses on these courts’ failure to function in a “legal” women were members of the Arrow Cross Party in manner. -
Ideology, Social Basis, Prospects REPORT 2018
European Centre for Democracy Development Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects REPORT 2018 Athens-London-Berlin-Paris-Moscow-Krakow-Budapest-Kiev-Amsterdam-Roma 1 Editor in Chief and Project Head: Dr. Valery Engel, Chairman of the Expert Council of the European Centre for Tolerance, principal of the Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications Authors: Dr. Valery Engel (general analytics), Dr. Jean-Yves Camus (France), Dr. Anna Castriota (Italy), Dr. Ildikó Barna (Hungary), Bulcsú Hunyadi (Hungary), Dr. Vanja Ljujic (Netherlands), Tika Pranvera (Greece), Katarzyna du Val (Poland), Dr. Semen Charny (Russia), Dr. Dmitry Stratievsky (Germany), Ruslan Bortnik (Ukraine), Dr. Alex Carter (UK) Authors thank the Chairman of the European Centre for Tolerance, Mr. Vladimir Sternfeld, for his financial support of the project CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects Report “Contemporary far-rights. Right-wing radicalism in Europe: ideology, social base, prospects" is the result of the work of an international team of experts from 10 European countries. The report answers the question of what is the social basis of European right- wing radicalism and what are the objective prerequisites and possible directions for its development. In addition, the authors answer the question of what stays behind the ideology of modern radicalism, what the sources of funding for right-wing radical organizations are, and who their leaders are. Significant part of information is introduced for the first time. © European Center for Democracy Development, 2018 © Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications, 2018 © Institute for Ethnic Policy and Inter-Ethnic Relations Studies, 2018 2 Introduction Radicalism is a commitment to the extreme views and concepts of the social order associated with the possibility of its radical transformation. -
Hal Koch, Grundtvig and the Rescue of the Danish Jews: a Case Study in the Democratic Mobilisation for Non-Violent Resistance
Hal Koch, Grundtvig and the rescue of the Danish Jews: A case study in the democratic mobilisation for non-violent resistance By Steven Borish The Danish people’s successful cultural mobilisation for resistance against the Nazi Occupation (1940-1945) culminated in the rescue operation that took place in the autumn of 1943 when 7220 of the approximately 7800 Jews then in Denmark were successfully transported to safety in neutral Sweden. In events set in motion from the invasion of 9 April 1940, through the summer of that year and the following year, a key role was played by a living charis matic leader, Hal Koch, and, through him, by his memorable nineteenth-cen tury predecessor, N. F. S. Grundtvig. These remarkable events are properly to be contextualized not only in Danish history but also in the annals of non violent action as a path to the accomplishment of national goals. I. Grundtvig as the background figure who makes everything come together Statement of the problem On 9 April 1940 the Nazi German invasion of Denmark precipitated one of the deepest crises in the many centuries of Danish history. The late spring, summer and early autumn of 1940, saw the establishment of a Nazi Occupation following the short but overwhelming invasion. During these tense and difficult months many Danes from all walks of life began to meet, discuss and plan for cultural resistance.1 Yet the contributions of two men, one living and one dead, are of special importance in understanding the events of this critical period; together they lit a spark which successfully catalysed the first phase of a broad and popular mobilisation for cultural resistance. -
Krigen Mot Ryssarna I Vin Också En Utmarkelse Av Den Fin Det Er Imidlertid Tre Artikler Om Program.» Kultur
Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 UAVHENGIG AVIS Nr.6 - 1992 - 41. årgang Finsk godgjøreIse KULTUR ER BASISVARE, til utenlandske IKHESTORMARKEDPRODUKT Jeg har skummet dagens A v Frederik Skaubo med overskrift: Rambo eller krigsdeltagere Morgenblad og bl.a. merket Rimbaud? hvor han angriper Efter 50 år får de svenska sol ersattning på knappt 1.500 kro meg datoen, 8. mai, som jo så selv om avskaffelse av familien det syn at staten (myndighe dater som frivilligt hjiilpte Fin nor får alla frivillige utlanningar absolutt gir grunn til ettertanke. var oppført på kommunistenes tene) også har noe ansvar for land i krigen mot ryssarna i vin också en utmarkelse av den fin Det er imidlertid tre artikler om program.» kultur. Han er såvisst ikke opp ter och fortsattningskriget 1939- ska staten. Ersattningen ar mera et annet viktig emne, jeg her fes Et fenomen idag er f.eks. at tatt av kultur som identitets 45 ekonomisk ersattning. en symbolisk gest av Finland tet meg ved. Hver for seg avkla mens Høyre med pondus pro fremmende, tradisjonsbevaren Det var i samband med det som i år firar sitt 75-års jubi rende, tildels avslørende i for klamerer en politikk bygget på de, kvalitetsskapende og estetisk årliga firandet av veterandagen i leum. bindelse med vårt kultursyn. De «det kristne verdigrunnlag ... og etisk oppdragende. Nesten Finland som regeringen fattade Framfor allt fOr de ester som er dessuten aktuelle også når vil forholdet for de flestes ved mer anarkistisk enn liberal går beslut om att hedra de 5.000 frivilligt deltog i striderna på denne avis kommer ut. -
Kopstukken Van De Nsb
KOPSTUKKEN VAN DE NSB Marcel Bergen & Irma Clement Marcel Bergen & Irma Clement KOPSTUKKEN VAN DE NSB UITGEVERIJ MOKUMBOOKS Inhoud Inleiding 4 Nationaalsocialisme en fascisme in Nederland 6 De NSB 11 Anton Mussert 15 Kees van Geelkerken 64 Meinoud Rost van Tonningen 98 Henk Feldmeijer 116 Max Blokzijl 132 Robert van Genechten 155 Johan Carp 175 Arie Zondervan 184 Tobie Goedewaagen 198 Henk Woudenberg 210 Evert Roskam 222 Noten 234 Literatuur 236 Colofon 238 dwang te overtuigen van de Groot-Germaanse gedachte. Het gevolg is dat Mussert zich met enkele getrouwen terug- trekt op het hoofdkwartier aan de Maliebaan in Utrecht en de toenemende druk probeert te pareren met notities, toespraken en concessies. Naarmate de bezetting voortduurt nemen de concessies die Mussert aan de Duitse bezetter doet toe. Inleiding De Nationaal Socialistische Beweging (NSB) speelt tijdens Het Rijkscommissariaat de Tweede Wereldoorlog een opmerkelijke rol. Op 14 mei 1940 aanvaardt Arthur Seyss-Inquart in de De NSB, die op 14 december 1931 in Utrecht is opgericht in Ridderzaal de functie van Rijkscommissaris voor de een zaaltje van de Christelijke Jongenmannen Vereeniging, bezette Nederlandse gebieden. Het Rijkscommissariaat vecht tijdens haar bestaan een richtingenstrijd uit. Een strijd is een civiel bestuursorgaan en bestaat verder uit: die gaat tussen de Groot-Nederlandse gedachte, die streeft – Friederich Wimmer (commissaris-generaal voor be- naar een onafhankelijk Groot Nederland binnen een Duits stuur en justitie en plaatsvervanger van Seyss-Inquart). Rijk en de Groot-Germaanse gedachte,waarin Nederland – Hans Fischböck (generaal-commissaris voor Financiën volledig opgaat in een Groot-Germaans Rijk. Niet alleen de en Economische Zaken). richtingenstrijd maakt de NSB politiek vleugellam. -
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe Michael Shafir Motto: They used to pour millet on graves or poppy seeds To feed the dead who would come disguised as birds. I put this book here for you, who once lived So that you should visit us no more Czeslaw Milosz Introduction* Holocaust denial in post-Communist East Central Europe is a fact. And, like most facts, its shades are many. Sometimes, denial comes in explicit forms – visible and universally-aggressive. At other times, however, it is implicit rather than explicit, particularistic rather than universal, defensive rather than aggressive. And between these two poles, the spectrum is large enough to allow for a large variety of forms, some of which may escape the eye of all but the most versatile connoisseurs of country-specific history, culture, or immediate political environment. In other words, Holocaust denial in the region ranges from sheer emulation of negationism elsewhere in the world to regional-specific forms of collective defense of national "historic memory" and to merely banal, indeed sometime cynical, attempts at the utilitarian exploitation of an immediate political context.1 The paradox of Holocaust negation in East Central Europe is that, alas, this is neither "good" nor "bad" for the Jews.2 But it is an important part of the * I would like to acknowledge the support of the J. and O. Winter Fund of the Graduate Center of the City University of New York for research conducted in connection with this project. I am indebted to friends and colleagues who read manuscripts of earlier versions and provided comments and corrections. -
1 Introduction
1Introduction In 2003 Iheld apubliclecture in Budapest on the history of the Arrow Cross women’smovement.Atthe end of the lecture an elderlygrey-haired man ap- proached me with aquestion: “Have youheard about PiroskaDely?”“Of course – Ianswered self-assuredly –,the literatureonthe people’stribunals mention her name. She was the bloodthirsty Arrow Cross woman who was executed after her people’stribunal trial.” My colleagues in Hungary never exhibited much enthusiasm when Itold them about my research on women in the Arrow Cross Party.¹ Still, everyone knew Dely’sname, because every volume on post-Second World Warjusticelisted the namesofthosefemalewar crimi- nals, among them Piroska Dely, who weresentenced to death and executed.² The elderlyman with impeccable silverhair nodded and said: “Imet her.” This is how Imet agroup of the Csengery Street massacre’ssurvivors who for decades fought for adignified remembrance of the bloodyevents. János Kun’s sentencegaveanentirelynew dimension to my research, which led to my Hun- garian AcademyofSciences doctoral dissertation and to the writing of this book. Ithank them for helping in my researchand Idedicate this book to them. During the Second World WarHungary was Germany’sloyal foreign ally. From 1938 four Anti-Jewish Laws were put in effect,that is laws that limited the employment,marriage, and property rights of JewishHungarian citizens. On April 11, 1941Hungary’sarmed forces participated in the German invasion of Yugoslavia with the aim of returning territories lost at the end of the First World War. Forthese territorial gains Hungary paid ahugeprice: the Hungarian economywas sacrificed to Germany’swar goals. In the meantime, Hungarian propaganda machinery emphasized the Hungarian government’sindependence and its nationalcommitment,but the country’sterritorial demands and geopol- itical realities tied Hungary to Nazi Germany,while Germanyincreasinglyexpect- ed commitment and support from its allies. -
Nasjonal Samlings Ideologiske Utvikling 1933- 1937
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives “Ja takk, begge deler” - en analyse av Nasjonal Samlings ideologiske utvikling 1933- 1937 Robin Sande Masteroppgave Institutt for statsvitenskap UNIVERSITETET I OSLO 12. desember 2008 1 Forord Arbeidet med denne oppgaven tok til i mars 2008. Ideen fikk jeg imidlertid under et utvekslingsopphold i Berlin vinteren 2007/08. Fagene ”Politische Theorie und Geschichte am Beispiel der Weimarer Republik” og ”Politische Philosophien im Kontext des Nationalsozialismus” gjorde meg oppmerksom på at Nasjonal Samling må ha vært noe mer enn bare vertskap for tyske invasjonsstyrker. Hans Fredrik Dahls eminente biografi om Quisling: En fører blir til, vekket interessen ytterligere. Oppgaven kunne selvfølgelig vært mye mer omfattende. Det foreligger uendelige mengder litteratur både om liberalistisk elitisme og spesielt fascisme. Nasjonal Samlings historie kunne også vært behandlet mye mer inngående dersom jeg hadde hatt tid til et mer omfattende kildesøk. Dette gjelder også persongalleriet i Nasjonal Samling som absolutt hadde fortjent både mer tid og plass. Fremtredende personer som Johan B.Hjorth, Halldis Neegård Østbye, Gulbrand Lunde og Hans S.Jacobsen kunne hver for seg utgjort en masteravhandling alene. En videre diskusjon av de dominerende ideologiske tendensene i Nasjonal Samling kunne også vært meget intressant. Hvordan fortsatte den ideologiske utviklingen etter 1937 og frem til krigen, og hvordan fremsto Nasjonal Samling ideologisk etter den tyske invasjonen? Desverre er dette spørsmål som jeg, eller noen andre, må ha til gode. For å levere oppgaven på normert tid har det vært nødvendig å begrense omfanget av oppgaven. -
Knut Døscher Master.Pdf (1.728Mb)
Knut Kristian Langva Døscher German Reprisals in Norway During the Second World War Master’s thesis in Historie Supervisor: Jonas Scherner Trondheim, May 2017 Norwegian University of Science and Technology Preface and acknowledgements The process for finding the topic I wanted to write about for my master's thesis was a long one. It began with narrowing down my wide field of interests to the Norwegian resistance movement. This was done through several discussions with professors at the historical institute of NTNU. Via further discussions with Frode Færøy, associate professor at The Norwegian Home Front Museum, I got it narrowed down to reprisals, and the cases and questions this thesis tackles. First, I would like to thank my supervisor, Jonas Scherner, for his guidance throughout the process of writing my thesis. I wish also to thank Frode Færøy, Ivar Kraglund and the other helpful people at the Norwegian Home Front Museum for their help in seeking out previous research and sources, and providing opportunity to discuss my findings. I would like to thank my mother, Gunvor, for her good help in reading through the thesis, helping me spot repetitions, and providing a helpful discussion partner. Thanks go also to my girlfriend, Sigrid, for being supportive during the entire process, and especially towards the end. I would also like to thank her for her help with form and syntax. I would like to thank Joachim Rønneberg, for helping me establish the source of some of the information regarding the aftermath of the heavy water raid. I also thank Berit Nøkleby for her help with making sense of some contradictory claims by various sources. -
Waldemar PARUCH1
Humanities and Social Sciences 2014 HSS, vol. XIX, 21 (3/2014), pp. 185-196 July-September Waldemar PARUCH1 AUTHORITARIANISM IN EUROPE INE THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: A POLITICAL-SCIENCE ANALYSIS OF THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM (PART 2) The article is a political-science analysis of authoritarianism as a political system, which was an alternative to democracy and totalitarianism in Europe in the twentieth century. Three of seven elements of the authoritarian syndrome were analyzed in second part of this article: consolidation of State power; the traditionalist axiological order and its sources; the authoritarian camp. The results of the author’s studies presented in the particle show that the collapse of the authoritarian system in Europe in the twentieth century did not stem from the achievement of the declared goals but for two other reasons. First, the defeats suffered during the World War Two caused the breakdown of the authoritarian states in Central Europe, in which the authoritarian order had been established. Regardless of the circumstances, the authoritarian leaders were unable to prevent the loss of independence and of the status of political actor by the states and nations in this part of Europe. Second, in Western Europe (Spain, Portugal, and Greece) there was an internal crisis of the authoritarian political system triggered by the dispute within the ruling camp over the direction of politics and new strategic goals, especially in the face of rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union under conditions of confrontation between the democratic order and totalitarianism. This was accompanied by the loss of legitimacy by the authoritarian camp, which was tantamount to the delegitimation of the political system.