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Andrew Shimunek*

THE PHONOLOGY AND LEXICON OF EARLY MODERN MONGOLIAN AND LATE SOUTHERN AS DOCUMENTED IN A 17TH CENTURY MING CHINESE-MONGOLIAN DICTIONARY

ABSTRACT

Although the existence of early Ming lexicographical sources on the Mongol language, .g. Hua-Yi yryu ¥ 3H~H! (1389), has been known for quite a while, certain late Ming dictionaries from the 16th and 17th centuries have also been treated as exclusively "Middle Mongol" sources in the previous literature (e.g. Manduqu 1995, Apatoczky 2009, and Rykin 2011, 2012), despite the fact that such texts were composed centuries after the , and despite identifiable Modern Mongolian phonological innovations evident in these texts. In this article present a preliminary analysis of Beilu Kao i~~~, a 17th century Ming dictionary of Mongolian, and demonstrate its value in elucidating information on the phonology and lexicon of Early Modern Mongolian and Late Southern Middle Mongol. Previous scholarship has largely treated the Beilu Kao and other

* This paper presents some results from research funded by a postdoctoral fellowship in Mongolian Studies at the Universiti degli Studi di Napoli "L'Orientale". I am grateful to my fellowship advisor Prof. Donatella Guida for selecting me for this fellowship, which has given me the opportunity to continue my research on this topic. I also thank Prof. Michele Bernardini for his helpful advice and for generously giving me a copy of Buhe & Liu's Bonan sketch which I used in this paper; an anonymous peer reviewer who provided helpful comments on a previous draft of this paper; and Jason Glavy for making his freely downloadable Soyombo font (available at

MINGQING YANJIUXVIII (2013-14) ISSN 1724-8574 © Universita degli Studi di Napoli "L'Orientale"

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variants of Beilu yryu as a unitary source representing a single language. In fact, the Beilu Kao is a mixed lexicographical source, including wordforms copied from early Middle Mongol lexicographical works, as well as late Southern Middle Mongol dialectal forms, and most importantly, transcriptions of Early Modem Mongolian, as I will demonstrate in this paper.

1. Introduction While relatively good philological data exists on the phonology and lexicon of Middle Mongol, there is very little evidence on the period immediately following it, a stage of Mongolic which we may term 'Early Modern Mongolian', as it deviates significantly from Middle Mongol phonology, exhibiting a number of innovations characteristic of Modern Mongolian (or 'Mongolian Proper,).l See below for my definition of 'Early Modern Mongolian':

Early Modem Mongolian: The (i.e. the language which later developed into present-day Mongolian Proper and its dialects, including Khalkha, Baarin, Chakhar, Khorchin, Aru Khorchin, etc.) in the post-Middle Mongol period, beginning around the late 16th century, extending at least through the 17th century, and ending sometime before the early 20th century (the approximate end date remains to be determined) .

Very little work has been undertaken on the phonology, morphology, lexicon, or syntax of this period of Mongolian.2 Among the few studies in this area of research, we may note Lee et al.'s (2000) study of 17th century Written Mongol chronicles and Sagdarsiiren's (2006) observations on 17'h -century Mongolian phonology based on

1 In my periodization, 'Early Middle Mongol' (13 th c. to 14th c.) refers to Middle Mongol as spoken during the the Mongol Empire; 'Late Middle Mongol' (15 th c. to early 16th c.) refers to Middle Mongol as spoken after the Mongol Empire; and 'Early Modem Mongolian' denotes Mongolian as spoken beginning around the late 16 th century and extending at least through the 17th century, if not later. 2 Note that Mongolian here refers to Mongolian Proper, excluding other like Oirat, Buryat, Daur, etc.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:47:54PM via free access The Phonology and Lexicon ofEarly Modern Mongolian the identification of a number of non-standard spellings in Written Mongol texts of that time period. Sagdarsiiren's methodology has allowed him to identify several phonological innovations in 17 th century Mongolian, evidence of what I term 'Early Modern Mongolian'. The most important phonological innovation Sagdarsiiren has uncovered is the fact that already by the 17th century, the so-called ' hiatus' of Middle Mongol-which is commonly transcribed in philological works on Middle Mongol as V/V2 (e.g. MMgI ne'ii• 'nomadize, move' and gijrii'esiin 'game animal' 3 )-had monophthongized. As evidence of this, Sagdarsiiren notes the following "mistakes (an.n,aa)" in the 17th century chronicle Sir-a Tuytiji (2006: 135), which I have arranged in table format for easy comparison. The phonological reconstructions are my own: 4

Table 1. Spoken Early Modern Mongolian phonology in the Sir-a Tuyuji

Sir-a Classical Early Modem Mongolian Semantic value Tuyuji Mongol reconstruction

*nu:- 'move, nomadize'

'game animal' (or *gorosUn 'Siberian Roe Deer')

These forms represent contemporary 17th century Mongol speech, and are clear evidence of Early Modern Mongolian forms. Note also the present-day Modern reflexes Hyy- [nu:-] 'move, nomadize' and ropooc [go'ros] 'game animal' or 'Siberian Roe Deer'.

3 These Middle Mongol forms are from Kuribayashi's (2009) study of the Secret History oj the . 4 In this paper I follow a linguistic transcription of Mongol, rather than the traditional philological transcription. Thus, what appear as Ii and ii in Mongolistic philological transcription of Middle Mongol and Modern Khalkha are rendered phonologically by me as [0 ~ e] and []. Likewise, 0 and u in philological transcription are rendered by me as [::>] and [u], respectively.

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2. The Ming Chinese transcriptions In addition to data identified, or potentially identifiable, following Sagdarsiiren's methodology, there are also a significant number of Ming Chinese transcriptions of Early Modern Mongolian attesting phonological innovations that greatly diverge from early Middle Mongol and resemble Modern Mongolian. In particular, Beilu Kao jt~ ~, a 17th century text found in juan 227 of Mao Yuanyi's ~TC{ii (1594 - . 1640) Wu Bei Zhi fff:tlr;§, consists of a 57-page Chinese• Mongolian dictionary. 5 Beilu Kao is believed to be a variant of a Chinese-Mongolian dictionary, the earliest extant copy of which dates to the late 16th century.6 Although previous work on Beilu Kao and other late Ming Chinese• Mongolian dictionaries (e.g. Manqudu 1995; Apatoczky 2009a, 2009b; and Rykin 2011, 2012) have treated the transcriptions contained therein exclusively as transcriptions of Middle Mongol, 7 careful observation of the texts reveals that Beilu Kao is in fact a mixed lexicon, including a large number of transcriptions of Middle Mongol, most likely copied from earlier lexicographical materials such as Yuan or early Ming dictionaries, and a significant number of transcriptions which show evidence of the beginnings of Modern Mongolian phonology, morphology, and lexicon, which we must conclude are contemporary 17th century Ming transcriptions of Early Modern Mongolian. This article is restricted to Early Modern Mongolian phonology and lexicon in Beilu MO. I plan to address the morphophonology and morpho syntax of the data in a future study.

5 According to Apatoczky (2009a), Beilu Kao (or "Beiluyrytl') is datable to 1621, and it appears to incorporate a significant amount of transcriptions from an earlier Chinese-Mongolian dictionary whose earliest extant copy is datable to 1599. 6 See Rykin (2011, 2012) and Apatoczky (2009a, 2009b) for details on Beilu Kao and related texts. 7 Apatoczky (2009a, 2009b) considers it to be a Middle Mongol dictionary with "dialectal traces".

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2.1. Phonological evidence of Early Modem Mongolian 2.1.1. Periodization of the Chinese transcriptions A considerable number of Mongol words in Beilu Kao are transcribed two or more times-once in Late Old Mandarin transcriptions of Middle Mongol, and sometimes also in genuine contemporary 17th century Ming Mongolian, i.e. Early Modern Mongolian. For example, note the following dual transcriptions: 8

Table 2. Middle Mongol and Early Modern Mongolian dual transcriptions

Middle Mongol transcription in BLK Earl~ Modem Mongolian in BLK LOM Gl. MMgl Source MSC Gl. EModM Source BLK BLK [ocS'E)l] [JCS'E)l] *hukh;)r 9948: *ukh~r 9986: (*xukh;)jl) 4- (Ukh3") 4- 7a 2a BLK BLK [;k~] [fJt~] *h3tu-n 9936: *3W 9963: (*xw3tun) £ (W3tU) £ 7a 8b BLK BLK [OC~Jtt£] [fi~~] *hulafian 9980: ~;r *ula1) 9974: (*xulafian)9 U (ulal) 8a 7a BLK BLK [lJ<::~] [~:ff~] *Situ 9949: *Sutii 9973: (*t>itu) 3f (t>utu) 5f 3a 3a

8 The Late Old Mandarin forms are based on Coblin (2007) and Pulleyblank (1991), with considerations from later research. Specifically, I revise Coblin's (2007) syllable-initial glottal stop *[1] (the asterisk is added by me) to * [fi], following considerations in Hill (2009). Note that I have not included the tones of the Late Old Mandarin or Modern Mandarin forms since they are irrelevant to the reconstruction of the Mongol forms. 9 Note that the character tt£ is written in 'Phagspa with an initial r2 (Cob. #669), which indicates a *[fi] onset, following considerations in Hill (2009).

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BLK BLK [n:f;~gl] [fl(;W5l] *utur 9941: B *otiir 9966: (*utw) B (W;)tu3") 8a 4c

Note the phonological similarity of the Early Modern Mongolian forms in the table above to present-day Modern Khalkha YX3P ['uxi}r], 0,lJ. [Jt], YJlaaH [uIBaN], my,lJ. [.fut], and ,lJ.OP [later], respectively. There are also transcriptions of phrases which attest the loss of /h/, e.g. EModM *g~r-in *un1 [:tZ;fU~ffJ\] ~ISC k~linuni) 'rafters (f~ r)' (BLK 9968:7a), where *un1 'rafter' corresponds to Middle Mongol huni 'rafter'. 10 A few words in the Betlu Kao are transcribed three different ways. Note the divergent transcriptions of the word 'red' in the table below:

Table 3. Three divergent transcriptions of a single word in Beilu Kao

My periodization Transcription Gl. Reconstructed Mgl Source

EadyMMgI rut U~IJ tit] BLK ~I *hulafian (Eastern Dialect) (LOM *xulafian) 9980:8a

Late MMgI [1**U~] BLK ~I *fulaan (Southern Dialect) (MSC fulaan) 9957:2c Early Modem [nEW] BLK ~I *ulalJ Mongol (MSC ulalJ) 9974:7a

Clearly these are transcnptlons from different periods and different regional dialects of Mongolic. I identify them as the eastern dialect of Early Middle Mongol (i.e. the language of the SH and HY), a very late southern dialect of Middle Mongol (see discussion below), and Early Modern Mongolian (i.e. late 16th or early 17th century Ming transcriptions of contemporary Mongolian). Some transcriptions of Middle Mongol data in BLK reflect words not in their usual citation forms, but in inflected forms, indicating that

10 See Ligeti & Kara (2012: 153) for this Middle Mongol form.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:47:54PM via free access The Phonology and Lexicon ofEarly Modern Mongolian these transcriptions were probably copied from a transcribed text with interlinear glosses. See the transcriptions in Table 4 below:

Table 4. Inflected Middle Mongol wordforms in BLK compared with their equivalent citation forms in SH

Middle Mongol in BLK Middle Mongol in SH LOM Gl. MMgl Source LOM Gl. MMgl Source BLK [~rJg-af1fH] [~rJg*fi%] *namur-un 9941: *namur SH (*namulun) fX (*namur) fX 3a BLK [E~{ff1i] [7t1'".n] *ubul-un 9941: *ubul SH (*upulun) ~ (*upul) ~ 3b

Careful analysis of the Chinese transcriptions of Mongolic in Beilu Kao also reveals that while many of the transcriptions are in Late Old Mandarin (i.e. Mandarin as spoken during the ), and thus must be copied from earlier lexicographical sources, a significant number words are transcribed in a variety of Modern Mandarin which differs very little from Modern Standard Mandarin Chinese (hereafter, 'MSC). To exemplify this situation, note the Beilu Kao transcriptions below, which I have arranged by character in table format to demonstrate the two divergent values each character possesses in BLK transcriptions. From the tables below one can clearly see that there are at least two different periods of Chinese underlying the transcriptions of Mongolic data in Beilu Kao--Late Old Mandarin with the onsets

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*khi ~ *khj_ and *kj-, and Modern Mandarin with the palatalized reflexes [nphi] ~ [nph!], and [np!], respectively.11

Table 5. LOM and Modern Mandarin transcriptions with [z] in Beilu Kao Z Late Old Mandarin *khi Modern Mandarin [nphi] LOM Gl. Late MMgI MSC Gl. EModM [Z*UJ[] [@z] ;W; *lC'irau 12 JR *mo1J"I 13 (*khilau) (mw:Jt(;hi) [*'Z] [llBz] If *tfhik"i 14 JR *mo1S"J 15 (*t(;hikhi) (mw:Jt(;hi)

[~~z~~{i-] [t~z] *em1J"I J§J. *sa(l)lC'i 16 Uent(;hi :t:a: 17 (*sakhi) *bakfi paIJ~f-) [zWiHf] [=r::nl~Z] *1J"itfhlk (?) )Y *qhumak"i 18 (t(;hit(;hiIJ 19 (*khumakhi) *'~ *X::>t5 XW:JthW:J)

11 See Rykin (2012) for similar observations. I had already made my observations here before I learned of Rykin's paper. The fact that we independently arrived at similar conclusions further supports the validity of the analyses I present here. Rykin (2012) also identifies evidence of "Late Ming Guanhua" transcriptions of Mongol in the text. Although Rykin demonstrates the existence of three periods of Chinese underlying the transcriptions in Beilu MO, he insists they all transcribe "one of the late Middle Mongolian dialects" (Rykin 2012: 323). 12 BLK 9936:9c. 13 BLK9936:7c. 14 BLK 9938:1a. 15 BLK 9963:9c. 16 BLK9938:1b. 17 BLK 9972:6°.

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Z Late Old Mandarin *khj Modern Mandarin [t¥hj] LOM GJ. Late MMgl MSC GJ. EModM [z:tL IIcJ 5l] [H ~Z: ] lf1 *Jchitj'aar 21 n *jentf'I- 22 (*khiwafiru)20 UEn~hi) [z:t:g:] *Jchita(t) 23 (*khitha) ~A [Z:*UIIcJ#l ~ IJ fm~ *Jchirlfaatj'hi 24 (*khilafiawhi ) [ Z:5l~ ] jj)~W *Jchirsa 26 (*khil~a) 25 [1IcJ*U z:] ~~@ *araJchi 27 (* fialakhi)

18 BLK9938:7b. 19 BLK 9975:5b. 20 Note that the character IIcJ has an initial r2 in 'Phagspa Script (Cob. #743), i.e. an *[fi] onset. Although the vowel of this character is reconstructed by Pulleyblank (1991) and Coblin (2007) as *[:)) (the asterisk is added by me), the earliest datable Chinese transcriptions of Middle Mongol (e.g. SH and HI) regularly employ this character to render Middle Mongol word-initial *[a], suggesting that the value of this character in the specific variety or varieties of Late Old Mandarin in which such transcriptions were made probably had the value *[a] and not *[:)). Middle Mongol word-initial *[:)] is regularly transcribed in Chinese with ~ (LOM *w:)), e.g. in the SH and HY. I thus reconstruct IIcJ *fia for the Late Old Mandarin dialect or dialects in which the SH, HY, and BLK transcriptions were made. 21 BLK 9940:2a. 22 BLK 9988:4b. 23 BLK 9944:1c.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:47:54PM via free access Andrew Shimunek Z Late Old Mandarin *khi Modern Mandarin [~hi] LOM Gl. Late MMgl MSC Gl. EModM [ Z:~\ l .~:HR *lC'ib 28 (*khipi)

[ ~Z: l ~ *h;}lC'i 29 (*x;}jkhi) [!g:5lZ:1 H~r *tharlC'i 30 (*tha.Jkhi)

[ Z:*U~ l ~J\ *lC'iI( I!)asu 31 (*khilasu)

[ ~~Z: l ~$ *aIlSilC'i 33 (*fiaw~ikhi)32

[ Z:~P l 34 E: [ Z:~p l 7Jr *lC'ituq(u) (*khjtuxu)

24 BLK 9945:7c. 25 This particular variety of LOM appears to have been characterized by the phonological change *~ > *s in certain contexts which are imperfectly known. 26 BLK 9948:2b. 27 BLK 9953:2c. 28 BLK 9957:1c. 29 BLK 9958:6b. 30 BLK 9959:2c. 31 BLK 9960:2b.

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Table 6. Late Old Mandarin and Modern Mandarin transcriptions with [fi]

~ ,." ~ Late Old Mandarin *khi Modern Mandarin [t¥hi] Late Transcr. Gl. Transcr. Gl. EModM MMgl

[~j]~] *har~ [ i5~ ] W~@ 35 *Gu1j'9 36 (*xalikhj) (dial.) (kU1:¥hj) =+ [~~] [t~§l~] *saLlC'i 37 E: [ m~ ] *to1j'9 38 (*srukhj) Jmt 12]+ (tie1:¥hj) [ .g§l~~ ] E: [ .g§l~~ ] !j!~m *x:>rm5k1j'9 39 (xya-mw:>1:¥hj) [fi!!.::f~ ] ~Dr *thap1:¥hj 40 (thapU1:¥hi) [ m:'J ;fij~ ] MtrDl[]Z; *xuJaxai1j'9 41 (xulaxai1:¥hj)

32 The character ~ is also characterized by an initial r2 in 'Phagspa Script (Cob. #542), i.e. an *[fi] onset. 33 BLK 9960:3c. 34 BLK 9962:2c. 35 BLK 9980:5a. 36 BLK 9970:9a. 37 BLlC 9937:1c. 38 BLK 9970:9b. 39 BLK 9974:9b.

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Table 7. Late Old Mandarin and Modern Mandarin transcriptions with [1ft] I~

Late Old Mandarin *khja Modern Mandarin [tehia] Late LOM Gloss Source MSC Gloss EModM Source MMgl

[f~'t~] BLK ['t~] BLK ~,~ *thakhja 8~ *\fha(k) (*thakhja) 9958:4a (t4;hia) 9966:4b

Table 8. Late Old Mandarin and Modern Mandarin transcriptions with [Ef3] EfI Late Old Mandarin *kja Modern Mandarin [teia] Late LOM Gl. MSC GI. EModM MMgl

[11 Dlll Ej3 5T~~ ] *ula(l)1jllfana 42 (ulat4;iax anna) *r [DgEj3 Jr.] Dm~ *xa\far 43 (xat4;iaa-) [DgEj3 Jr.] ~ *xa\far 44 (xat4;iaa-)

[ Ej3m~ ] ml *\fa1xu 45 (t4;ialix al) [DgEj3 Jr.] ttt *Gatjar 46 (xat4;iaa-)

40 BI J( 9975:2b. 41 BI J( 9979:6b. 42 BI J( 9969:4c.

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Table 9. Late Old Mandarin and Modern Mandarin transcriptions with [Ii] Jf

Late Old Mandarin *kja Modern Mandarin [~ia] LOM Gl. Late MMgl Source MSC Gl. EModM Source [J{:g:] ~ *tSata BI J( 9983:9a (t¥iata)

Table 10. Late Old Mandarin and Modern Mandarin transcriptions with [M] m Late Old Mandarin *kjaj Modern Mandarin [~i£] LOM Gl. LateMMgl Source MSC Gl. EModM Source [mDlilJ] *tS era (dial.) BIJ(9971:1a (t¥ieia) 1\+

43 BIJ( 9983:5a. 44 B1 J( 9984:2b. 45 B1 J( 9988:9a. 46 BIJ(9967:5a.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:47:54PM via free access Andrew 5 himunek From the tables above, it is clear that Late Old Mandarin transcriptions of Mongol in the Beilu Kao are, overwhelmingly, transcriptions of Middle Mongol, while the Modern Mandarin transcriptions are transcriptions of Early Modern Mongolian• possibly the earliest solid phonological data on Early Modern Mongolian phonology.47

2.1.2. Phonological innovations distinguishing Modern Mongolian from Middle Mongol: Aside from the periodization of the Chinese transcriptions, another diagnostic for identifying Early Modern Mongolian transcriptions in Beilu Kao is the existence of specific phonological innovations distinguishing Modern Mongolian from Middle Mongol. Modern Mongolian is characterized by the following innovations relevant to our data:

1) The loss of the Middle Mongol word-initial laryngeal fricative h- (e.g. MMgl hodu-n 'star' > EModM *:)tU 'star' > Modern Khalkha 0)1; [:)t] 'star'). 48

47 Guo Zaoqing's ¥~~g~p late 16th century Lufong Sai Liie ~~.~ appears to contain transcriptions of Early Modern Mongolian as well, but a rigorous linguistic study of this text has yet to be undertaken. 48 Note that sporadic loss of h- is also attested for western Late Middle Mongol, e.g. in the 15th c. work Muqaddimat af-Adab, we have such forms as efigen 'liver' (cf. Poppe 1938: 152), attested in eastern Early Middle Mongol sources as hefigen 'liver' (HY). The h- was not completely lost, however, in Late Middle Mongol, as the Muqaddimat attests a large number of words which retain it; in fact, the Muqaddimat attests many more instances of its retention than the several instances of its sporadic loss, e.g. hodun 'star', hon 'year', hekin 'head', harban 'ten', hunir'odor, smell', huruf'lips', etc. See also Krippes (1992) for a nearly comprehensive list of attested Middle Mongol h- and secondary h- in modern Mongolic daughter languages.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:47:54PM via free access The Phonology and Lexicon ofEarly Modern Mongolian 2) 'Pre-breaking' of Middle Mongol Iii, i.e. regressive assimilation of initial syllable Iii (e.g. MMgI fidii 'tooth' > EModM *Suru 'tooth' > Modern Khalkha my,lJ. [Jut] 'tooth').

3) Lack of the Middle Mongol 'vowel hiatus' (probably in fact an intervocalic voiced laryngeal fricative *[fi] in Early Middle Mongol) and monophthongs instead of the diphthongs or V, 'V2 sequences of Middle Mongol (e.g. MMgI dolo'a-n 'seven' > EModM *t:)b 'seven' > Modern Khalkha ,lJ.OJIOO [t:)15:)] 'seven').

4) Evidence of the change of Middle Mongol word-initial iiCii ~ eCii to riC (e.g. Middle Mongol ebiigen 'old man' > EModM *obug~n 'old man' > Modern Khalkha OBrOH [lewyeIJ] 'old man').

I present these phonologically innovative Early Modern Mongolian wordforms below, compared with Early Middle Mongol forms from the 13th century 'secret History of the Mongols (SH) and the 14th century Hua-Yiyryu (HY):49

49 SH transcriptions are from Kuribayashi (2009) and HY forms are from Kuribayashi (2003). 50 BLK 9986:2a. 51 BLK 9963:8b.

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Table 11. Evidence of the loss of h- in Early Modern Mongolian data in BLK.:

Middle Mongol Early Modem Mongolian in BLK Transcr. Gl. MMgl MSC Gl. EModM [®-~%] [JC5'Z~] "t: *hukh;)r SH "t: *ukh;Sr 50 (LOM *xukhjajl) (ukh;)3")

[*~] [iltJ:i] £ *h:)tu-n SH £ *:)tU 51 (LOM *xw:)tun) (w:)tu) [®-*U~] [1ie~] 53 U *hulaan SH ~r *ulal) (LOM xulafian)52 (ulal))

[®- '" OO-¥h] [JC7\~] 54 @ *hurul HY ~ *urul (LOM *xurul) (uliU3") [ufijiy\] [1i:jjp] *utiixii / 55 *hutugun Muq. ~f}p

52 The character ~ has an initial f2 in 'Phagspa Script (Cob. #433), i.e. an *[fi] onset 53 BLK9974:7a. 54 BLK 9973:2c. 55 BLK 9973:7b. 56 BLK 9973:3a. 57 BLK 9973:2a. 58 BLK 9971: . 59 BLK 9973:5b.

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Table 12. 'Pre-breaking' of Iii in Early Modem Mongolian data in BLKi

Middle Mongol Early Modern Mon~ olian in BLK LOM Gl. MMgI MSC Gl. EModM [~W] [~W] 5f *Situ SH *Sutii 56 (*~itu) (~utu) * [ftr\¥;iI:] [~W] ON *nitu-n SH ON *nutii 57 (*nitun) (nutu)

[R"/Ml] [m"ll 58 1\+ *tfira-n HY *tfera (*t§iran) (1¥iela) 1\+ [z*~] [OC*~] flI.t§ *khimusu SH :j:§EJ3 *xumusu 59 (*khimusu) (xumusu)

Table 13. Monophthongization in Early Modem Mongolian forms in BLK compared with MMgI

Middle Mongol Early Modern Mongolian LOM Gl. MMgI MSC Gl. EModM

[~~'ti] [~~] t: *tJl:>fian SH t: *tJI:> 60 (*tJiofian) (tw:>lw:» [W*1F] [1m)]] V *tul::>j HI' V.:r *tuli 61 (*tulajji) (tuli) [:g,"~~]62 [ijj¥h] !t i! *torofi::> HY *tur::> 63 (*tJrJfi::» (tul::> ) E: i!

60 BLK 9970:7b. 61 BLK 9972:5a.

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Beiiu Kao transcriptions of Early Modern Mongolian also provide evidence of the change of Middle Mongol word-initial #U(C)u - #~(C)u to Early Modern Mongolian *[o(C)] and other anomalous innovative vowel changes from Middle Mongol to Early Modern Mongolian.

Table 14. Secondary #0 and ~ in Early Modern Mongolian forms in Beilu Kao compared with Middle Mongol

Middle Mongol Early Modem Mongolian LOM Gl. MMgI MSC Gl. EModM [J[W"!JG] [~'W~] ~ *utur SH ~ *otiir 64 (*utur) -- (WJtU3') --

[~/f~] [~/f~] 65 ~A *;:,bug;m SH lfl3 *obiigan (*fi;:,pukjEll) (wJPukan) =

[~~~] [~W] 66 3

62 Although the Late Old Mandarin dialect attested in 'Phagspa script has *[fiJ1 (my revision of Cob. #746 *['b], asterisk added by me) and Pulleyblank expresses confusion over how to reconstruct ~ as attested in Zhongyuan yinyun cp JJJi: 1fM, the Late Old Mandarin dialect in which Eastern Middle Mongol is transcribed in the Secret History of the Mongols and Hua-Yi yiyu used the character ~~ exclusively for transcribing Middle Mongol *[;:,] (written e in the Mongolist philological tradition). I thus reconstruct ~ *[fi;:,] for the Late Old Mandarin dialect in which these sources were transcribed. 63 BLK 9960:9a. 64 BLK 9966:3c. 65 BLK9971:7b. 66 BI J( 9965:2a.

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The table below provides additional evidence of Early Modern Mongolian phonological innovations in Beilu Kao:

Table 15. More Early Modern Mongolian forms in BLKcompared with MMgl

Early Middle Mongol Early Modern Mongolian LOM Gl. MMgI MSC Gl. EModM

[,&}i!:,~] [P),[J]ki] fI *sisg;)j SH fI *is(x)i 67 (*sisikaj) (isH)

[~l!W?t] [E~~] ~I *hulafian SH ~ *ulalJ 68 (*xulafian) (ulaIJ)

[J*~,)!ft] [J§=~~] ij~ *tharuqun HY ij~ *tharxUIJ 69 (*thabxun) (t h a3j(uIJ)

['P1W3fW.] [j(~'g~] - - 70 - *q(h)::ljar SH - *X::lj 5r (*qW::ljru) (XW::lq£

67 BLK 9974:7a. 68 BLK9974:7a.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:47:54PM via free access Andrew Shimunek Other, more scantily attested Modern Mongolian phonological innovations evident in the Beifu Kao transcriptions include:

(1) Velarization of Middle Mongol word-final n#, e.g. *ulaIJ [1iJ~~] ('vise ulaIJ) 'red (&IT)' (BLK 9974:7a) < MMgl hufa'an 'red' (SH). (2) Alveolarization of affricates, e.g. *utsum [TC~] (\fse utsw;:)n) 'grape (mTij), (BLK 9979:7c), very close to Modern Khalkha Y33M [Iuts~m] 'raisin' < MMgl iiziim 'grape (yhll)' (Yemen). (3) Spirantization of the Middle Mongol affricate c to f (an innovation characteristic of modern Khorchin, Buryat, etc.), as in the following: *burSak [)! X k]] (l\fSe pW:J3"~a!)) 'bean, pea (R)' (BLK 9954:8c) < MMgl burcaq 'bean' (HY). Cf. Darkhan Muumingan [brerS;:)g] 'id.' (Sun et al. 1990: 171). (4) At least one transcription attests the loss of non-initial-syllable short reduced , e.g. *m:r/*n;:)r [flEX] (l\ISe ni£3") 'name (~)' (BLK 9950:2c). Cf. Modern Khalkha H3p [ncr ~ mr] 'name' < MMgl nere 'name' (SH).

Interestingly, one transcription attests a loss of word-initial *[q], e.g. *uftUl [7L JG X] ~fse uftU3") 'boots (¥ft)' (BLK 997 4:2b). Cf. Modern Khalkha ryTaJI ['quhtt] - [lquhtiSl3] 'boot, shoe'. To the best of my knowledge, this change is not attested in any of the modern Mongolic daugher languages or dialects.

69 BI J( 9953:9c. 70 BI J( 9970:5c. 71 BLK 9968:4a.

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2.2. Southern Late Middle Mongol dialect forms in Beilu Kao Regarding the history of the southern Mongolic languages, Poppe states that "Southern Middle Mongolian" (i.e. 'Southern Middle Mongol' in my terminology) is the "source" of "Monguor", Santa, and Daur (poppe 1965: 21). Although the Monguoric languages (i.e. Mongghul, Mongghuor, and Mangghuer), Santa, Kangjia, and Bonan are probably all daughter languages of this Southern Middle Mongol dialect, the inclusion of Daur is questionable at best. Poppe also incorrectly states that "there is no material on Southern Middle Mongolian" (1965: 21). In fact, the forms I identify in Table 16 below represent probably the earliest transcriptions of a southern Mongolic language, and given the chronology, are best labelled as very late Southern Middle Mongol wordforms. Apatoczky (2009b) independently identified several of these as dialectal forms which he, too, links with the Qinghai-Gansu Mongolic languages. 72 I refine his analysis and consider these forms to be representative of a late southern dialect of Middle Mongol, i.e. the late MMgl dialect from which the Monguoric languages developed.73

Table 16. Late Southern MMgI wordforms in BLK and Early MMgI cognates Early Middle Mongol Very Late Middle Mongol (Eastern Dialect) (Southern Dialect) LOM Gl. MMgI MSC Gl. EModM [;ig:t3Ffl [{j\:t1flJF5 3Jll *hun;)g:m 74 j~f.:iJ *fun;)g;) 76 (*xunjEkan) (funiEk;))

72 Specifically, Apatoczky (2009b: 4) discusses what he reconstructs as *fula'an'red', *fiini 'smoke', and *fiinege 'fox' (the asterisks are my addition). 73 In my usage, "Monguoric" denotes Mongghul, Mangghuer, Mongghuor, and their dialects. 74 HY 1:0SbS (Kuribayashi 2003: 16-17). 75 The first character of this transcription in the original is actually ~,without a dot, which is clearly a typographical error for {j\. 76 BI R 9948:2a.

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[;m5Jb] [{:k{Jrz] ~ *huni 77 ~ *funi 78 (*xuni) (funi)

[;m*u'1t] [{:k*U~] ~r *hulafian 79 U *fulaan 80 (*xulafian) (fulaan)

[}!]t] [~] ~ *t~u 81 ~ *tiw 82 (*tj£u) (tiu) [Z:*}J!] [If)( §}J!] f1\ Ej3 *khimusu 83 t§Ej3 *t¥hymusu 84 (*khimusu) (t¥~musu) [A] - [~] *na!) - wn 4 *h:m 85 4 86 (*x:m) (na!) - n~!) *n:J!)

All of the dialect words in the table above are clearly from a very late (probably late 16th century), southern dialect of Middle Mongol, probably the dialect which developed into the Monguoric languages. Faehndrich discusses the Monguoric cognates of 'fox', including Karlong Mongghul [finiga], Halchi Mongghul [fun;}ge] ~ [finiga], Naringhol Mongghul [funige] ~ [hunige], and Mongghuor [funige] (Faehndrich 2007: 56, 324). All of these forms, with the exception of the Naringhol Mongghul variant [hunige], bear close resemblance to the Late Southern Middle Mongol form in the table above. The word *funi 'smoke' is cognate to Halchi Mongghul [fun;}] ~ [funii] , Naringhol Mongghul [fune] ~ [funi] , Karlong Mongghul [fini], and Mongghuor [funi] 'smoke,.87

77 SH (Kuribayashi 2009: 199). 78 BLK9951:7c. 79 SH (Kuribayashi 2009: 196). 80 BLK 9957:2c. 81 SH (K.uribayashi 2009: 137-139). 82 BLK9971:9a. 83 SH (IZuribayashi 2009: 271). 84 BLK 9959:7a. 85 SH (Kuribayashi 2009: 193). 86 BI J( 9965:5a et seq.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:47:54PM via free access The Phonology and Lexicon ofEarly Modern Mongolian Likewise, *fulaan 'red' has close cognates in Monguoric, e.f? Karlong Mongghul [fila:n] 'red,88 and Mongghuorfulan "rouge, nu".8 The word *tiw 'younger brother' is clearly cognate to "Huzhu" (unspecified for subdialect) Mongghul [diu] 'younger brother'.9o The Southern Late Middle Mongol word *whymusu 'fingernail' is cognate to Monguoric forms, e.g. Karlong Mongghul [wimdd] 'fingernail, claw,.91 Note also the "Huzhu" Mongghul form [Wimus;:}] 'fingernail', given by Sun et al. (1990) but unspecified as to the subdialect. 92 The Southern Late Middle Mongol word *naIJ ~ *mIJ 'year (::tF)" a reanalysis of Middle Mongol ene hon 'this year,/3 is cognate to Karlong Mongghul [naIJ] 'this year,94 and Mongghuor no!} "cette annee-ci".95 These forms indicate a shared anomalous morphophonological innovation between attested modern Monguoric and Late Southern Middle Mongol. In addition to the words in the table above, BLK offers a tantalizing glimpse of an early Bonan-like variety of Late Southern Middle Mongol:

87 These Monguoric forms are from Faehndrich (2007: 56). 88 This Karlong Mongghul form is from Faehndrich (2007: 324). 89 This Mongghuor form is from de Smedt & Mostaert (1933: 105). 90 This Mongghul form is from Sun et al. (1990: 242). 91 This Mongghul form is from Faehndrich (2007: 341). 92 This Mongghul form is from Sun et al. (1990: 389). Although they label all their Mongghul data ambiguously as "Tu language (±~1ig)" data, they state in the preliminary matter of the book that the data in their dictionary is from the "Huzhu dialect" (1990: 75), i.e. Huzhu Mongghul, which, as Faehndrich (2007) has demonstrated, is actually internally quite diverse itself. 93 This etymology was proposed by de Smedt & Mostaert (1933: 284). 94 See Faehndrich (2007: 206) for the Karlong Mongghul word. 95 This Mongghuor form is from de Smedt & Mostaert (1933: 284).

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Table 17. A Bonan-type Late Southern MMgl wordform in BLK and its Early MMgl cognate Earlier Middle Mongol CW estern Very Late Middle Mongol Dialect) (Southern Dialect) Transcription MMgI Source MSC Gloss EModM Source

kr.~ji] [fit/F~l BLK *th:>btfhi Muq. ~Dr *thapt¥hi (twbjy) (thaput¥hi) 9975:2b

Although the character fit is read *thJ in Late Old Mandarin,96 the transcription is clearly in Modern Chinese, as I demonstrate in Table 6 above. The value of the character in this Modern Mandarin transcription is thus [tha], with the full transcription rendering a Mongolic word which is almost an exact transcription of modern Bonan (thaptGhi] ~ [thaptGhi~] 'button',97 a phonologically innovative form differing in vocalism from attested Middle Mongol tobCi 'button', Modern Khalkha TOBq [thJ'Y[I 'button', and from other modern Mongolic daughter languages, including the Monguoric languages. 4. Questions remaining Many questions remain to be answered about Early Modern Mongolian. The following are among those which we may reasonably expect answers to be found: 1) What was the Early Modern Mongolian reflex of Middle Mongol -!}l- as in !}lai 'forehead'? By approximately the late 19th century, this sequence had become -gn- in Khalkha, as attested in a benediction by the poet Gelegbalsang (1846-1923) written in Khalkha in , where we find a reflex of Middle Mongol ma!}lai 'forehead' transcribed in Tibetan Script as , reconstructible as late 19 th century *[magnai]. The phonological change of MMgl -!}l- > -gn- is attested in the Khalkha and Chakhar dialects of Modern Mongolian, as well as in the Mongolic languages Buryat and Khamnigan. The table below illustrates reflexes of the word in dialects of the

96 See Pulleyblank (1991: 299) for this Old Mandarin reading. 97 The Bonan forms cited here are from Sun et al. (1990: 637) and Buhe & Liu (1982: 92).

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Modern Mongolian language (i.e. 'Mongol Proper' as opposed to other Mongolic languages):98

T a hI e 18 R e flexes 0 fMM19l I maIJ.ali 'Iii ore h ead" In M o d ern M ongoIi an d'la I ects Dialect of Modem Mongolian Wordform Ulaanbaatar Khalkha [mag'nre] Chakhar [magm::] Baarin [mEl)m::] Darkhan Muumingan [mal)nE:] Kharachin [mal)nE:] East SQnid (a variety of Southern Khalkha) [magnai] Otog (Ordos) [mal)nai]

Given the fact that most of the Modern Mongolian dialects known today represent the intermediate stage, -!}n-, it would be reasonable to assume that 17th century Early Modern Mongolian was also characterized by this intermediate stage. However, I have yet to find a transcription confirming or disproving this philologically.

2) What were the case affixes of Early Modern Mongolian? Old Khalkha in Soyombo Script marks the with -igi ('1&1) ~ -gi (&1) ~ -i (~, e.g. in the ltegel text (cf. Kara 1959), distinct from Middle Mongol -yi (after stems ending in vowels) ~ -i (after stems ending in ). Other innovative or otherwise phonologically noteworthy case forms are also evident, and further work on the earliest datable Soyombo texts and on Early Modern Mongolian texts in Written Mongol orthography is certain to provide more clues and help fill out the case paradigm. The Ch'ophae Mongo t;f ~t- ~;m ({] -8"B %oD text (1790), 99 despite its heavily bookish

98 The majority of these forms are from Sun et al. (1990: 475), with the exception of the Ulaanbaatar Khalkha form, which is my own transcription. 99 See Nam (2002: appendix page 37) for the dating of this Korean text.

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3) Early Modern Mongolian verbal affixal morphology and morpho syntax, including peculiarities in the phonological forms of tense, mood, and aspect suffixes. I plan to undertake such a study in the near future on Early Modern Mongolian phrases and sentences transcribed in Beilu Kao.

4) Although the Beilu Kao transcriptions provide evidence that Middle Mongol V, 'V2 sequences had monophthongized by the Early Modern Mongolian period, there are indications that certain dialects of Early Modern Mongolian may have retained Middle Mongol V, 'V2 sequences as diphthongs. Namely, evidence from Soyombo Script texts shows that at least some liturgical varieties of what I term 'Old Khalkha' (a dialect of Early Modern Mongolian) in the late 17th and early 18th centuries, as spoken in Daa Khiiree (WMgI Da Kiirry-e, present• day Ulaanbaatar), has the diphthong « MMgI a'u). See the data in Table 19 below from the ltege! text (cf. Kara 1959), which I have arranged here in table format for easy comparison with Written Mongol and Middle Mongol cognates. The phonological reconstructions are my own.

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Table 19. Sporadic retention and loss of MMgl a'u in Liturgical Old Khalkha in Soyombo Script Liturgical Old Khalkha in Middle Mongol Soyombo Script Written Liturgical Attested Mongol Soyombo Old Khalkha cognate

'ura ~f1'9 *tsaljra-ta Itegel SH jayurada

Further research on the limited extant corpus of datable contemporary 17'h and early 18th -century Soyombo texts may provide more evidence on the phonology of Liturgical Old Khalkha. A comprehensive study of all the Early Modern Mongolian sources remains to be undertaken. Such a study would help to clarify these and other unanswered questions. 5. Lexicon I have not included a complete lexicon of Middle Mongol forms contained in Beilu Kao for two reasons: 1) these transcriptions are numerous and it would require a separate study to address them properly (cf. Apatoczky 2009a, 2009b, and Rykin 2011 for important work in this area); and 2) the primary goal of this article is to bring to light the Beilu Kao transcriptions of Early Modern Mongolian and Southern Late Middle Mongol-Mongolic languages which have been only partially addressed or previously unidentified in the extant sources. 5.1. Lexicon of Early Modem Mongolian as transcribed in BLK 5.1.1. Early Modem Mongolian grammatical morphemes *-in 'genitive case suffix', attested in the phrase *ggr-in *unl [~fU~ 13\] 'rafters (~-T)'. Cf. Modern Khalkha npuHH yHb [ldrilJ an] < MMgI ger-iin huni 'yurt rafters'.

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*em~hy *bakj1 [H~Z:f~{t] (\ISC jen1¥hipaIJ~f-) 'royal physician ctH)' (BLK 9972:6a). Cf. Modern Khalkha lMq [ImtJh] 'doctor, physician' and 6anIl [pakS] 'teacher' < early 20th c. Khalkha [§a[rnl] (Kh.V 264, 387, 422) < MMgI baqfi'teacher or master worker' (HY) < OUyg. < LMC *paksi it± (see Kara 2002 for this etymology). The Middle Mongol equivalent of 'royal physician (:;tH)' is otoa (HY). *g~r 'yurt', attested in the phrase*g~r-in *unY [tZ: fO ~ {fJ\ ] (\ISC blinuni) 'rafters ct~-=r)'. Cf. Modern Khalkha rlp [kIf - ker] 'yurt, home' < early 20th c. Khalkha [rep] (Kh.V 98, 116, 117, et seq.) < Middle Mongolger'yurt, home' (SH). *is(x)i [t) IZ9 ~] (\ISC isH) 'felt (fi)' (BLK 9974:7a). Cf. Modern Khalkha lcruu [Is'yi] 'felt' < MMgI sisgei 'felt' (SH). *jen~hy_ [H~Z:] (\ISC jenwhi) 'beat (:tJ), (BLK 9988:4b). Cf. Modern Khalkha 3aDq- [tsrentJh-] - ~aDq- [~rentJh-] 'beat, thrash'. *mosu [j:*i!] (MSC mWJsu) 'water (JJ<.)', E: 'ice CJj(), (BLK 9968:4a). Cf. Modern Khalkha MOC [mas] 'ice' < early 20th c. Khalkha [Moe] (Kh.V 364, 427) < MMgI mjjfsiin 'ice' < PMgI *moli-su-n 'ice'. *mo~hy rmz:] - [~BZ:] (\ISC mWJwhi) 'the Fifth Earthly Branch (fR)' (BLK9936:7c, 9c). Cf. Modern Khalkha MOq [ma~h] 'branch'. *nutii [~W] (\ISC nutu) 'eye (~R)' (BLK 9973:2a). Cf. Modern Khalkha Dy,lJ; [nut] 'eye' < early 20th c. Khalkha [HY,g] (Kh.V 177, 333, 427) < MMgI nidii-n 'eye' (SH). *obug~n [flG:f'-=f] (\ISC wJPukan) 'old man (tm)' (BLK 9971:7b). Cf. Modern Khalkha OBrOD 'old man' < early 20th c. Khalkha [owry ] (Kh.V 111, 153,334,353,378,382) < MMgI ebiigen'id.' (SH). *otiir [flGW~] (\lSC WJtu~) 'day (B)' (BLK 9966:4c) - 'daytime (~)' (BLK 9966:3c). Cf. Modern Khalkha O,lJ;OP [,ater] 'day, daytime' < early 20th c. Khalkha [o,g,gyp] (Kh.V 153, 326, 328) < MMgI iidiir 'id.' (SH) - WMgI ediir 'id.' *JtJ [flG'W] (:\ISC WJtwJ) 'now c~m~)' (BLK 9965:2a). Cf. Modern Khalkha O,lJ;OO [J'tJ] 'now' < early 20th c. Khalkha [o,go] (Kh.V 205, 301) < MMgI edii'e 'id.' (SH).

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*;)tu [~OO (\ISC W;)tu) 'star (£)' (ELK 9963:8b). Cf. Modern Khalkha 0)); [;)t] 'star' < MMgI hodun 'id.' (SH). *qatSar [* Ef3 ~] G\ISC xat¥ia~) 'land, ground, earth (tfu)' (ELK 9967:5a). Cf. Modern Khalkha ra3ap [Iqats~r] 'land, ground, earth' < early 20 th c. Khalkha [aroap] (Kh.V 81, 98, 124, 207, 252,264,423) < MMgI qq;ar'id.' (SH). *qutShr [c!J~] (\ISC kut¥hi) 'thirty C= +)' (ELK 9970:9a). Cf. Modern Khalkha ryq [qutj"] 'thirty' < MMgI qufin 'id.' (SH). *Sutii [~W] else ~utu) 'tooth Of)' (ELK 9973:3a). Cf. Modern Khalkha my)); [fut] < early 20th c. Khalkha [WY,ij,] (Kh.v 177, 184,374) < MMgI fidiin 'id.' (HY). *totShr [u*~], E: [~~] (\ISC ti£t¥hi) 'forty (12]+), (ELK 9970:9b). Cf. Modern Khalkha ));6q [tetj"] 'forty' < MMgI drifin 'id.' (SH). *t;)b [~~] (\ISC tw;)lw;)) 'seven (1=:)' (ELK 9970:7b). Cf. Modern Khalkha ));OJlOO [t;)'5;)] 'seven' < early 20 th c. Khalkha [,ij,OJIP] (Kh.V 197,246,387,424) < MMgI dolo 'an 'id.' (SH). *tuli [1111J] (\fSC tuli) 'deaf (V-=r)' (ELK 9972:5a). Cf. Modern Khalkha ));YJlUH [tu'5i] 'deaf' < early 20 th c. Khalkha [,ij,yli] (Kh.V 287, 424) < MMgI diileyyi 'id.' (HY). *tur~ [j:~1j[m (\1SC tul~) 'climb (~)', E: 'stirrup (m)' (ELK 9960:9a). Cf. Modern Khalkha ));6P66 [te1re] 'stirrup' < MMgI diirri'e 'id.' (HY). *tSa1xu [Ef3li!~] (\ISC t¥ialixa~) 'lazy C~~)' (ELK 9988:9a). Cf. Modern Khalkha 3aJlxyy [tsa5Ixu] 'lazy'. *tSata [1(=8=] (\ISC t¥iata) 'firearm (~)' (ELK 9983:9a). Cf. Modern Khalkha ~a)); [tfat] < early 20 th c. Khalkha [I,Ia.g] (Kh.V 179, 399, 424) < late MMgI jida LR a] G.ml *t§ita) 'firearm (~)' (ELK 9982:3c) < early Middle Mongol jida [Ra] GDM *t§ita) 'spear, lance (f~)' (SH). The word originally denoted 'spear, lance' in early Middle Mongol, and later acquired the additional sense of 'firearm' with the invention of firearms in and their spread to Mongolian territory. In present-day Modern Khalkha, 6yy [pu:] , a loanword from Chinese uPJ pao 'cannon', now denotes 'gun' or 'firearm' and the word iKa)); [tSat] denotes only 'spear' or 'lance'. Note also Jurchen and Manchu gida 'spear, lance' and cognates in other Tungusic languages (see Rozycki 1994: 89), which are loanwords from an early Serbi-Mongolic language.

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*~Era [fW"J (\lse wiEla) 'sixty (7\+), (BLK 9971:1a). Cf. Modern Khalkha iKap [U'ar] 'sixty' < early 20th c. Khalkha [I.IaP~] (Kh.V 179,425) < MMgljiran 'id.' (HY). *tharxulJ [:1;& )G~I] else tha~ulJ) 'fat (ij[:\), (BLK 9953:9c). Cf. Modern Khalkha TapraH [ltharK5N] < early 20 th c. Khalkha [TaplJ}3] (Kh.V 357, 429) < MMgl taruqun 'fat' (HY). *U'ha(k) ['~] (~lse whia) 'time (~)' (BLK 9966:4b). Cf. Modern Khalkha uar [tshak] 'time, hour' < MMgl caq 'id.' (SH). *~hiU'hlk (?) *X;,t5 [Z:Wir1t] (~lse WhiWhilJxw;,thw;,) 'name of a city, Chicheng (~~)' (BLK 9975:5b). Cf. Modern Khalkha U3U3r ['tshItshlk] 'flower' < early 20th c. Khalkha [u,eu,eK] (Kh.V 402, 431) < MMgl cecek 'flower' (ill); and Modern Khalkha XOT [X;,ht] 'city' < MMgl qoton 'city' (HY). *ukh5r [J[£)G] (\ISe Ukh;"};)") 'ox (4)' (BLK 9986:2a). Cf. Modern Khalkha YX3P ['ux5r] 'ox' < MMgl hiiker'id.' (SH). *ut11xUJ*ut11yii [1i Wp] (\ISe utuxu) 'vulva, vagina (~~ p)' (BLK 9973:7b). Cf. Modern Khalkha YTP33 [uht'rE] - dialectal ynr ['uht5k] 'vulva, vagina' < MMgl hiitiigiin 'id.' (Muq.). Compare also SantafuduKUI} 'id.'IOO and Mongghuor sdogu'id.'lOl). *ula(l)U'aKana [1i"JEj3)f1j~] (\!se ulawiaxanna) 'plum (*r)' (BLK 9969:4c). Cf. Modern Khalkha YJlaaJl3raHa [u'\3a\3tsK5n] 'Red Currant' < the root is a reflex ofMMgl hula'an 'red' (SH). *ulalJ [1i~~] (\ISe ulalJ) 'red (~I)' (BLK 9974:7a). Cf. Modern Khalkha YJlaaH [ul\3aN] 'red' < early 20 th c. Khalkha [yJI~] 'red' (Kh.V 159,246,248,353,355,429) < MMgl hula'an 'red' (SH). *unY 'rafter', attested in the phrase *g~r-in *unY [tZ:fU~ffJ\] (\lse k~linuni) 'rafters (ftr)'. Cf. Modern Khalkha )'lIb [en] 'rafters of a yurt' < Middle Mongol huni'id.' (Yemen). *urul [J[ 7\)G] (\ISe u1iu;)") 'mouth (D~)', E: 'lips (D~ f§)' (BLK 9973:2c). Cf. Modern Khalkha YPYYJI [u 1ru\3] 'lips' < early 20th c. Khalkha [ypyJI] (Kh.V 418,429) < MMgl hurul'lips' (HY). *xa~ar [0£;Ej3)G] (\ISe xawia;)") 'bridle (~)' (BLK 9984:2b) - 'a metal ring for biting (D~U~)' (BLK 9983:5a). The Chinese gloss DIfi~tt is

100 This Santa form is from Ma & Chen (2001: 98). 101 The Mongghuor form is from de Smedt & Mostaert (1933: 337).

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:47:54PM via free access The Phonology and Lexicon ofEarly Modern Mongolian probably a dialectal word for 'horse bit'. Cf. Modern Khalkha xa3aap [xaltsar] 'bridle' < MMgI qada'ar 'bridle' (SH). *XJj5r [;}(~kJ5l] (\ISe XWJqE~) 'two (=)' (BLK 9970:5c). Cf. Modern Khalkha xoep ['XJj5r] 'two' < early 20 th c. Khalkha [xojjup] (Kh.V 110,263,276,280,331,355,430) < MMgI qV'ar'id.' (SH). *XJrm5(k)tJhI [~)-GJ~jm,], E: [~)-G~~] GYISC X'lr~mwJwhi) 'battle skirt (~f.g)' (BLK 9974:9b). Cf. Modern Khalkha XOpMOrq ['XJrm5xtJ] 'apron'. *xulaxaitJhI [OC~J5ij~] (\ISC xulaxaiwhi) 'steal food and eat it ({JNIT~ 02:)' (BLK 9979:6b). Cf. Modern Khalkha xYJlraiiq [xu\3IIHetj"h] 'thief < early 20 th c. Khalkha [xYJIXalII] ~ [XYJI-9alII] 'thief (Kh.V 388, 431) < the root is from MMgI qulaqqy 'stealing, theft' (SH). *xumusu [OC*}!] (\ISC xumusu) 'fingernail (m Ej3)' (BLK 9973:5b). Cf. Modern Khalkha XYMC [xums] 'fingernail, toenail' < early 20th c. Khalkha [XYMyC] (Kh.V 177, 431) < MMgI kimusu 'id.' (SH).

5.2. Lexicon of Southern Late Middle Mongol dialectal words

*funggg [{:f:t3!!J] (\ISC funiEb) 'fox O~foJ)' (BLK 9948:2a). Cf. Mongghuor fun~e "renard" (de Smedt & Mostaert 1933: 108). *funi [{:f:{fJ\] (\ISe funi) 'smoke (~JiI)' (BLK 9951:7c). Cf. Bonan [fune] 'smoke' (Buhe & Liu 1982: 84b). Cf. Mongghuor funi "fumee, fumee du foyer familial" (de Smedt & Mostaert 1933: 107). *fulaan [{:7\"fiJ~] (\Ise fulaan) 'red (~)' (BLK 9957:2c). Cf. Bonan [fulalJ] 'red' (Buhe & Liu 1982: 83b). Cf. Mongghuor fuldn "rouge, nu" (de Smedt & Mostaert 1933: 105). *nalJ [A] (\ISC nalJ) - [flli] ('vIse nglJ) 'year (4)' (BLK 9965:5a et seq.). Cf. Karlung Mongghul [nalJ] 'this year' (Faehndrich 2007) and Mongghuor n01J "cette annee-ci" (de Smedt & Mostaert 1933: 284). *tiw [~] ('vIse til}) 'younger brother (~)' (BLK 9971:9a). Cf. Mongghuor diu "frere puine" (de Smedt & Mostaert 1933: 56).

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*ftap1¥hi [1~::f~] (\fSe ftapu1¥hi) 'button (~D-=r)' (BLK 9975:2b). Cf. Bonan [ftap1¥hi] - [ftap1¥hi~] 'button,102 < early MMgI toM 'id.' (Muq.) > Modern Khalkha TOBI) [th~'YtS] 'id.' *1¥hymusu [If:x §~] (VIse 1¥hymusu) 'fingernail (m Ei3)' (BLK 9959:7a). Cf. Mongghuor tiimudze "ongle, griffe, serre, corne du pied, sabot" (de Smedt & Mostaert 1933: 451).

Abbreviations and transcription conventions BLK Beilu Kao (Mao Yuanyi 1989) Cob. Coblin (2007) E my emendation of an erroneous character in the original text EModM Early Modern Mongolian gl. gloss HY Hua-Yiyiyu (Kuribayashi 2003) ltegel Kara (1959) Kh.V Vladimircov (1929) LOM Late Old Mandarin MMgI Middle Mongol MSC Modern Standard Mandarin Chinese Muq. Muqaddimat al-Adab (poppe 1938) OUyg. Old Uygur PSM Proto-Serbi-Mongolic SH Secret History of the Mongols (Kuribayashi 2009) transcr. transcription WMgI Written Mongol Yemen Yemen PolYglot (Ligeti & Kara 2012) * linguistic reconstruction < language-internal change morpheme boundary

SOURCES CONSULTED APATOCZKY, Akos B., ¥fyu: An Indexed Critical Edition if a Sixteenth Century Sino-Mongolian Glossary. Languages of Asia, Volume 5. Global Oriental, 2009a.

102 The Bonan forms cited here are from Sun et al. (1990: 637) and Buhe & Liu (1982: 92a).

128

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:47:54PM via free access The Phonology and Lexicon ofEarly Modern Mongolian ApATOCZKY, Akos Bertalan, "Dialectal traces in Beilu yiyu". In: The EarlY Mongols: Language, Culture and History. Studies in Honor rf on the Occasion rf his 80th BirthdC!J. Indiana University Uralic and Altaic Series 173. Bloomington: Denis Sinor Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 2009b, pp. 9-20. . Accessed April 19, 2014. BOLD, L. and J. BAT-IREEDUI, eds., Tow aiJin niiiidelcdiin biCig iisgiin towcoon, Ulaanbaatar: Sinjlex uxaaru akademi, Xel zoxiolin xiireelen, Mongolin altai sudlalcdln xolboo, 2001. BUHE 11iTD & LID Zhaoxiong ~U?~ff;t, Bao'a'!Yujianzhi{*~§'l:Hm~, Zhongguo shaoshu minzu yuyan jianzhi congshu, Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 1982. COBLIN, W. South, A Handbook rf 'Phags- Chinese, ABC Chinese Dictionary Series, Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2007. CULUUNBAATAR, L., "Mongol galig iiseg xiigeed towd iisgiin tuxai". In: BOLD & BAT-IREEDUI, 2001, pp. 237-260. DE SMEDT, A. and A. MOSTAERT, Le dialecte monguor parle par les mongols du Kansou occidental III' partie: Dictionnaire monguorfranfais. Publications de l'Universite Catholique de Pekin. Pei-p'ing: Imprimerie de l'Universite Catholique, 1933. F AEHNDRlCH, Burgel R.M., Sketch rf the Karlong Vanery rf Mongghu~ and Dialectal Survry rf Mongghul. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hawai'i. December 2007. HILL, Nathan, "The ijphags-pa letter 1:1 and laryngeal phenomena in Mongolian and Chinese", Central Asiatic Journal, 53 (2), 2009: 183- 205. KANE, Daniel, The Sino-Jurchen Vocabulary rf the Bureau rf Interpreters, Uralic and Altaic Series, Volume 153, Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University, Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 1989. KARA, Gyorgy, "On Sino-Mongol cultural relations as seen in the Mongolian lexicon", Menggu minzu yu ;dJoubian minzu guanxi xueshu huryi lunwef!fi ~t1BUm:Wj6J~~Jm~m~~{fq~~~)(~, Taibei -Edt: Meng Zangweiyuanhui ~~~ffii~, 2002, pp. 61-80. KARA, Gyorgy, "Un texte mongol en ecriture soyombo", Acta Orientalia Academiae S cientiarum Hungaricae, 9, 1959: 1-38.

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 11:47:54PM via free access Andrew S himunek KRIPPES, Karl Anthony, The Reconstruction of Proto-Mongolian *p-. Doctoral dissertation. Bloomington: Indiana University, Department of Uralic and Altaic Studies, 1992. KURlBAYASHI Hitoshi ~f*:I:'::J, -i yakugo (koshubon) Mongorugo zen tango, gobi sakuin r *~ijR§R J (Etlfi*) .:c /' ::J"Jv§Rit~§R • §R~~CJ I. Sendai 1wiS: T6hoku Daigaku T6hoku Ajia Kenkyu Senta ]~jt***jt 7 S/ 7tiff~-t: /' Y' -,2003. KURlBAYASHI Hitoshi *f;j(MJ, "Genchii hishiJ} mongorugo kariji onyaku, bijyaku kango taishii goi. r7CJiiJ-Jfl\5eJ t:/ =t;v~E- 1J;,¥~~ . 19'r WU~~gxt~~~g~. Sendai, T6hoku Daigaku T6hoku Ajia Kenkyu Senta },lUt7c~*::It7:;: 71iJf~k:/ )( -, 2009. LEE Seonggyu et al. = YI Songgyu, CH'OE Hyongwon, and Ts. SHAGDARSUREN, 17 segi mongmun yondaegi-ui monggoo yon'gu, Soul: Tan'guk taehakkyo, 2000. LIGETI, Louis and Gyorgy KARA, ''Vocabulaires mongols des polyglottes de Yemen", Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 65 (2),2012: 137-221. MA Guozhong and CHEN Yuanlong, eds., Dongxiangyu Hmryu cidian / Dunxian kielien khidei kielienni lugveqi. Lanzhou: Gansu minzu chubanshe, 2001. MANDUQU, D., Mongyol i iiii toli bifig, Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 1995. MAo Yuanyi ~:TC1i (17th c.) Wu Bei Zhi :LEtfm;§.103 In: Zhongguo Bingshu jicheng, vols. 27-36. Beijing: Jiefangjun Chubanshe, 1989. NAM Kwangu i¥JJJi:fti, Koo sqjon t'J§Ritf:!1:lJ:, Seoul: Kyohaksa, 2002. POPPE, Nicholas, Introduction to Altaic Linguistics, Ural-Altaische Bibliothek. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1965. POPPE, Nicholas, Mongol'skij slovar'Mukaddimat al-Adab, Trudi' Instituta vostokovedeniya, 14. Moskva: AN SSSR, 1938. POPPE, Nicholas, Grammar of Written Mongolian. Studies on Asia, Far Eastern and Russian Institute, University of Washington, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1954. PULLEYBLANK, Edwin G., Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in EarlY Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and EarlY Mandarin, Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1991.

103 See footnote above.

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