Negation in Mongolic
SUSA/JSFOu 95, 2015 Benjamin BROSIG (Stockholm) Negation in Mongolic This paper attempts to give a functional overview of negation in the Mongolic language family. In Early Middle Mongol, standard, prohibitive and perhaps ascriptive negation were coded by the preverbal negators ese for perfective/past, ülü for imperfective/non- past and büü for most moods including imperatives. It contrasted with the locative- existential-possessive negator ügei, which could also negate results and constituents. In most modern Mongolic languages, ügei made inroads into standard and ascriptive negation, competing with busi ‘other’ for ascriptive negation starting from Late Middle Mongol. Possessive constructions, while always based on ügei, are expressed through a range of different syntactic patterns, and a new locative-existential negator alga devel- oped in one area. Newly developed verbal negators include the broadly used former resultative verbal negator -üüdei, and -sh, a more restricted reflex of busi. The change of negator position had consequences for its scope and interaction with other categories, which are discussed in some detail for Khalkha. While prohibitives always remained preverbal, preventives emerged from declaratives, acquiring modal characteristics. In this paper, I intend to present a sketch of the development of negation in Mongolic. In contrast to previous research, I will not structure the investigation around cog- nates, but rather explore how different functions are expressed in the individual lan- guages. Following the line of (then-ongoing) research by Ljuba Veselinova (2013), the functional categories to be investigated include verbal declarative negation, existen- tial, locative and possessive negation, the ascriptive negation of adjectives and nouns and, additionally, verbal preventives and prohibitives.
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