The History and Future of TV Election Debates in the UK
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Ric Bailey's expert dissection of the first campaign debates among party leaders in REPORT the United Kingdom is a first-rate piece of analysis on an important, frequently misunderstood topic. Accessibly written and exhaustively researched, Squeezing Out the Oxygen- or Reviving Democracy? offers a unique, behind-the-scenes perspective on the 2010 Cameron-Clegg-Brown joint appearances, along with a broader consideration of the role of TV debates in British politics. This is a book that scholars of political communication will be citing for decades to come. Professor Alan Schroeder School of Journalism, Northeastern University, Boston Squeezing Out the Oxygen – or Reviving Author of Presidential Debates: 50 Years of High-Risk TV (Columbia University Press) Democracy? 2010 saw the first UK television debates between the party leaders. What was their e History and Future of TV Election Debates in the UK significance? Did they affect the result? What are the lessons for the future? In this finely written account, Ric Bailey, with the benefit of his BBC experience, offers an authoritative account which should be read not only by the politicians and the pundits but by all those seeking to make sense of democracy in Britain today. Professor Vernon Bogdanor CBE, FBA Ric Bailey Research Professor, Institute for Contemporary History, Kings College, London Author of The Coalition and the Constitution February 2012 Britain's Conservative Party leader Cameron, Liberal Democrat leader Clegg and PM Brown take part in the third and final televised party leaders' debate in Birmingham ©JEFF OVERS/BBC SELECTED RISJ PUBLICATIONS James Painter Poles Apart. The international reporting of climate scepticism Lara Fielden Regulating for Trust in Journalism. Standards regulation in the age of blended media Published in association with City University David A. L. Levy and Robert G. Picard (eds) Is there a better structure for News Providers? 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The changing face of international news James Painter Summoned by Science: reporting climate change at Copenhagen and beyond John Kelly Red Kayaks and Hidden Gold: the rise, challenges and value of citizen journalism Stephen Whittle and Glenda Cooper Privacy, Probity and Public Interest Stephen Coleman, Scott Anthony, David E Morrison Public Trust in the News: a constructivist study of the social life of the news Nik Gowing ‘Skyful of Lies’ and Black Swans: the new tyranny of shifting information power in crises Andrew Currah What’s Happening to Our News: an investigation into the likely impact of the digital revolution on the economics of news publishing in the UK James Painter Counter-Hegemonic News: a case study of Al-Jazeera English and Telesur Floriana Fossato and John Lloyd with Alexander Verkhovsky The Web that Failed: how opposition politics and independent initiatives are failing on the internet in Russia About the Author As the BBC’s Chief Political Adviser, Ric Bailey works with programme- makers and management to ensure political impartiality and independence across the Corporation as well as advising on other aspects of editorial policy. He liaises with political parties and government, oversees the BBC’s approach to elections and organises for the industry the UK’s system of party political broadcasts. He represented the BBC on the negotiating team which set up the 2010 Prime Ministerial Debates, winning a Royal Television Society Journalism Award jointly with Sky and ITV. Ric was a lobby journalist for BBC TV and radio before becoming Political News Editor at BBC Westminster. He edited the BBC’s Handbook Guide to the 1997 General Election. For six years from 2000 he was Executive Editor of the flagship BBC One political debate programme Question Time, including editions in China, Russia, the US and the Middle East, also setting up a long-running citizenship scheme for young people, Schools Question Time. Born in Manchester, Ric has a degree in Modern History and Politics from Southampton University and a post graduate diploma in broadcast journalism from the City University in London. He joined BBC local radio in 1982, winning a Sony Gold Radio Award for a programme on the miners’ strike. He now lives in Hertfordshire and is married with three children. Acknowledgements It is not just the direct support and encouragement which James Painter and Dr David Levy offer to each Reuters Fellow, myself included, which deserves genuine thanks. They also create an environment at the Institute which promotes stimulating discussion and friendly camaraderie. So the thanks must be extended not only to the excellent RISJ staff, but in many cases to their families too, who are so welcoming and hospitable – and, of course, to the other Reuters Fellows of 2010–11. I’m also very grateful to colleagues at the BBC: David Jordan for supporting the Fellowship and allowing time away from the office; to him, Sue Inglish, and ITV’s Mike Jermey for checking the draft for anything inappropriate; to Phil Abrams and David Cowling at the BBC and Tom Bailey of St Edmund Hall for unleashing their close critical scrutiny – though none of them bear responsibility for any surviving howlers. I am especially grateful to Professor Vernon Bogdanor, who offered far more suggestions, encouragement, and lunch than his role of supervisor warranted. Most of all, I thank my family for their support – in particular, my wife Joni, whose idea it was to apply for the fellowship and who gave constant encouragement throughout. Published by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism 1 Contents Executive Summary Preface Introduction 1. Why there were no TV debates in the UK for fifty years 1.1. Too Trivial, Too American 1.2. Dusty Pipes, Political Cobwebs 1.3. Grammar School Premiers – With No Debating Society 1.4. Tempting – But a Loser’s Trick 1.5. ‘Missed Opportunity of Epic Proportions’ 1.6. ‘Nothing in it for us’ 2. How debates happened in 2010. 2.1. Still Not America … 2.2. Empty Chairs, Changing Games 2.3. Keeping it Simple 2.4. Round a Table at Last 2.5. What Made 2010 Different 3. Are TV election debates right for the UK? 3.1. Squeezing the Campaign Air 3.2. Voters’ Verdict 3.3. Game versus Substance 3.4. So What was Lost? 3.5. The UK ‘Presidency’ 3.6. ‘Simon Cowellisation’ 4. Will the UK have TV election debates next time? 4.1. ‘Different Political Chemistry’? 4.2. Same Old Hazards . and Some New Ones 4.3. Can Debates Lose the Election? 4.4. Will they? Won’t they? 5. Conclusion Bibliography Acknowledgements 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The future of TV election debates in the UK cannot be taken for granted, even though there is strong evidence that, in 2010, they increased the interest and involvement of voters – especially the young and the normally less engaged. Although the expectations, not only of the electorate but also of supporters and opponents alike, are that such debates are now here to stay, many of the hurdles – which left Britain as one of the last democratic countries in the world to introduce them – remain in place, with some new added complications. Analysis of the twelve British general election campaigns after the 1960 US presidential encounter between Nixon and Kennedy point to a clear pattern of why they did not happen in the UK for fifty years, despite the fact that all the major parties – albeit at different times – spoke up in favour. Though, in public, the reluctant party leaders cited largely constitutional reasons – in particular, that debates are not appropriate for a non-presidential parliamentary system of government – their more candid considerations focused squarely on political self-interest. Either incumbency or a substantial opinion poll lead – or both – always meant agreeing to debates presented too high a risk for one or other of the parties. This pattern was only broken in 2010 because – for once – both the largest UK political parties concluded there was electoral advantage in debates and – also for the first time – the main broadcasters worked closely together to overcome the significant practical obstacles. So although the political cost of veto-ing future debates may now be higher, the real difficulties in repeating what were widely, though not universally, acknowledged as a successful innovation, may prove to be no less challenging than they were for the previous half century. The new Westminster context of coalition government is only the most obvious of the changed circumstances which risk the immediate future of debates, as political parties each assess the impact on their electoral prospects. International experience – including from the United States – suggests that just because debates have happened once, it is far from certain they will be here next time round. Meanwhile, the debate about debates – between those who argue that they “squeezed the oxygen” from the 2010 campaign and those who claim they invigorated democratic engagement within key parts of the electorate – is likely to continue. Proponents of debates will have to keep reminding the political establishment and voters, as well as some academic and media sceptics, that – for a short while at least in 2010 – apathy towards politics seemed to have met its match in enthusiasm for the UK’s first televised election debates.