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MODERNITIES/GLOBALISATION/COMPLEXITIES Sylvia Walby Paper Presented to Conference of the British Sociological Association, Univ On-Line Papers – Copyright This online paper may be cited or briefly quoted in line with the usual academic conventions. You may also download them for your own personal use. This paper must not be published elsewhere (e.g. to mailing lists, bulletin boards etc.) without the author's explicit permission. Please note that if you copy this paper you must: • include this copyright note • not use the paper for commercial purposes or gain in any way • you should observe the conventions of academic citation in a version of the following form: ***,***, published by the Department of Sociology, Lancaster University, at http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/sociology/papers/***.pdf Publication Details This web page was last revised on 26th September 2003; the paper was previously published at http://comp.lancs.ac.uk/sociology/soc****** Department of Sociology, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YL MODERNITIES/GLOBALISATION/COMPLEXITIES Sylvia Walby Professor Sylvia Walby Department of Sociology Lancaster University Paper presented to conference of the British Sociological Association, University of York, April 2003. Department of Sociology at Lancaster University 2 MODERNITIES/GLOBALISATION/COMPLEXITIES Introduction What are the implications of globalisation for the social inequalities? How does it re-structure winners and losers? How does complexity theory assist the conceptualisation of the processes of globalisation? There are four novel aspects to the conceptualisation and analysis of globalisation here. First, the inclusion of forms of difference and inequality additional to those of class, especially that of gender, but also those of ethnicity and nation. Second, the development of concepts informed by complexity theory to theorise the inter- relationship between social entities during globalisation. In particular, the development of concepts of ‘co-evolution’ of ‘complex adaptive systems’ within changing social environments or ‘fitness landscapes’. Third, the development of the concept of ‘path dependency’ and critical turning points. Fourth, the development of the concept of wave, to capture the simultaneous significance of spatiality, temporality and non-linearity. First, greater attention will be paid to variety of forms of difference and inequality additional to those associated with class relations than has been usual in globalisation theory. Much of the analysis of globalisation has analysed social processes primarily connected with changes in capitalism and associated class, political, economic and cultural relations (Brenner, 1999; Held et al, 1999; Ohmae, 1990). However, this is unduly restrictive, especially with the broadening range of interest in sociology in forms of difference (Calhoun, 1995), stemming from ethnicity, ‘race’ (Wilson, 1987) and gender (Felski, 1997). When the focus includes these forms of difference in addition to that of class, then a wider set of social forms and polities comes into focus on the world stage. In particular, religions can be prime carriers of ethnic, national and gender projects into global and regional conflicts. Second, there are processes of the co-evolution of social entities, drawing on the developments in complexity theory in the theorisation of complex adaptive systems. This is to go beyond both the ‘billiard ball’ conceptualisation of the relations between polities of realist international relations (Waltz 1979), and the ‘erosion of autonomous nation-states’ conceptualisation that has developed within globalisation analysis (Crouch and Streeck 1997). Instead the focus is on the mutual impact of social entities and processes of globalisation. As one social entity changes, the environment within which other social entities act is changed, thereby changing the context that affects their actions. This process can be more effectively expressed using concepts derived from complexity theory. In particular, it can be understood as the co-evolution of complex adaptive systems within a changing fitness landscape (Kauffman 1993). The term co-evolution is not meant to imply that this interaction is devoid of hierarchy, dominance and competition. Indeed the notion of ‘fitness’ is intended to capture the way that certain environments suit some systems more than others. The concept of changing fitness landscape is intended to capture the way that a change in any one system alters the environment in which all systems compete and cooperate. Third, the development and application of the concept of ‘path dependency’ (Mahoney 2000), in order to assist the analysis of processes of change that captures sudden ruptures and bifurcation into different pathways of development, as well as stability and gradualism. Fourth, the concept of wave will be developed, so as to get a better grip on the spatial and temporal dimensions of the non-linear trajectory of some of the social forces associated with globalisation. Issues of space and temporality are key to a notion of globalisation that is centred on the transformation of time and space, yet the existing vocabulary of concepts for Department of Sociology at Lancaster University 3 capturing these transformations is quite thin. Additionally, there is a need for concepts to capture the non-linearity of certain types of social processes, to capture the process of escalation of change, as well as gradualism and rupture. The concept of wave enables us to better capture the co-existing spatial and temporal aspects of phenomena such as social movements, which start in one place and spread outwards in an escalating rather than linear fashion, before diminishing. These conceptual issues are further developed in Walby (2006), while they are applied to global data sets and to the comparative development of the UK, US, Sweden and Ireland in Walby (2004). What is globalisation? Globalisation takes place on multiple economic, political and cultural levels. Economic globalisation, in particular, instantaneous global financial markets and some global product markets (Ohmae 1990, 1995), is just one of the key dimensions. There is also a significant restructuring of political institutions, including the development of some institutions of global governance and global political networks (Held et al 1999). At a cultural level there is both an increased awareness of particularism, of comparison of values and practices in the context of global communications (Robertson, 1992), as well as the development of global discourses, such as that of human rights. Globalisation is a process of increased density and frequency of international or global social interactions relative to local or national ones. This definition closely follows the definition of Chase-Dunn, Kawano and Brewer (2000: 78): ‘changes in the density of inter-national and global interactions relative to local or national networks’. A more fulsome, though similar, definition of globalisation is that used by Held et al (1999: 16) ‘A process (or set of processes) which embodies a transformation in the spatial organization of social relations and transactions – assessed in terms of their extensity, intensity, velocity and impact – generating transcontinental or interregional flows and networks of activity, interaction, and the exercise of power’. Held et al (1999) have a conceptualisation of globalisation with four dimensions that are analytically separable: the extent of networks of relations and connections; the intensity of activities and flows through these networks; a temporal dimension of the speed of the interchanges; and the impact of these phenomena. This way of defining globalisation is minimalist in the sense that it does not include the specific causal processes. This is helpful in that it avoids conflating the causation of globalisation with its definition and, additionally, allows for the possibility of more than one wave of globalisation with different causes (Chase-Dunn et al 2000 identify three waves). Others have identified and conflated globalisation variously with internationalisation, liberalisation, universalisation, Westernisation, supraterritoriality (Scholte, 2000), and Americanisation. In particular, ‘globalization’ has often been treated as if it were effectively the same as the expansion of capitalist markets (Crouch and Streeck, 1997). The conflation of globalisation and capitalism is unhelpful because it does not allow for the significance of social relations other than capitalist ones and, further, precludes analysis of the political actions that may be facilitated by the increased global inter-linkages that may be in opposition to the growth in power of global corporations. Globalisation also needs to be distinguished from universalism. The former is a specific social, economic and political process; the latter is an abstract, timeless, socially constructed principle. It is possible to assess the extent to which globalisation has occurred and the processes that have generated this, while universalism is an abstract principle that is seen to Department of Sociology at Lancaster University 4 stand outside of social location. This distinction is important in the analysis of the discourse of universal human rights. The practitioners of this discourse make appeals to an ostensibly timeless, universal set of principles as part of their claim for legitimacy and authority. This is different from the process of globalisation that is implicated in the construction of the institutional spaces that have facilitated the development of the discourse, such as, UN conferences and institutions. The set
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