Leftist Christians in Chile, 1957-1973

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Leftist Christians in Chile, 1957-1973 Blessing the Revolution: Leftist Christians in Chile, 1957-1973 A dissertation submitted by Luz María Díaz de Valdés in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Tufts University May 2018 Adviser: Peter Winn ABSTRACT This work analyzes the emergence and development of a leftist Christianity in Chile, concentrating in the experience of a clerical group called “Christians for Socialism” (Cristianos por el Socialismo, CpS). This analysis transcends Chilean frontiers, trying to understand the broader political radicalization the Catholic Church lived in the late 1960s. The Chilean experience, however, had its own originality: revolutionary priests emerged in the middle of Popular Unity project, a process of building socialism by democratic means in a Cold War context. From an experiential point of view, this work analyzes the emergence of Christians for Socialism highlighting the religious evolution that some churchmen and churchwomen experienced. This work understands Christians for Socialism as a final stage of a long-term religious evolution, that could be summarized in three elements: a new conception of a Catholic social change; a new phase for social ministry; and new meanings of poverty and the poor. This work also illuminates the comprehension of leftist Christianity as a global phenomenon. This is a history of a vast network of Catholic clerical agents that in a Cold War global context, laid the foundations for a deep social change in Latin America. This is a history of the convergence between Catholicism and the social sciences from the late Fifties on in Latin America, its underdevelopment and poverty. But also, this is a study of the personal dilemma that some pastoral agents experienced, mainly related to the way in which they understood their temporal and spiritual mission. This study understands the re- adaptation of the fields of religion and politics and, specifically, to a re-adaptation of the role i of priests in modern world. This study, finally, digs deep into the experience of some pastoral agents with the poor. These experiences, in some cases, triggered a new conception of their pastoral role, and finally of the temporal role of the Catholic Church as well. The subsequent temporal commitments, with some revolutionary projects or paths, responded to this internal process. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To Peter Winn, who wisely guided me through this long and many times lonely process. To Sol Serrano, who has been a constant source of advice and support since I was an undergraduate student. To my parents and grandparents who lovingly encouraged and accompanied me all these years. To my three little girls, Juana, Luz and Sofía, who were and are my source of love, strength and perseverance. Specially, to Juan Carlos, my life partner. This work is dedicated to them. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii INTRODUCTION 1 I. POLITICS, ECONOMY AND SOCIETY IN CHILE, 1932-1973 1. 1930 a 1960: Three decades of urban, industrial, and political development 23 2. Two paths: ¿reform or revolution? 26 3. The Chilean Road to Socialism 32 II. CATHOLICISM AND MODERNITY (XIXTH AND XXTH CENTURY) 1. Social Catholicism: origins and development 39 2. The Catholics’ Political Paths 42 3. The Second Vatican Council: The Church in the contemporary world 46 III. CATHOLICISM AND SOCIAL CHANGE 1. Apostles of development 49 2. A Church “embodied” in the poor 59 3. 1962: A Christian Revolution 71 IV. TIME OF CONTROVERSIES 1. Marxism on the horizon 84 2. New searches in the clergy 91 3. August 11, 1968: “For a Church with the people and their struggles” 96 iv V. TAKING COMMUNION WITH ALLENDE 1. April 16, 1971 110 2. “What is happening to you? … How come you have changed so much?” 122 3. A religious-political debate in Chilean civil society 132 VI. BEYOND CHILE 1. Comrade Fidel 142 2. The Christians for Socialism’s Latin American Meeting 151 3. The Cardinal’s annoyance 159 4. The onslaught against Christians for Socialism 168 VII. RADICALIZATION OF A POLITICO-RELIGIOUS CONFLICT 1. The two souls of the CpS 176 2. The time has come to fight 186 3. The end of CpS 200 EPILOGUE: NEW PATHS FOR LEFTIST CHRISTIANS 208 BIBLIOGRAPHY 216 v INTRODUCTION Film Ya no basta con rezar, 1972 1 It Is No Longer Enough To Pray Ya no basta con rezar (It Is No Longer Enough To Pray) was the title of a film made in 1971 by Chilean director Aldo Francia and presented at the Cannes Film Festival in May 1973. The poster for the film shows a priest – Father Jaime – dressed as a clergyman, displaying a cross on his lapel and holding a stone in his fist 2. That was the movie’s final scene. In the middle of a street protest, Father Jaime was seen facing the police and throwing a stone against the façade of Valparaiso’s Courthouse. It was for the priest a sign of his Christian commitment with the workers’ cause. The film showed Father Jaime’s personal journey, with his inner conflicts and misgivings and highlighted, as the Jesuit magazine Mensaje suggested, the reality of the so-called “new priests” and the controversy they ignited in the Catholic world 3. 1 In April of that same year (1971), a group of eighty priests gathered in the southern zone of Santiago, an area characterized by its urban poverty and where many of them lived and carried out their social ministry. Those eighty priests organized a day of reflection about what should be the role of Christians in the building of socialism that the government of the newly elected president of the Republic, Salvador Allende, had vowed to carry out. The statement handed to the press after the meeting, commonly known as the “Declaración de los 80” (“The Declaration of the 80”), was telling. “As Christians, we don’t see any incompatibility between Christianity and socialism. Quite the opposite […] socialism gives people hope by allowing individuals to be more whole and thus more religious […] We feel committed to this ongoing process and want to contribute to its success. The deep-seated reason for this engagement is our faith in Jesus Christ, which deepens, renews itself and takes shape according to historical circumstances. To be Christian is to be caring. To be caring now in Chile is to participate in the historical project drawn up by its people […] In this hour full of risks but also hope, it is appropriate for us, just like any other Christian, to humbly do our part”4. This declaration was issued in the midst of an extremely polarized social and political climate in Chile, in which different models of society were pitted against each other. The public shock around this declaration took enormous proportions, so much so that not even “the 80” themselves were able to foresee or by no means control it. “The 80’s Declaration” was published in the main newspapers in Chile and abroad, and unleashed a series of responses for and against by bishops, priests, theologians and laymen. First, the declaration worried the Chilean episcopate, considered, within the Latin American context, as one of the most advanced in terms of social concerns. To this was added the fact that, up to that moment, the Archbishop of Santiago, Cardinal Raúl Silva Henríquez, had maintained good relations with the elected president Salvador Allende and that the Episcopal Conference of Chile (CECH) had expressed its intention of maintaining political neutrality towards the government’s project of implementing socialism. In the same way, the “Declaration” of the 80 surprised the Catholic sectors deemed progressive in the social area and reformists in the political sphere, mainly associated with the Christian Democratic Party 5. Finally, the text aggravated and provoked the right-wing and conservative Catholic organizations, like the Chilean Society for the Defense of Tradition, Family and Property (TFP) –founded in 1963– which, from the beginning of the 1960s, had predicted the Catholic Church’s destruction at the hands of the Christian-Marxists and 2 the so-called “revolutionary priests” 6. The “Declaration of the 80” caused commotion and notoriety amid a complicated socio-political context in which the relationships between the Church and the government were of the utmost importance. This declaration thus came along and forced participants to clarify arguments and call for new politico-ideological definitions, in the process causing a profound crisis within the Chilean Catholic Church 7. Shortly afterwards, the original “80” decided to found a movement called “Christians for Socialism” (CpS), a small priestly group. The registered members numbered three hundred, but what is certain is that the most visible, active and militant group counted no more than about twenty priests 8. CpS was mainly made up of clerical representatives living in the marginal urban settlements of Santiago, Valparaíso, Concepción and Temuco. There were Chileans and foreigners as well. Many of the CpS had been advisors to the Catholic Action movements, mainly in the workplace and at university. The majority of the CpS had a rich intellectual and theological formation and some were in the vanguard of the social thinking of the time. They were known as the “expert priests”. Some of the CpS, a minority, was au fait with the Marxist theory, imbued with its literature and closely following the European Marxist-Christian discussions 9. The CpS were neither inspired by the Marxist-Leninist rhetoric, nor the Soviet totalitarian experience and, on the domestic front, were taking their distances from the traditional Chilean left-wing political parties, mainly the Communist and Socialist parties. A great many of them had only read some texts by the Chilean sociologist Marta Harnecker, disciple of Louis Althusser, who translated complex Marxist texts into an easy and didactic language 10 .
Recommended publications
  • CIDOC Guide V1.Pdf
    CIDOC Collection The History of Religiosity in Latin America ca. 1830-1970 on microfiches Advisor: Valentina Borremans, El Colegio de Mexico, with the assistance of Ivan Illich / — ^ This is an example of a microfiche. The heading of each fiche indicates clearly (without magnification) the title, volume number(s), and the page numbers on that fiche. Each fiche comes in a protective envelope. Cover illustration: Mano Poderosa, Norberto Cedeno (1966). Collection: I. Curbelo Photo ; I. Curbelo ( JAN 10 1997 ) N^S^OGICAl 'REF BR 600 .G5 1966 v.l CIDOG COLLECTION: History of religiosity in Latin Am. Inter Documentation Company AG Poststrasse 14 6300 Zug Switzerland Telephone 42-214974 Cable address INDOCO, Zug, Switzerland Telex 868819 ZUGAL Bankers Credit Suisse, 6301 Zug, Switzerland, postal checking account of the bank 80-5522; IDC’s account no. 209.646-11 IDC’s processing plant Hogewoerd 151-153, 2311 HK Leiden, The Netherlands CIDOC collection, ca. 1830-1970 Until now it has been impossible for the sociolo­ gist, the anthropologist, the historian of atti­ tudes, or the social psychologist to develop the study of religion in modern Latin America into a field of teaching and research. The documents relevant to the colonial period are, of course, preserved and often well edited. But the imprints of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that reflect local devotions and syncretist rituals,' religious iconography and poetry, and .the pastoral campaigns of the various churches and sects, went uncollected and unnoticed until the early 1960s, when Ivan Illich began to search for them and to collect them in the CIDOC Library of Cuernavaca.
    [Show full text]
  • Part V CONCLUSION
    Part V CONCLUSION 99781107029866c19_p397-416.indd781107029866c19_p397-416.indd 339797 110/9/20120/9/2012 111:24:041:24:04 PPMM 99781107029866c19_p397-416.indd781107029866c19_p397-416.indd 339898 110/9/20120/9/2012 111:24:041:24:04 PPMM 19 Paper Leviathans Historical Legacies and State Strength in Contemporary Latin America and Spain Miguel A. Centeno and Agustin E. Ferraro We began this volume proposing that the experiences of Spain and Latin America in the nineteenth century are relevant for those countries under- going the process of state building today. We noted that many of the same problems and challenges faced by contemporary states -in-the-making were common in the Iberian world: divided societies, improvised and often fl awed institutional designs, and public organizations with responsibilities far above their capacities. In order to explore the contradiction between performance expectations and organizational realities, we identifi ed four different forms or categories of state power : territorial, economic, infrastructural, and sym- bolic. Using these forms or categories of state power as an analytical scheme, we conclude the book with a summary of where our cases fi nd themselves 200 years after independence, and how the patterns therein provide clues about the relative importance of each form of power. By linking contempo- rary states to their precedents, we hope to suggest how historical legacies help determine present outcomes, and to explain the relative lack of success of state-building projects in Latin America and Spain during the nineteenth century. Looking at our cases, we fi rst need to consider the differences between Spain and Latin America.
    [Show full text]
  • La Vía Chilena Al Socialismo. 50 Años Después. Tomo I: Historia
    La vía chilena al socialismo 50 años después Tomo I. Historia Austin Henry, Robert. La vía chilena al socialismo: 50 años después / Robert Austin Henry; Joana Salém Vasconcelos; Viviana Canibilo Ramírez; compilado por Austin Henry, Robert; Joana Salém Vasconcelos; Viviana Canibilo Ramírez. - 1a ed. - Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires: CLACSO, 2020. Libro digital, PDF Archivo Digital: descarga ISBN 978-987-722-769-7 1. Historia. 2. Historia de Chile. I. Salém Vasconcelos, Joana. II. Canibilo Ramírez, Viviana. III. Título. CDD 983 La vía chilena al socialismo: 50 años después Vol. I / Kemy Oyarzún V. ... [et al.]; compilado por Robert Austin Henry; Joana Salém Vasconcelos; Viviana Canibilo Ramírez; prefacio de Faride Zerán; Marcelo Arredondo. - 1a ed. - Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires : CLACSO, 2020. Libro digital, PDF Archivo Digital: descarga ISBN 978-987-722-770-3 1. Historia. 2. Historia de Chile. I. Oyarzún V., Kemy. II. Austin Henry, Robert, comp. III. Salém Vasconcelos, Joa- na, comp. IV. Canibilo Ramírez, Viviana, comp. V. Zerán, Faride, pref. VI. Arredondo, Marcelo, pref. CDD 983 Diseño y diagramación: Eleonora Silva Arte de tapa: Villy La vía chilena al socialismo 50 años después Tomo I. Historia Robert Austin Henry, Joana Salém Vasconcelos y Viviana Canibilo Ramírez (compilación) CLACSO Secretaría Ejecutiva Karina Batthyány - Secretaria Ejecutiva Nicolás Arata - Director de Formación y Producción Editorial Equipo Editorial María Fernanda Pampín - Directora Adjunta de Publicaciones Lucas Sablich - Coordinador Editorial María Leguizamón - Gestión Editorial Nicolás Sticotti - Fondo Editorial LIBRERÍA LATINOAMERICANA Y CARIBEÑA DE CIENCIAS SOCIALES CONOCIMIENTO ABIERTO, CONOCIMIENTO LIBRE Los libros de CLACSO pueden descargarse libremente en formato digital o adquirirse en versión impresa desde cualquier lugar del mundo ingresando a www.clacso.org.ar/libreria-latinoamericana VolveremosLa vía chilena y seremos al socialismo.
    [Show full text]
  • Box1 Folder 45 2.Pdf
    e~'~/ .#'~; /%4 ~~ ~/-cu- 0 ~/tJD /~/~/~ :l,tJ-O ~~ bO:cJV " " . INTERNA TIONA L Although more Japanese women a.re working out.ide the home than ever belore, a recent lurvey trom that country lndicateB that they a re not likely to get very high on the eorpotate la.dder. The survey, carried out by a women-, magazlne, polled 500 Japanese corpora.tions on the qualltles they look tor when seekl.l'1! a temale staff member. I Accordlng to lhe KyGdo News Service.! 95'0 of the eompanlel said they look fop female workers who are cheerful and obedLent; 9Z% sou.,ht cooperative women; and 85% wanted temale employees wllllng to take respoDs!bllity. Moat firms indtcated that they seek women worker, willLng to perform tasks such as copying and making tea. CFS National Office 3540 14th Street Detroit, Michigan 48208 (31 3) 833-3987 Christians For Socialism in the u.S. Formerl y known as American Christians Toward Socialism (A CTS), CFS in the US " part of the international movement of Christians for Socialism. INTERN..A TIONA L December 10 i. Human Rightl Day aroUnd the world. But Ln Talwan, the arrests in recent yeaI'I of feminists, IdDIibt clvll rlghts advocate., lntellec.uals, and re11gious leaders only symbolize the lack of human rlghts. I Two years ago on Dec. 10 In Taiwan, a human rights day rally exploded 1nto violence ~nd more than ZOO people were arrested. E1ght of them, including two lemlnl.t leaders. were tried by milltary tribunal for "secUtlon, it convicted and received sentences of from 1Z years to Ufe.
    [Show full text]
  • Neoliberal Modernity Crisis in Latin America at the Twenty-First Century: Social Cleavages, National Challenges and Hemispheric Revisionism
    Neoliberal Modernity Crisis in Latin America at the Twenty-First Century: Social Cleavages, National Challenges and Hemispheric Revisionism by Gustavo Adolfo Morales Vega A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2015 Gustavo Adolfo Morales Vega To my wife Catalina and our son Gabriel who often remind me that our representations of the world are also tied to deep feelings and emotions. ii Abstract This dissertation is concerned with the way the crisis of the neoliberal modernity project applied in Latin America during the 80s and 90s affected the political order of the hemisphere at the beginning of the twenty-first century. This work’s main argument is that the responses to the social cleavages produced by the global hegemonic pretension of neoliberalism have, on one hand, produced governments in the region driven internally by different and opposed places of enunciation, practices, ideas, and rationalities. On the other hand, these responses have generated locked international communities in the continent between “blocs” moved by different collective meanings. What Latin America is currently living through is not a process of transition resulting from the accomplishment of a new hemispheric consensus but a moment of uncertainty, a consequence of the profound crisis of legitimacy left by the increased weakness of neoliberal collective meanings. It is precisely the dispute about the “correct” collective judgement to organize the American space that moves the international stage in an apparently contradictory dynamic of regional integration and confrontation.
    [Show full text]
  • Representaciones De Candidatas Parlamentarias En Nuevos Medios De Comunicación Representações De Candidatas Parlamentárias Nos Novos Meios De Comunicação
    CUADERNOS.INFO Nº 39 ISSN 0719-3661 Versión electrónica: ISSN 0719-367x http://www.cuadernos.info doi: 10.7764/cdi.39.784 Received: 05-12-2015 / Accepted: 11-03-2016 Representations of women parliamentary candidates in new media1 Representaciones de candidatas parlamentarias en nuevos medios de comunicación Representações de candidatas parlamentárias nos novos meios de comunicação ANDREA BAEZA REYES, Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile ([email protected]) SILVIA LAMADRID ÁLVAREZ, Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile ([email protected]) ABSTRACT RESUMEN RESUMO This paper investigates the social Este artículo indaga en las representaciones Este artigo pesquisa nas representações representations built by parliamentary sociales construidas por candidatas sociais construídas por candidatas à female candidates during the 2013 parlamentarias durante su campaña Câmara e ao Senado durante a campanha electoral campaign in Chile. Considering electoral de 2013 en Chile. Considerando eleitoral de 2013, no Chile. Considerando the low female political representation la baja representación política femenina a baixa representação política feminina and the role of new media for mediated y el rol de los nuevos medios en la política e o papel dos novos meios na política politics, we revised the Twitter accounts mediatizada, se revisaron las cuentas de midiatizada, foram analizadas as contas of women aspiring to the National Twitter de mujeres aspirantes al Congreso de Twitter das mulheres candidatas ao Congress for the period 2014-2018. Nacional
    [Show full text]
  • UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Protest or Politics? Varieties of Teacher Representation in Latin America Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4rc371rp Author Chambers-Ju, Christopher Publication Date 2017 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Protest or Politics? Varieties of Teacher Representation in Latin America By Christopher Chambers-Ju A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah Levy, Co-Chair Professor Ruth Berins Collier, Co-Chair Professor David Collier Professor Laura Stoker Professor Kim Voss Summer 2017 Abstract Protest or Politics? Varieties of Teacher Representation in Latin America by Christopher Chambers-Ju Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah Levy, Co-Chair Professor Ruth Berins Collier, Co-Chair Scholars of Latin American politics have made contrasting predictions about the prospects for contemporary group-based interest representation. Some argue that democratization creates an opportunity for societal groups to intensify their participation in politics. The expansion of political rights, alongside free and fair elections, creates space for all major groups to take part in politics, crucially those excluded under authoritarian rule. Other scholars, by contrast, maintain that neoliberal economic reforms fragment and demobilize major groups. Changes in the economic model, they suggest, have severe consequences for labor organizations, which now have a limited political repertoire. My research challenges both of these claims, showing how the consequences of democracy and neoliberalism, rather than being uniform, have been uneven.
    [Show full text]
  • Corporación De Ayuda Al Niño Quemado
    CORPORACIÓN DE AYUDA AL NIÑO QUEMADO COANIQUEM MEMORIA 2018 2 INDICE I Antecedentes de la Corporación de Ayuda al Niño Quemado Pag. 4 II Centro de Rehabilitación del Niño Quemado de Santiago Pag.14 III Centro de Rehabilitación del Niño Quemado de Antofagasta Pag.23 IV Centro de Rehabilitación del Niño Quemado de Puerto Montt Pag.25 V Casabierta Pag.27 VI Gerencia General Pag.40 VII Dirección de Extensión, Docencia e Investigación Pag.42 VIII Fiscalía Pag.54 IX Comité de Ética Científica (CEC) Pag.55 X Comité de Ética Asistencial (CEA) Pag.56 XI Santuario de Cristo Flagelado y Confraternidad Pag.57 XII Instituciones Relacionadas Pag.64 XIII Presidencia Pag.68 Anexos Pag.72 3 C A P I T U L O I ANTECEDENTES DE LA CORPORACIÓN DE AYUDA AL NIÑO QUEMADO COANIQUEM La Corporación de Ayuda al Niño Quemado es una Institución de beneficencia sin fines de lucro, creada el 19 de abril de 1979 y dotada de personalidad jurídica por Decreto Supremo Nº 856 de 1980, del Ministerio de Justicia; sus actividades las desarrolla en forma totalmente gratuita para sus beneficiarios. Su finalidad puede extraerse del Artículo Segundo de sus estatutos que dice: "la Corporación mencionada tiene por objeto principal: proporcionar ayuda material, médica, psicológica, educacional y espiritual a niños y adolescentes de escasos recursos económicos que sufran lesiones de quemaduras o de otras patologías similares. Para el cumplimiento de dicho objetivo principal la Corporación podrá: 1) Realizar programas de acción social y educacional en todos sus niveles y modalidades en beneficio de niños y adolescentes que sufrieren quemaduras u otras patologías similares.
    [Show full text]
  • In the Liberation Struggle
    11 Latin Rmerican Christians inthe Liberation Struggle Since the Latin American Catholic Bishops the People's United Front. When this failed, due met in Medellin, Colombia in August and September to fragmentation and mistrust on the left and the 1968 to call for basic changes in the region, the repression exercised by the government, he joined Catholic Church has been increasingly polarized the National Liberation Army in the mountains. between those who heard their words from the He soon fell in a skirmish with government troops point of view of the suffering majorities and advised by U.S. counterinsurgency experts. those who heard them from the point of view of Camilo's option for violence has clearly affected the vested interests. The former found in the the attitudes of Latin American Christians, but Medellin documents, as in certain documents of so also has his attempt to build a United Front, the Second Vatican Council and the social ency- as we shall see in the Dominican piece which fol- clicals of Popes Paul VI and John XXIII, the lows. But more importantly, Camilo lent the fire legitimation of their struggles for justice and of committed love to the Christian forces for their condemnations of exploitation and struc- change around the continent. To Camilo it had tures of domination. The Latin American Bishops become apparent that the central meaning of his had hoped that their call published in Medellin Catholic commitment would only be found in the would be enough, all too hastily retreating from love of his neighbor. And he saw still more their public declarations when their implications clearly that love which does not find effective became apparent.
    [Show full text]
  • Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
    Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Argentina Date of Election: October 25, 2015 Prepared by: Noam Lupu, Carlos Gervasoni, Virginia Oliveros, and Luis Schiumerini Date of Preparation: December 2016 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative [X] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [ ] Lower House [X] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Frente para la Victoria, FPV (Front for Victory)1 2b.
    [Show full text]
  • Internal Wars and Latin American Nationalism
    Internal Wars and Latin American Nationalism By Miguel Angel Centeno, Jose Miguel Cruz, Rene Flores, and Gustavo Silva Cano During several months in 2010, a very peculiar story dominated global news, culminating in 24-hour coverage October 12th-14th. Trapped for several months and at one point presumed dead, 33 Chilean miners were rescued on global TV. The narrative arc of the rescue was a typical media spectacle of fortitude, technological know-how, and human dignity, topped off by incredible success. From the beginning, the Chilean story took on a nationalistic air. When the miners were discovered alive, their first spoken message to the world was the Chilean national anthem sung in unison. From that day onward, there were scantly few images of the site and the rescue process that did not include a Chilean flag. For audiences in many parts of the world, the conjunction of tragedy, triumph, and jingoistic celebration would appear perfectly normal, and very much in line with similar events such as 9/11and 7/7. What could be more typical than an expression of national solidarity in the face of a common threat? Yet for many Latin American observers, the Chilean response seemed somewhat odd. In fact, in country after country in the region, common threats do not soothe internal divisions, but actually seem to deepen them. One could have imagined many other political narratives in the region accompanying the original accident and subsequent rescue focusing on class divisions, regional complaints, or ethnic claims; to stand with the miners as workers is one thing, to stand with them as co-nationals is another.
    [Show full text]
  • Building Parties on the Ground: Explaining Grassroots Party Activism in Buenos Aires
    01/08/2019 – please do not cite without permission from author - [email protected] Building parties on the ground: Explaining grassroots party activism in Buenos Aires Dr Sam Halvorsen (Queen Mary University of London) Abstract What can explain the ongoing persistence of grassroots party activism? Despite multiple studies demonstrating the decline in “party on the ground” organisation, recent literature indicates grassroots activism remains alive in both theory and practice. This paper examines a new Argentine political party, Nuevo Encuentro, which, in a short period of time, built a large grassroots organisation of local branches and activists, and argues that the role of territory is a key explanatory factor. Based on a qualitative analysis of Nuevo Encuentro in Buenos Aires it demonstrates that a territorial organisation strategy helped the party: accumulate already mobilised activists; sustain and further motivate activists through a local branch structure; and recruit new members via linkages with urban communities. In so doing the paper extends literature on party-building and high-intensity activism and also contributes to the dismantling of methodological state-centrism in party scholarship by highlighting the significance of local organisational strategies. Keywords Party organisation; activism; territory; local branches; Argentina Introduction What can explain the ongoing persistence of grassroots party activism in the 21st century? For nearly three decades political party scholars have cited evidence for the decline in what Katz and Mair (1993) term the “party on the ground”, consisting of grassroots activists and supporters who have traditionally operated through local organisational structures (Dalton and Wattenberg, 2000; Scarrow et al, 2017; Whiteley, 2010).
    [Show full text]