ARRABAI, ALI M., Ph.D., December 2019 Modern and Classical Language Studies
THE FRANKLIN BOOKS PROGRAM: TRANSLATION AND IMAGE-BUILDING IN
THE COLD WAR (334 PP.)
Dissertation Advisor: Brian James Baer
Image construction in translation has recently attracted the interest of scholars in
Translation Studies (Doorslaer, Flynn & Leerssen 2016). Much of the discussion, however, has been on the target culture’s construction of the image of the Other. Rarely discussed is the construction and projection of self-images (auto images) through translation. The
Cold War was perhaps the single most important period in contemporary history in which this self-image construction manifested itself. Both the United States and the Soviet
Union initiated massive translation programs in the developing world to boost their images and reputations, often referred to as “soft diplomacy.” The goal was to present themselves as the exemplary models for modernity and in the process “win the hearts and minds” of the newly independent nations of the developing world. The non- governmental Franklin Books Program (1952–1979) marks one important and highly visible attempt to increase the political and cultural cachet of the US in the Arab World during this period. The books chosen for translation appear to propagate and reinforce the self-proclaimed image of the US as a “shining city on a hill,” as well as, on a more profound level, a developmental model of history. The Franklin Books Program operated at a time when the US information and cultural agencies in the region were actively seeking to discredit and dismiss the USSR as the antithesis of modernity, liberty and progress. By drawing mainly on notions of image construction, this dissertation examines whether and—if so—how FBP participated in this image-building campaign. The dissertation relies primarily on two sets of archival paratextual material: 1) FBP’s archival records, and 2) the prefaces, introductions to and covers of the translated titles themselves. The former sheds light on FBP’s selection process as well as on how those in charge viewed the program’s mission. The latter illuminates whether and—if so, how— these materials emphasized notions of American exceptionalism, built on a developmental model of history. In both cases, the dissertation aims to uncover traces of any alignment with US foreign policy and image-building objectives in the region.
Keywords: image-building, image construction, auto-images, hetero-images, soft cultural diplomacy, Cold War, mediator
THE FRANKLIN BOOKS PROGRAM:
TRANSLATION AND IMAGE-BUILDING
IN THE COLD WAR
A Dissertation Submitted to Kent State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
By
Ali M. Arrabai
December 2019
© Copyright
All rights reserved
Except for previously published materials
Dissertation written by
Ali M. Arrabai
B.A., King Saud University, Saudi Arabia, 2007
M.A., Indiana State University, United States, 2011
Ph.D., Kent State University, United States, 2019
Approved by
Brian James Baer , Advisor, Doctoral Dissertation Committee
Judy Wakabayashi , Members, Doctoral Dissertation Committee
Richard Kelly Washbourne ,
Andrew Barnes ,
Babacar M’Baye ,
Accepted by
Keiran Dunne , Chair, Department of Modern and Classical Language Studies
James L. Blank , Dean, College of Arts and Science TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS v
LIST OF FIGURES xii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xiii
DEDICATION xv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xvi
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1
Overview 1
1.1 Background 2
1.2 Research Problem and Questions 4
1.3 Significance 6
1.4 Conceptual Framework 10
1.5 Organization of the Dissertation 17
Summary 18
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 19
Overview 19
2.1 Imagology 19
2.1.1 Historical development of imagology 21
2.1.2 Review of main and related concepts 25
2.1.2.1 Main concepts: auto-image, hetero-image, counter-image and meta-image 25
2.1.2.2 Related concepts: center, periphery, identity, mediator 27
2.1.2.2.1 Binarisms 27
2.1.2.2.2 Mediator 29
2.1.2.2.3 Frames, triggers, latency 30
v 2.1.3 Theoretical and Methodological Foundations 31
2.1.3.1 Theory 31
2.1.3.1.1 Mobility of images 32
2.1.3.1.2 Valorizations of ethnotypes 32
2.1.3.2 Methodology 33
2.2 Interconnecting Imagology and Translation Studies 34
2.2.1 Translation and ideological constructions of image: early studies 36
2.2.2 Translation and ideological constructions of image: recent studies 42
Summary 46
CHAPTER 3: IMAGES OF THE US IN THE ARAB WORLD 47
Overview 47
3.1 Images 49
3.1.1 Early American auto-images 49
3.1.1.1 Empire for liberty 50
3.1.1.2 Early foreign policy 51
3.1.1.3 Early domestic policy 53
3.1.1.4 Rise of the American State 54
3.1.1.5 WWI and the Wilson Doctrine 57
3.1.2 American hetero-images of the Arab region 59
3.1.2.1 The Inquiry: orientalism and images of the Near East 59
3.1.3 Arab hetero-images of America 63
3.2 Official US Cultural Agencies and International Image-building 75
3.2.1 Historical background 75
3.2.2 Wartime Information Agencies 77
vi 3.2.2.1 Office of the Coordinator of Information (OCI) 77
3.2.2.1.1 OCI’s Office of Strategic Services in Cairo 78
3.2.3 Cold War Information Agencies 80
3.2.3.1 The United States Information Agency (USIA) 81
3.2.3.1.1 USIA in the Middle East 83
3.2.3.2 Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) 85
3.2.3.2.1 The CCF’s Magazines 87
3.2.3.2.1.1 Hiwar (Arab World) 89
3.2.3.2.2 The CCF and the consecration of the writer 92
3.3 Private Agencies: Cultural Mediators 94
3.3.1 Educational institutions: AUB and AUC 94
3.3.1.1 Exporting American culture 95
3.3.1.2 American universities and Palestine 97
3.3.1.3 Looking to the West: fighting communism through aid programs 99
3.3.1.4 American universities and US foreign policy 101
3.3.2 Foundations 102
3.3.2.1 The Ford Foundation 103
3.3.2.2 The Rockefeller Foundation 104
3.4 Modernizing the Middle East 106
3.4.1 The social sciences: reinforcing Orientalist images 110
3.4.1.1 Bureau of Applied Social Research (BASR) 111
3.4.2 Modernization and stability 113
3.4.3 Modernization and a transitioning Middle East 114
Summary 115
vii CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY 116
Overview 116
4.1 Research Questions 116
4.2 Theoretical Foundation of Research 118
4.2.1 Imagological theory: auto-image, hetero-image, mediator 118
4.2.2 Translation as rewriting: patronage, poetics, seduction and metonymics 120
4.3 Research Design 123
4.3.1 Analytical framework 123
4.3.2 Qualitative and quantitative approaches 125
4.4 Research Procedure 126
4.5 Research Data Collection 127
4.5.1 Set 1: Princeton University 128
4.5.2 Set 2: Library of Congress 129
4.6 Research Data Analysis 131
4.7 Approach to Paratextual Materials 132
Summary 133
CHAPTER 5: RESULTS 135
Overview 135
5.1 FBP: Background 136
5.1.1 Establishment 136
5.1.2 Published literature on FBP 137
5.1.2.1 Articles by FBP officials (Smith: 1956, 1963, 1983; and Benjamin: 1984) 138
5.1.2.2 Scholarly articles (2007, 2010) 141
5.2 Set I (Epitexts): Franklin Archival Records 143
viii 5.2.1 FBP and the US Government 143
5.2.2 FBP and US Foreign Policy 144
5.2.2.1 Cold War: Communism, Neutralism, Nasserism, Pan-Arabism, Israel 148
5.2.2.2 Development and Modernization 150
5.2.3 FBP and the Private Sector 153
5.2.4 FBP and Title Selection 155
5.2.5 FBP and Local Participation 158
5.2.5.1 Maintaining Contacts 159
5.2.5.2 How Franklin viewed contacts 161
5.2.5.3 Supporters’ Views of Franklin 166
5.2.6 Anti-Franklin Attacks 171
5.2.6.1 Leftist attacks 172
5.2.6.2 Communist attacks 173
5.2.6.3 Neutralist attacks 174
5.2.6.4 Right-wing attacks 176
5.3 Set II: FBP Books, Translators and Reviewers 177
5.3.1 Categories 182
5.3.2 Peritexts: Introductions, Prefaces, Forewords 184
5.3.2.1 Literature (C, D, F/JL) 186
5.3.2.1.1 Criticism and Essays (C) 186
5.3.2.1.2 Drama (D) 193
5.3.2.1.3 Fiction (F) 194
5.3.2.2 Biography and Autobiography (B & JB) 197
5.3.2.3 Philosophy (PH) 201
ix 5.3.2.5 American Civilization (AC) 213
5.3.2.6 Psychology (PY, JP & FH) 214
5.3.2.7 History and Juvenile History (H & JH) 215
5.3.2.8 Economics and Development (E) 222
5.3.2.9 Education (ED) 226
5.3.2.10 Religion (R) 228
5.3.2.11 Social Studies (S) 230
5.3.2.12 Science (GS & JS) 233
5.3.2.13 Art and Architecture (A) 234
5.3.2.14 Mathematics (M) 236
5.3.2.15 Reference and General Information (RF) 237
5.3.2.16 Agriculture (AG) 238
5.3.2.17 Juvenile General (JG) 239
5.3.2.18 Poetry (P) 239
5.3.2.19 Unclassified titles 240
5.4 Franklin’s contributors 241
Summary 252
CHAPTER 6: DISCUSSIONS AND CONCLUSIONS 255
Overview 255
6.1 Translating images: auto-images and hetero-images 256
6.2 Partial images 258
6.3 Translation as a modernizing tool 260
6.4 Mediators 263
6.5 Modernist Agendas 266
x 6.6 Symbolism and Analogy 268
6.9 Conclusions 273
REFERENCES 275
APPENDICES 296
Appendix 1: Table of Analyzed Peritexts 296
Appendix 2: Table of Total Number of Peritexts Obtained in Each Category 316
Appendix 3: List of Arab Contributors 317
Appendix 4: Sample Page of a table containing all FBP’s Arabic titles 319
Appendix 5: Selected Samples of FBP’s Archival Records 320
Appendix 6: Sample of The LOC’s Arabic Title List (1) 321
Appendix 7: Sample of The LOC’s Arabic Title List (2) 322
xi LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 ...... 161
Figure 2 percentages of translated titles for each language ...... 178
Figure 3: Sample front covers ...... 180
Figure 4: Sample illustrations ...... 181
Figure 5: Numbers and percentages of Franklin translated titles in each category ...... 182
Figure 6: Sample back covers ...... 185
xii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ACVA Advisory Committee on Voluntary Foreign Aid
AID Agency for International Development
ALAD The Arid Lands Agriculture Development Program
AUB American University of Beirut
AUC American University of Cairo
BASR The Bureau for Applied Social Research
CCF The Congress for Cultural Freedom
CPI The Committee on Public Information
FBP Franklin Books Program
ICS Information Center Service
IIA International Information Administration
LOC The US Library of Congress
NECA The Near East College Association
NESA The Near East & South Asia Division
NSF The National Science Foundation
OCDEV Organization for the Construction & Development of the Egyptian
Village
OCI The Office of the Coordinator of Information
OSS The Office of Strategic Services
OWI The Office of War Information
xiii PL480 Public Law 480 (Peace for Food Program)
PSB The Psychological Strategy Board
USAID United States Agency for International Development
USIA United States Information Agency
USIS United States Information Service
VOA The Voice of America
xiv DEDICATION
To the memory of my sister, Nasila!
xv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Embarking on this Ph.D. has been a truly transformative experience. It would not have been achievable without the infinite love, support, and blessings of my beloved parents,
Sherifa and Muhammad, my siblings, my wonderful wife Tahani, and my two kids and the noor of my eyes Muhammad and Sulaf.
My deepest gratitude goes to my dissertation advisor, Dr. Brian James Baer, for his constant guidance, support and encouragement throughout this undertaking. I also gratefully acknowledge the counsel and recommendations of the examining committee members. A very big thank you goes to Dr. Judy Wakabayashi for her superb and insightful feedback and commentary.
I am also indebted to my former professors Dr. Saad al-Hashash, Dr. Leslie Barratt, and Dr. Betty Steedley Phillips, whose generous help and support I continue to appreciate. I also cherish the memory of my first-grade teacher, Muhammad Nouri al-
Said, whose devotion, commitment, and kindness ignited in me a passion for learning and left an indelible mark on my early formative years.
I am deeply grateful to my friends both in Saudi Arabia and the United States.
Thank you all for the unforgettable memories, for being by my side all along and for making this journey all the more interesting and enjoyable.
Finally, many thanks go to the archivists and librarians at the Princeton University
Library and the Library of Congress who extended me much needed help and assistance during the data collection phase. Special thanks to Balqis and Eric Frazier for answering my many emails, inquiries and requests.
xvi
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Overview
This dissertation explores the link between image construction and Cold War US translation programs in the Arab world, as exemplified by the Franklin Books Program
(FBP/Franklin; 1952–1979). Specifically, it employs concepts adapted from Imagology
Studies and Translation Studies to investigate the mediating role FBP played in seeking to enhance the US image in the region, as part of a global US soft diplomacy campaign, through selection of titles and local contributors, on the one hand, and implementation of developmental projects, on the other.
Although this dissertation touches, in some ways, on the local reception of
Franklin’s works, the success—or lack thereof—of the program is not a main focus of the current study. An in-depth assessment of the reception of Franklin’s Arabic translations would require expanding the scope of the study to include, not only the few with or against reviews in the Arab press, but also the target readers, book reviews as well as reactions in specialized journals and magazines.
This chapter starts with a brief background, followed by a detailed description of the research problem and research questions. The significance and theoretical foundation of the dissertation are introduced and illustrated in the following sections. The organization of the dissertation and a summary of the chapter are presented in the final two sections.
1 1.1 Background
Coupled with the perception that it was an extension of the former colonial powers following the Versailles Treaty of 1919—in which the US supported the creation of a mandate system in the Middle East—America’s sponsorship of the creation of the state of Israel in 1948 dealt a blow to its image and reputation as an unbiased and neutral mediator in the region. This rise in anti-Americanism was exacerbated by intensive propaganda campaigns by both the Soviets and Arab nationalist movements (Khalil
2016). One year prior to the establishment of Franklin, the Eisenhower administration created the United States Information Agency (USIA) with the explicit mission of explaining the US to the world (Cull 2008). Well-funded, the new agency ran a massive informational campaign to counter Soviet propaganda worldwide, including the Middle
East.
To boost America’s standing and reputation internationally, the USIA deployed a huge arsenal of tactics that ranged from news broadcasts and films to the distribution of pamphlets and translations. The USIA’s output for the Arab World was part and parcel of larger US international image-building and “soft diplomacy” campaigns. It was mainly prompted by the desire to “combat America’s image as the sponsor of Israel,” on the one hand, and to counter Soviet propaganda, on the other (ibid). While its Voice of America
(VOA) stepped up its Arabic news feed, its translation program produced and distributed a collection of “politically helpful” books (ibid). The literature points to a cordial working relationship between the USIA and FBP. It also reveals that Franklin, despite its claims of
2 being privately funded, did indeed receive funds from the USIA while operating in the region (Robbins 2007).
Incorporated in New York in 1952, this non-profit “private” organization initiated a massive translation program that mainly targeted developing countries. The explicit goal of the organization as expressed by its founders was to help the struggling and newly independent nations of the developing world acquire modern skills in fields such as education, book publishing, agriculture, administration, science, and technology
(Benjamin 1984; Smith 1963; Robbins 2007). These objectives align Franklin with notions of liberal developmentalist thinking prevalent at the time and advocated by the US government (Rubin 2012 & Ekbladh 2010). Although its theater of operations spanned most of the developing world, the 1287 Arabic translations produced (out of a total of
3,451 books divided among a dozen different languages) point to a marked emphasis on
Arabic-speaking countries. Born at a time when the United States and the Soviet Union were intensely vying for dominance in the region, it is hard to dismiss Franklin as an entirely disinterested enterprise, despite the repeated assertions of its patrons.
As will be shown in detail in Chapter Five, FBP was the private face of the US State
Department-affiliated USIA, which—via its Information Center Service (ICS)—secretly oversaw and financed most of the organization’s cultural and developmental operations in the developing world. Moreover, according to one senior FBP administrator, Franklin was founded by the US International Information Administration (IIA), a predecessor of the USIA (Benjamin 1984:24). FBP maintained a contractual relationship with the USIA and received binding instructions throughout its 28 years of operating in the Arab region.
3 Among the overall USIA objectives shared (and implemented) by Franklin were enhancing the US image in the region, fighting communism and implementing development projects.
1.2 Research Problem and Questions
The intersection of translation and image construction in the developing world has mostly been looked at through a postcolonial lens. Developing out of the cultural turn in
Translation Studies (TS), postcolonial theories such as those introduced by Gayatri
Spivak (1993/2004) and Tejaswini Niranjana (1992) have mainly focused on misrepresentations of less dominant cultures by more dominant ones as a result of what they termed “asymmetrical power relations” between the two. The thrust of their arguments revolves around the notion that translation has played a critical role between colonized and colonizer, whether in the (de)colonization process or in constructing a certain image of the colonized. Central to the construction of the image of the Other was translation understood as a rewriting process (Lefevere 1992), involving a great deal of textual manipulation and subversion to fit the dominant poetics of the receiving culture.
In her Disarming Words: Empire and the Seductions of Translation in Egypt, Shaden Tageldin
(2011) departs from the postcolonialist notion of perceived colonized passivity. Citing the
French and British occupations of Egypt, she explains how the two imperial powers employed “self-translation[s]” into Arabic to seduce “Egyptian Muslims into desiring” the West. This was premised on a delusory “equivalence” or “likeness” between the colonized and the colonizer which led the former to “attach themselves psychologically to European empire.” This “appearance of intimacy” would later underpin the
4 Egyptians’ adaptations of European literature as well as their embrace of French and
English in their attempts to “fill the imagined literary and philosophical lacks that had left their world lagging behind the European and had enabled Europe to dominate them”
(Tageldin 14–15).
Tageldin’s notion of translation as “loving” and “seductive” is closely linked to the concept of image-building (of the self) as viewed in Imagology Studies. Imagology is defined as that “specialism within Comparative Literature that […] studies representations of national characters” (Doorslaer 1). Auto-images and hetero-images, as two central concepts in Imagology Studies, are particularly helpful in studying the intersection of translation and image-building in the Cold War context. The former are those images that are based on a nation’s own perception of its culture, identity, traditions, etc., thus the appellation: the self-image or the auto-image. Hetero-images, on the other hand, are those images that “characterize the Other” (Leerssen 27). While the self-image is usually positive and is geared toward the maintenance of selfhood, the hetero-image is not always so. Hetero-images can be “characterizations and attributes
[that lie] outside the area of testable report[s] or statements of fact” or what imagologists term imagined discourse (Leerssen 27). Depending on the genre conventions, the textual deployment of a given image or national characterization can serve a variety of ends, including the merely descriptive and narrative or the ironical and propagandistic
(Leerssen 28).
Therefore, it can be argued that the notion of promoting and constructing one’s image through translation is particularly relevant to the Cold War context and thus
5 presents an interesting aspect of the role translation plays in ideological conflicts. While much has been written about the representation of the Arab world, mainly by tracing textual evidence of Othering or hetero-image construction, which involved a great deal of stereotyping and textual manipulation, the interplay between translation and self- image building in general and during the Cold War in particular is still understudied.
Imagology contributes not only to our understanding of how auto-images are constructed through translation, but also to our understanding of the role of translation in Cold War cultural policy and soft diplomacy, both generally and specifically in the
Arab World. Unlike other mediums of Cold War cultural projection such as the visual and performing arts, translation—despite its central role—has received relatively little attention. What makes it even more interesting is the assumption by the dominant culture of the roles of initiator, executor, and distributer, thus taking total control of the translation process in all. The Franklin Books Program is a case in point.
With that in mind, this paper aims to answer the following questions:
1. How did the Franklin Books Program seek to contribute to US auto-image-
building in the Arab World in terms of the works selected for translation, the
paratextual materials accompanying the translations, and the cultivation of
translators?
2. How does this contribute to our understanding of “soft” cultural diplomacy in
the Cold War period and of the specific role of translation?
1.3 Significance
6 Historians have recognized the importance of image projection as an essential part of
Cold War politics in places like Europe—particularly, Germany and Eastern Europe— where, following World War Two, the early cultural battles between the United States and its rival the USSR took place (Saunders 2013; Rubin 2012; Ekbladh 2010). Although image construction through translation was at the core of the ideological struggle between capitalism and communism, it has rarely featured in the historical analysis of the period.
The majority of sources on the period that I consulted focus primarily on cultural exchanges, especially in the fields of the visual and performing arts. These are well documented in works such as David Caute’s The Dancer Defects: The Struggle for Cultural
Supremacy During the Cold War (2008), Frances S. Saunders’ The Cultural Cold War: the CIA and the World of Arts and Letters (2013) and most recently John J. Curley’s Global Art and the Cold War (2019). Although they do not address translation in any systematic way, the emphasis on the deployment of fine arts (e.g., American Abstract Expressionism vs.
Soviet Social Realism) by the US and the USSR has brought attention to the role of soft diplomacy in the Cold War. Since most of the available literature on the subject has been carried out by researchers hailing from fields other than Translation Studies, the scarcity of studies dealing with translation’s specific role in image-building during the Cold War period is understandable.
A notable exception is Andrew Rubin’s work Archives of Authority: Empire, Culture and the Cold War (2012), in which he acknowledges the role of translation during the Cold
War. He, however, takes up translation in the post-WWII and early Cold War periods
7 within a broader discussion of the changing conditions of cultural processes that came with the “transfer of imperial authority from Britain to the United States” (34). According to him, the passage of power from Europe to the US was also accompanied by a parallel transfer of cultural power. The latter resulted in a total reconfiguration of cultural relationships with “vast consequences for the position of the writer in society, the conditions of humanistic practice, the ideology of world literature, and the relationship between writers and the rising dominance of new and efficient modes of mass transmission” (17). Rubin argues that the repetitious publication of certain writers in the developing world alongside acclaimed world writers led to the consecration of these writers at the expense of others, as exemplified by the covertly CIA-administered advocacy group Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF).1 These unlikely juxtapositions were an established translational practice of CCF-affiliated international magazines, including the Arabic-speaking, Beirut-based Hiwar [Dialog]. Although Rubin touches on image formation as part of these cultural platforms (i.e., controlling what could and could not be said about the US), he seems more concerned with highlighting the impact of Cold
War cultural politics on shaping and influencing the writers’ worldviews. One of the outcomes, according to Rubin, is the emergence of a globalized world literature accessible only to a select few of writers, whose recognized status as world literary figures was a direct consequence of post-WWII ideological polarization.2
1 According to both Saunders (2013) and Rubin (2012), the CIA founded the CCF. The CIA-affiliated Office of Special Projects (OSP) oversaw the group’s cultural activities. 2 More on Rubin’s contribution in Chapter Three, Section 3.2.3.2.
8 This dissertation, by contrast, highlights translation’s role in image construction as a central part of US programs—cultural and economic alike—in the Arab world during the
Cold War. By fully investigating FBP, this dissertation offers new perspectives on the image-enhancing role played by US private publishers in the Arab region. It also contributes to the literature on translation in the Arab world where works on image and representation mostly center on instances of misrepresentation of the region by more dominant cultures, mainly the West. Studies by researchers such as Faiq (2004) and Mohja
Kahf (2010), for instance, are presented in a mostly postcolonial context that runs parallel to the ideas and arguments found in the writings of postcolonial scholars like Edward
Said (1979) and Gayatri Spivak (1993/2004). In other words, how do translations contribute to creating and propagating an image of the target culture?
What is lacking, however, are studies that address how translation is used by more dominant cultures in the construction, propagation and circulation of certain self-images.
During the Cold War, translation not only facilitated the export and construction of enticing self-images but also exposed the ‘deceit’ of and threats posed by ideological rivals. While translation enabled the United States to present to the Arab world its capitalist model as the archetype of modernity and progress, it also enabled it to dismiss communism as a nonviable path to modernity. In other words, the self-image was always relational, always in contrast to the image of the competing Other, i.e. the USSR.
Drawing on concepts from imagology, Translation Studies, and modernization theory, this dissertation offers fresh insights into the role of image construction through translation in times of heightened political tension and conflict. Specifically, it
9 addresses—as well as enhances our understanding of—the workings of soft diplomacy in the Cold War context. Also, by highlighting the largely ignored role of translations and translators, this dissertation fills a gap in the literature on the cultural politics of the Cold
War. Similarly, it contributes to the literature on imagology by investigating it in the politically charged context of the Cold War. By embedding Franklin’s translations in a complex network of political and cultural agents, this dissertation also contributes to currents trends in TS that are systems-oriented (Even-Zohar 1978). Finally, given the dearth of research on the interplay between image-building and translation in the Arab world during the Cold War, the researcher hopes to fill the gap in the literature on a still understudied and yet important geographical area.
1.4 Conceptual Framework
Translation Studies is a rich and diverse area of study. Its richness as many have argued lies primarily in its interdisciplinary nature, which has allowed researchers in the field to borrow and expand on a wide range of theories, concepts and methods from various academic disciplines (Munday 2012:25). Theoretical frameworks adapted from postcolonial studies, for instance, have been particularly helpful in the discussion of translated images and representation across languages and cultures in general. Theorists of the so-called cultural turn have over the years discussed a wide spectrum of issues ranging from the cultural and literary to the ideological and political. Image construction, however, has been discussed within the broader topic of (mis)representation in translation, which in turn has been approached from a mostly postcolonial angle. Lately, however, there have been attempts to utilize insights from fields dealing with the concept
10 of image construction through translation, offering a new set of concepts and analytical approaches that deal directly with the specificities of image-building in translation. The recent contributions of Luc van Doorslaer, Peter Flynn, Joep Leerssen (2016) on image construction from a mainly imagological perspective are good examples. Their volume
Interconnecting Translation Studies and Imagology points to the steadily growing interest in exploring the link between Imagology and translation. As Doorslaer, Flynn and Leerssen argue, Imagology can provide Translation Studies with sound and more comprehensive models that are useful in examining understudied aspects of image construction in translation (Doorslaer, Flynn & Leerssen 6).
As previously stated, Imagology studies—unlike postcolonialist approaches—has the bonus of investigating ways in which both auto- and hetero-images are constructed.
This is particularly useful in tracing the imagological elements in US translation output for the Middle East during the Cold War period. The notions of auto- and hetero-images, as introduced by Joep Leerssen (2007), allow us to see the ideological dimension of translation in political conflicts as something that is deeply oppositional. While the aim of the self-image promotion is to gain appreciation, the aim of perpetuating certain images/stereotypes of adversaries is to cause depreciation. This is where Imagology offers a solid interpretive toolkit to study significant factors relevant to the Cold War context, such as propaganda.
In times of ideological conflict, especially those of a global scale, such as the Cold
War, it is not illogical to argue for translation as an important tool in the international image-building contest between the United States and the USSR. Even before that, as
11 amply demonstrated in Germany and elsewhere, notably Japan, translation played an active role in the joint cultural enterprise by the Allied nations aimed at the “reeducation” of former enemies following WWII. In Germany, thanks to years of Nazi propaganda, the
United States’ prospects as a savior were weighed down by the perception that it was culturally “barren” (Saunders 2013). America went to great lengths to reverse such an image, first, by screening programs to cleanse German cultural and educational institutions of any remnants of Nazi ideology, and second, by conducting large-scale cultural projection programs to showcase America’s cultural achievements.
This was part of a larger denazification campaign that resulted in the Allies assuming control of the country’s cultural apparatus, including the arts, music, theater and curricula. The notion of American cultural barrenness was by no means limited to
Germany. Anti-American sentiment existed across the continent, especially in Western
Europe. In places like France and the UK, the low prestige associated with American culture, combined with America’s track record of racial strife, would continue to present a challenge to the US’s reputation well into the Cold War, a situation that the Soviets were more than happy to exploit. The fallout of the Vietnam War and the initial failures in the space race dealt a severe blow to US prestige not only in Europe but across the world
(Khalil 2016). In the Middle East, grievances over America’s sponsorship of Israel as well as political blunders such as the US-British joint overthrow of the government of the democratically elected Iranian premier Mossadegh in 1953 contributed to an existing perception of the US as an extension of former imperialist powers (ibid).
12 Central to the US enterprise of image-building in the Middle East during the Cold War was another important factor, development. In his Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial
Thought and Historical Difference, Dipesh Chakrabarty (2000) presents development in the developing world as a project that is deeply influenced by Western historicism. The historicist notion of development as “first in Europe, then elsewhere” meant that
“different non-Western nationalisms would later produce local versions of the same narrative, replacing ‘Europe’ with some locally constructed center” (Chakrabarty 7). This view of developmental “transition” as central to Western historicism is based, as Marx notes, on the assumption that the “country that is more developed industrially only shows, to the less developed, the image of its own future” (quoted by Chakrabarty 7).
Another closely related concept is modernization. Often used interchangeably with development, the demarcation between the two is not always obvious. According to Wolfgang Knobl (2003), modernization theory is concerned with explaining the process of development that nations undergo as they transition from traditional societies to modern ones (96). In the United States, where it was first popularized in the 1950s and
1960s, modernization theory was largely influenced and shaped by Cold War politics.
Some link it to Harry S. Truman’s Point Four Program, which posited that
“underdeveloped regions in the world could prosper with the help of American technology and know-how to counter the attractions of communist ideology” (Knobl 97).
Modernization as an effective barrier to communism was premised on the view held in
American economist and social sciences circles that social and economic development and democratization went hand in hand. Cultural and social structures as found in
13 traditional societies were considered powerful barriers hindering economic and political development and thus merited intervention to ensure a smooth transition to modernity
(Knobl 97).
In the Middle East, modernization ideas can be traced to research surveys conducted by Columbia University’s Bureau for Applied Social Research (BASR). BASR carried out studies on the region for both the State Department and the Voice of America
(VOA). The goal was to test the applicability of some aspects of modernization theory to help the US government’s containment efforts in the Middle East. Ideas about race were
“widely held in the social sciences and the halls of government,” and profoundly influenced the works of modernization theorists of the early Cold War period.
“Traditional society,” “backward,” and “transitional society” were recurring themes in the works about the developing world produced in the 1950s (see Walt Rostow’s The
Stages of Economic Growth (1960) and Daniel Lerner’s The Passing of Traditional Society
(1958)). The US government reproduced, reused and acted upon some of these notions when forming policies for the region. Although modernization theory was eventually abandoned, Khalil argues that “its underlying assertions about the irrationality and hostility of populations in the developing world continued to influence policymakers after the Cold War was over.” By modernizing the region’s societies, the crippling conditions of “traditionalism” would be alleviated and their transition to an American version of modernity would be accelerated (Khalil 2016).
Although containment was one of the main US objectives in modernizing the developing world, development ideas, as Ekbladh (2010) argues, were not specific to the
14 Cold War nor were they created by it. Rather, they worked their way into American policies and rationale as holdovers from earlier periods in US history. Those historical precedents go back to the early days of the American developmental story itself. Notions of exceptionalism, uniqueness and Manifest Destiny were expressed by American statesmen as early as the Declaration of Independence from Britain. Enshrined in the
Declaration of Independence were values such as democracy, self-determination and prosperity. These were conceived as self-evident and universal values to which all mankind could subscribe and aspire (Kissinger 2015). US development projects in the
Middle East and the underdeveloped world in general were an inseparable part of the
American civilizing mission that sought to prepare the decolonizing world for a new postwar international order based on the democratic-capitalist model of governance as practiced in the United States.
Preparing the “underdeveloped” world for democracy meant the export of the kind of ideas that inspired and led America’s own development and that presumed a developmental logic. Showcasing America’s developmental achievements was one way of showing the world that to achieve the level of modernity, prosperity and political stability found in America, a similar path must be taken. This, of course, meant first subscribing to a vision of modernity that mirrored that of the United States. With ideological rivals offering alternative paths to modernity, America needed more than just the export of inspirational ideas. In the Middle East, aid programs such as Truman’s Point
Four and Eisenhower’s Food for Peace Program (Public Law 480) were closely linked to
15 the effort to combat the expanding “menace” of communism.3 The idea was to buttress allies as in the case of Turkey and Greece and to sway waverers in a direction favorable to the US as in Egypt. Before that, US reconstruction programs in Europe, e.g. the
Marshall Plan, were introduced under a similar rallying cry of making the postwar world safe for democracy.
On its surface, while the link between development and US image-building in the
Arab world may be obvious, linking this to translation may be less so. The argument presented here is that by exporting its developmental model, America was also exporting enticing images of itself, insofar as the US represented the desired endpoint of its economic developmental model. Translation programs such as FBP played an active role in this regard since they, as evident in the choice of works for translation and in their packaging, also emphasized economic and social modernization as a goal for the Arab region. America’s own developmental story would be invoked time and again as the example after which progress in the Middle East could be—and should be—modeled.
America’s own successful development projects in the South—particularly the Tennessee
Authority Valley (TVA)—were a main staple of US modernizing efforts abroad. By highlighting projects such as the TVA, America wanted to show emerging nations that development aid was being offered by a nation that had “confronted its own underdevelopment and overcome it” (Ekbladh 6). In other words, the system that
3 JFK’s Letter to Head of the Food for Peace Program, July 18, 1962 http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=8773 (Last accessed September 24, 2018).
16 delivered the underdeveloped and “backward” American South is also what would deliver the struggling nations of the developing world (ibid 48).
1.5 Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation is divided into six chapters. Chapter One introduces the research problem and research questions, along with the significance and conceptual framework of the dissertation. Chapter Two discusses the main notions of image-construction as developed within Imagology Studies and Translation Studies, including a review of the key areas of overlap between the two fields. The first section of Chapter Three starts by tracing the early historical manifestations of the US self-image, followed by a discussion of the historical development of reciprocal US-Arab hetero-images. The next three parts address the role of US cultural and economic programs in image-building in the Arab region, focusing equally on official and private cultural mediators. Chapter Four lays out in detail the methodological foundations of the dissertation, including the analytical framework, methods of data collection and data analysis as well as the qualitative and quantitative approaches employed. Chapter Five presents the major findings of the dissertation as found in the two primary sources of paratextual materials investigated, i.e. FBP’s archival records and the peritexts accompanying its Arabic translations.
Findings from other secondary sources are also included. Chapter Six discusses the main emerging themes as well as offers a summary of the major findings, concluding with the limitations of the study as well as recommendations for future research.
17 Summary
This chapter started by providing general background information on the topic at hand.
It also identified the research problem and highlighted in some detail the gaps in the literature on image-construction. After stating the two research questions, the chapter discussed the significance of the research in light of the dearth of studies on the role of translation in US auto-image construction in the Arab world during the Cold War. Then, the conceptual framework of the dissertation was introduced, with a detailed illustration of the main theoretical concepts adopted. The chapter concluded with a general description of the structuring and organization of the dissertation, followed by a summary of the main notions introduced.
18
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
Overview
This chapter reviews the literature on image construction, as taken up in Imagology and
Translation Studies. The first section (2.1) starts by laying the foundations of the imagological conceptual framework, with a detailed review of its main and related theoretical and methodological premises. This study relies to a great extent on the theoretical conceptualizations and methodological assumptions as relayed and expanded upon by Manfred Beller and Joep Leerssen (2000, 2007,2016). Then, an attempt is made in section (2.2) to connect imagology and Translation Studies (TS) by emphasizing areas of mutual interest in both fields as they relate specifically to image construction. This is done by: 1) investigating early TS contributions that deal with image formation in translation as developed within the cultural turn in the field, and 2) reviewing recent studies that seek to formally integrate imagological concepts into TS conceptual and methodological frameworks.
2.1 Imagology
Imagology has its roots in Platonic and Aristotelian philosophies. As pictorial phenomena, mental images are defined as “inner pictures—pictures in the mind or in the soul” (Beller 4). Similarly, in cognitive sciences, they are referred to as “mental pictorial representation.” As Gottschling (2003) points out, images derive their value from interpretation rather than from objective observations. Unlike philosophical,
19 psychological and neurophysiological theories, literary analysis is concerned with
“verbally and textually codified images” (Beller 4). In literary theories of imagological representation, the term image refers to “the mental silhouette of the other, who appears to be determined by the characteristics of family, group, tribe, people or race” (ibid 4).
Manfred Beller (2007) argues that the image “rules our opinion of others and controls our behaviour towards them,” citing cultural discontinuities and differences such as languages, mentalities, traditions and religions as triggering “positive or negative judgements and images” (4). Summing up the process of perception, Walter Lippmann
(1922) famously said that “we do not first see, and then define, we define and then see”
(81). Preconceived notions (prejudice and stereotypes) are then transformed into images using what Beller describes as “selective perception,” a highly evaluative mechanism which, for the most part, is shaped by “suppressed tensions between self-image and the image of the other” (Niedhart 1984; qtd. in Beller 4). This selective perception leads to the formation of selective value judgements and images of foreign cultures, peoples and cultures. Images will remain restricted as long as they belong in the mental/pictorial sphere. “Once textually codified,” however, “the partial representation will represent the whole” (ibid 5; cf. Tymoczko 1999). As Beller asserts, the issue is one of “an a priori information deficit” since empirical verification is not always possible—or only partially verifiable (ibid 5). The result is negative valorizations or “starry-eyed idealizations,” which both are in need of intervention and correction (ibid 5).
Throughout history, selective perception has shaped intercultural encounters where the valorization of the Other has been, first and foremost, contingent on one’s own
20 point of view. The demarcation between images of self and other is already expressed in the literatures of some ancient traditions. The word Barbarian, for example, appears in ancient Greek literature to refer to foreigners as opposed to the more civilized Athenians.
The epithet was applied to both the nomadic Scythians and city-dwelling Persians alike.
The term, which originally meant “the faltering pronunciation of foreigners” as opposed to the articulate speech of city-dwellers, now morphed into a description of the Other regardless of their level of civility and culture (ibid 6).4 As Beller puts it, “there is no such thing as a pristine encounter” (7). Our perceptions of and attitudes toward the Other are always already culturally determined.
2.1.1 Historical development of imagology
The archeology of imagology goes back to the cultural criticism of early-modern Europe.
Its early harbingers can be found in the work of Julius Caesar Scaliger (1484–1558) where
European cultural and societal patterns were sorted into national categories. This led to the formalization of an older, informal tradition of ascribing basic characteristics to certain national or ethnic groups. This would later give rise to the systematics of early- modern ethnography and anthropology as exemplified by the ‘Tableau of Nationalities’, a 17th-century matrix listing the cultural differences among nations. Ethnic stereotypes, based on anecdotal understanding of ‘manners and customs’, continued to be
4Beller notes the presence of this phenomenon in the Chinese and Indian cultures as well. Similarly, in the Arabic -inarticulate/unintelligible] was (is—to a lesser degree) used to describe all non-Arabic] ﻋﺠﻢ/أﻋﺠﻤﻲ tradition, the term speaking peoples— particularly the Persians—of the ancient world (Ibn Manzur’s (d. 1311) Lisan al-arab,1955). Equally derogatory, the term’s connotations of dumbness/muteness are found in Arabic references to animals, known collectively as Ajmawat. See also Tahir Labeeb (208).
21 systematically investigated well into the Enlightenment, e.g., Montesquieu’s Esprit des lois, Hume’s “Of National Characters,” and Voltaire’s Essai sur les mours. (Leerssen 2007)
The rise of Anti-Enlightenment cultural relativism triggered an ethnic taxonomy where
‘nation’ and ‘culture’ were seen as the “natural and fundamental, mutually interdependent units of humanity” (ibid 16). This gave rise to the comparative method in the human sciences, impacting fields such as anthropology and linguistics. Language was now viewed as “the very breath of the nation’s soul, characteristic identity and individuality” (ibid 16). For instance, the philology of Jacob Grimm, which already employed arguments of national character and national identity, applied an ethnolinguistic identitarianism to literary history, with language acting as a “record of the nation’s collective imagination” (ibid 16).
Similarly, in mid-19th century comparative literary studies, culture was understood as national culture, presumed to be different from other national cultures, a singularity defined by its own unique and underlying characteristics. National peculiarities were often explained on the basis of deeply ingrained and culturally determined stereotypes and ethnic images. As Leerssen puts it, these stereotypes and assumptions about different cultures were never pursued as the subject of investigation but employed as part of “the interpretative tool-kit [as] explanations rather than explicanda” (ibid 17). This deterministic view of national character is typified by the notions of race, milieu and moment put forth by Hippolyte Taine (1863) as the criteria governing a given literary text. According to this view, climate (‘cold’, ‘temperate’ and
‘warm’ literatures), mentality and physical ethnicity all play a defining role in literary
22 production as well as “entail specific moral and cultural particularities”5 (ibid 19). The following decades would see a turn away from ethnic chauvinism and ethnic determinism, with scholars such as Emile Hennequin, Joseph Texte and Fernand
Baldensperger (1912) promoting a less ethnically-deterministic approach to the study of literature.
According to Beller and Leerssen (2007), imagology as a field of study emerged when, following WWII, the belief in national characters as explanatory models was abandoned. The postwar period witnessed the birth of an anti-essentialist approach to the study of national representation and national identity. Scholars (e.g., Guyard, 1951) began to advocate for a post-national, trans-national imagology that would study “not nationality per se but nationality ‘as seen’, as a literary trope” (ibid 22). The focus was now on “national identities as internalized collective self-images taking shape in the structural context of a Self-Other opposition” (ibid 20).
Despite an initial slowdown in imagology as an academic pursuit in the 50s, the
1960s and 70s witnessed a revival of the field due to the contributions of scholars such as
Daniel-Henri Pageaux, Franz Stanzel and Hugo Dyserinck. Dyserinck (1966, 1982) advanced a concept of Comparative Literature which prioritized the multinationality of literature in terms “not of an objective national taxonomy, but in terms of the transient national subjectivities” (qtd. in Beller & Leerssen 23). For him, these subjectivities (ideas, images, stereotypes) that permeated the cultural landscape were responsible for “the moral tensions that literary texts address” (ibid 21). Arguing against the long-running
5 Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) in his Muqaddimah discusses this at length (p. 23). See also Tahir Labeeb pp. 217–218.
23 view that images were mental representations “conceived by nations about nations,”
Dyserinck advocated the study of images “as articulated discursive constructs circulating through societies […] constitutive of national identification patterns” (ibid 23). More,
Dysernick posited that national stereotyping “governed both the characterization of actions and actors within literary narratives and poetics, and the modality affecting the transnational diffusion and reception of texts” (Leerssen 2016:16). Literary texts, for him, are often read under the aspect of their national provenance and its associated cultural characteristics. From the 1970s onward, the idea of national identities as constructs started to attract the attention of scholars in the humanities. Historians began to view their task as one of analyzing the process in which national images are constructed as well as the nature of such constructedness—e.g., Hobsbawm and Ranger’s The Invention of Tradition (1983). In anthropology, the advent of Foucauldian thought triggered a reexamination of the ethnocentric assumptions on which the discipline had been built.
Similarly, postcolonial studies began to consider the effect of the power imbalance between colonizer and colonized on the construction of reputations and stereotypes.
(Leerssen 2016)
The past few decades have seen a realignment in literary studies whereby a separation with the field of linguistics has taken place. Scholars have now turned away from “the older idea that historical-comparative literature research was to underpin generalizing theories about literature” (Beller & Leerssen 2007:24). The focus is more on the “applicability of contemporary cultural philosophy to textual interpretation” (ibid
24). The ‘cultural turn’ has pushed the historical study of literature closer to the concerns
24 of the social and historical sciences, with a growing interest in literary source-material. A noticeable interest in images and stereotypes of national identity has also been on the rise in fields such as gender and postcolonial studies. (Beller & Leerssen 2007)
2.1.2 Review of main and related concepts
2.1.2.1 Main concepts: auto-image, hetero-image, counter-image and meta-image
Imagology is that specialism within Comparative Literature that studies discursive representations of national characterizations (Doorslaer et al. 2016; Leerssen 2016).
Among its core subjects are concepts such as image, auto-image, hetero-image, counter-image and meta-image.
Image is defined as “the mental or discursive representation or reputation of a person, group, ethnicity or nation” (Beller 342). The pictorial or visual sense of image is not a concern of imagological research, nor are factual report statements that can be empirically falsified. Images, as pursued in Imagology, are those specifically pertaining to attributions of moral or characterological nature (e.g., Americans are materialistic).
They are part of an imagined discourse that relies “on imputations of national character rather than on testable fact” (ibid 342). As such, images are closely related to the notion of stereotyping, due to their tendency to “invoke generally current commonplaces, and reduce the complexity of historical contingency to the invariance of ingrained topoi and clichés” (ibid 343).
An auto-image refers to the joint characterological reputation a group has of itself, a collective self-image based on a shared perception of a group’s identity. A hetero-image, on the other hand, refers to the view outsiders have about the professed character of
25 another group. While auto-images are usually positively valorized and are geared toward the maintenance of selfhood, hetero-images can be formed on the basis of preconceived perceptions, ideas and unverifiable statements. The key distinction between an auto- image and a hetero-image, as Beller explains, is one essentially of perspective. Images can vary greatly depending on who is looking at whom (Beller 2007).
Depending on cultural, political and social factors, images can change drastically in their valorization and substance (Beller 2007). Such shifts can affect the very essence of the attributions imputed to a given group: pejorative connotations are replaced by positive ones and vice versa. However, newer images—i.e., counter-images—do not necessarily abolish earlier ones but rather accumulate, with the new ones usually foregrounded. A counter-image stands in sharp opposition to a previous one regardless of whether positively or negatively valorized. Attitudinal shifts toward a given nation due to successive images will result in “a compound layering of different, contradictory images, with some aspects […] dominant, [and others] subliminally present” (Beller 343).
Germany is a visible example of a country with contradictory counter-images: from
“unrefined boors” (17th century) to “artistically inclined romantics” (early 19th century) to that of “soulless, obedient implementers of ruthless systematics” (20th century) (ibid
343). This phenomenon of accumulating images is known as imageme, a term imagologists use to describe “an image in all its implicit, compounded polarities” (Leerssen 344).
Finally, a meta-image refers to how a group believes it is viewed by others. In his study of the reciprocal perception of Greeks and Turks, Hercules Millas (2004) showed that the deep-seated enmity and mistrust did not stem from the mutual hetero-images
26 the two nations had of each other or the mutual self-images they had in relation to each other, but from “the suspicions Greeks had about Turks’ hetero-images concerning them, or Turkish suspicions as to Greek attitudes to Turkey” (qtd. in Leerssen 344).
2.1.2.2 Related concepts: center, periphery, identity, mediator
Issues of image formation are not limited to Imagology. Concepts closely related to the imagological notion of image, in its various guises, have been tackled by different academic disciplines, including postcolonial studies, gender studies, cultural studies, intercultural management studies, and more recently TS. With regard to Third World literatures, postcolonial and TS have taken up the topic of image-building within the framework of cultural representation. Translation Studies scholars have borrowed and built on notions from postcolonialism to address emerging trends in the field. These include, for instance, the binarisms of center vs. periphery and East vs. West as well as concepts such as eurocentrism/ethnocentrism. The notions of identity, in-betweenness, hybridity, alterity and subalternity have also gained ground as a result of the “cultural turn” in the field (Simon 1996; Tymoczko 2002; see also Bhabha 1994 and Spivak 1992).
Conveniently, imagologists have been tackling more or less the same issues within a wider quest to understand how images are constructed. The following sections throw light on the interplay of Imagology and TS in their approach to image construction.
2.1.2.2.1 Binarisms
The binary oppositions of center vs. periphery, East vs. West, North vs. South, ethnocentrism vs. exoticism, etc. are crucial to understanding the different power dynamics affecting ethnotypical valorizations. Imagologists have come to realize the
27 importance of asymmetrical power relations in the construction of auto and hetero- images (Beller & Leerssen 2007; Leerssen 2016; Doorslaer et al. 2016). Here, the link to notions such as eurocentrism (and generally ethnocentrism), (post)colonialism and orientalism is obvious.
As Beller and Leerssen (2007) point out, the relationship between center and periphery is not always spatial but “one of power and prestige” (ibid 279). Following the rise of Europe as a colonial power, the world was split both geographically and culturally into two regions: a global core and a global periphery, with the former represented by
Europe (the West) and the other represented by everyone else. The center is represented as a locus of dynamism, modernity and innovation as opposed to a static, backward periphery. Portrayals of non-Western societies usually invoke the tropes of primitivism, medievalism and social traditionalism vis-à-vis the modernity and progressivism of
Western society. Here, the hetero-image is constructed in a highly stereotypical fashion, involving a great deal of denigration and inferiorization.
The denigration of the ‘Other’ is always based on the ethnocentric view that sees the ‘Self’ as “the center of everything, and all others are scaled and rated with reference to it” (Summer 1959:13). It is built on the assumption that the value of normalcy is
“predicated on one’s own domestic norm, as non-normal, anomalous or abnormal,” or on what Fabian (2002) has described as a “denial of coevalness” (Leerssen 323; Fabian 35).
Ethnocentrism, in all its Othering forms, is ultimately a self-aggrandizing act. Debasing the Other almost always entails the elevation of the Self (McKinnon 2016), as “each group
28 nourishes its own pride and vanity, boasts itself superior, exalts its own divinities, and looks with contempt on outsiders” (Summer 13).
Identity is another term closely related to image construction. Deriving from a shared historical awareness of the Self, identity is that subjective vantage point “from which one surveys and encounters the world” (Leerssen 337). At the core of identity is the opposition between what is familiar (Self) and what is alien (Other). Any experience of alterity (hetero-image) is judged against this collective sense of exceptionalism and uniqueness (auto-image) and thus lies at the root of “any process of stereotyping or
‘othering’” (ibid 337).
2.1.2.2.2 Mediator
A cultural mediator is one who “transfers cultural knowledge from a primary context to a secondary one” (Keller 357). As go-betweens, cultural mediators carry out various tasks from arbitrating cultural conflicts and negotiating intercultural spaces to imparting images. In their latter capacity, the images communicated can be of a familiar or unfamiliar nature. Familiarity, however, does not rule out hostility. Cultural intermediaries can be institutions (e.g., British Council), philanthropic organizations (e.g., the Ford Foundation), missionary groups, fields of studies (e.g., Arabic Studies, American
Studies), books as well as translators, to name a few. From an imagological standpoint, cultural mediators execute cultural practices in two important ways: 1) they work along the axis of auto- and hetero-images and as such help manufacture and perpetuate stereotypes; and 2) they influence “the course of selective appropriation and integrative
29 accommodation” (ibid 357). In either case, the aim is to analyze “the innovative [or] disfiguring effects of their intercession” (ibid 357).
2.1.2.2.3 Frames, triggers, latency
As alluded to above, ethnotypes can be implicitly or explicitly deployed. In their implicit state, ethnotypical valorizations are, by default, latent phenomena, i.e., a dormant mental stockpile of images, stereotypes and perceptions. That this mental repository is most operative when encountering real-life situations or experiencing “otherness” can be explained by the notion of “frames” and “triggers.” As a cognitive-psychological model, frames are defined as “schemata of the plausible connections between situations and what we believe to be their underlying patterns.” Frames can be amenable to external stimuli or “triggers” which, in turn, “arise from real-world encounters and experiences, or from cultural processes.” In Imagology, the “frame/trigger” model can explain the seemingly conflicting perceptions/images of a given nation. Depending on what factors are at work, active frames will block out alternative frames, pushing them into a state of dormancy. Recently, imagologists have recognized the intersection between framing and ethnicity, on one hand, and ethnic prejudice and racism, on the other. The fact that, in ethnotypical discourse, ethnicity can selectively be seen as a primary motivator for an individual’s actions is attributed to the “uneven distribution of ethnic framing.” Ethnicity is invoked to explain the actions of an individual, as an “essential characteristic rather than an incidental attribute,” representative of the whole nation or culture. (Leerssen
2016:24-25)
30 2.1.3 Theoretical and Methodological Foundations
2.1.3.1 Theory
A well-established consensus among Imagologists is that ethnotypes (representations of national character) cannot be empirically or objectively measured. Rather, they are manifested discursively in the form of narrative tropes and rhetorical formulae.
Discursively, ethnotypes can be either explicit or implicit, but are always oppositional.
Their discursive power lies in the invocation of Self-Other oppositions (e.g., auto-image vs. hetero-image; ethnocentrism vs. exoticism, etc.). As such, they cast a given national character against “the implied background of how it differs from other national characters” (Leerssen 17). Another salient feature of ethnotyping is its emphasis on external difference. Here, cultural variance tends to be amplified while similarities are downplayed or rendered completely invisible. Differences are usually taken as value judgements, representative of the nation or culture in question. The underlying feature of ethnotyping is that it always “gravitates towards exceptionalism [and an] a-priori denial of normalcy” (ibid 17). Ethnotyping usually involves the mobilization of national characters as explanatory models. In other words, behavior, choices and actions are represented as culturally motivated and that motivation tends to be explained on the basis of nationality. Another important feature of ethnotypes is the reliance on nationally unspecific temperamental oppositional patterns (e.g., cool, cerebral moral North vs. a hot, sanguine, emotional South; dynamic Center vs. a static/backward Periphery; democratic
West vs. despotic East).
31 2.1.3.1.1 Mobility of images
Although presented as historically constant, ethnotypes are by no means fixed. Their mobility is attested in the oscillating portrayals of different nations over the centuries
(e.g., Irish, German, Spanish, American). Often occurring abruptly at historical tipping moments, the new opposing ethnotypes (images) do not completely dislodge their long- standing counterparts but overlap with and overlay them. Thus, images are “invoked in particular historical situation[s] and deactivated when the ideological motivation changes” (Clemens 20). Imagologists seek to “map these vacillations over time and to historically identify the tipping-point transitions from one register to another” (Leerssen
18). Eventually, the vacillations in the image of a given nation result in a “layered, historical accumulation of sharply contradictory images and counter-images,” constituting what is known in Imagology as imageme (ibid 18). The contradictions within an imageme attest to the untestability of ethnotypical statements: counter-images will match other available variants within the imageme. More importantly, the discrepancies within the imageme are often ascribed to contradictions in the nation itself. The ultimate image of the nation is that it is a “nation of contrasts” (ibid 18).
2.1.3.1.2 Valorizations of ethnotypes
Ethnotypes are not limited to negative stereotyping but can also be valorized positively.
Depending on the circumstances, be they political, historical or cultural, ethnotypes can take on positive or negative values in two ways: 1) when an ethnotype is replaced by a counter-image; 2) when an alternative valorization is affixed to the ethnotype. In times of peace and amicable relations between nations, ethnotyping is suspended in favor of a
32 “trend towards characterological neutrality or normalcy” (Leerssen 19; Beller 2007).
Periods of heightened tension, on the other hand, will boost ethnotyping:
Ethnotypes are at their most salient in melodramatic black and white
characterizations, where negative or positive traits are piled on in an
overdetermined distribution so as to effect strongly contrasting patterns
between “good guys” and “bad guys” or between the actantial figures of
Hero, Villain, Victim, and Friend. (Leerssen 19)
2.1.3.2 Methodology
The aim of imagological analysis is not to establish empirically an ethnotype’s truth value, which, after all and as indicated previously, is unfalsifiable, but rather to investigate its “persuasive poetical and rhetorical power […] its recognition value and the effectiveness of its discursive presentation” (ibid 19). This can be achieved by interrogating an ethnotype’s intertext, context and text. By establishing the intertext of an ethnotype, textual occurrences of a given ethnic characterization can be tracked down and retrieved across multiple texts. This method is predicated on the understanding that individual textual instances accumulate over a long period of time and can be traced back to a single textual source. In literary texts, for instance, intertextual antecedents are indispensable to understanding the characterizations of ethnic characters (cf. textual predecessors—Tymoczko 1999:41). Leerssen cites the intertextuality between Walter
Scott’s Ivanhoe (19th century) and Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice (16th century) as a prerequisite to understanding the former’s valorizations of the Jewish characters.
Therefore, the textual deployment of a given ethnotype refers to “not so [sic] empirical
33 reality [but] to the established commonplaces,” which imagologists need to recover from their tacit, dormant and latent conditions (Leerssen 20).
The historical, political and social circumstances that give rise to a certain ethnotype are what is meant by context. Translated texts do not operate in a vacuum
(Bassnett & Trivedi 1999:2; Koskinen 2008) but rather are inflected with and shaped by the conditions under which they are produced. As such, they can act as expressions of their place and time of origin (Tymoczko 2002:183). To understand the vacillations of a given image, texts must be situated historically, bearing in mind the historical turning points affecting their construction and reconstruction, conception and reconception
(Leerssen 2016).
Textual analysis involves analyzing the text itself to determine the ethnotypical functions at work. Those include, among other factors, taking into consideration the text’s genre, the position of the ethnotype, the juxtaposition with other nationalized characters or with an implied self-image as well as the target audience. The aim is to determine whether an ethnotype’s “presence in the text is heightened, counteracted, ironized or left unaffected by the authorial voice and the overall focalization and textual drift” (ibid 21).
2.2 Interconnecting Imagology and Translation Studies
Translation Studies and Imagology share a number of theoretical assumptions. Both recognize the centrality of mediation, agency and power relations in disseminating cultural and literary representations. Since the so-called “cultural turn,” issues of representation have come to the fore in Translation Studies. This shift was a direct result of the move away from the study of translation as a purely linguistic phenomenon to a
34 consideration of the ideological and socio-cultural factors that shape and influence translation (Munday 2012). Over the years, the field has witnessed a steady interest in the impact of ideology, power structures and agency on image construction in translation
(Tymoczko & Gentzler 2002; Perez 2002). TS scholars have also recognized the role translation plays in representing other cultures (Venuti 1998), as well as its crucial role not only in spreading cultural stereotypes but also in misrepresenting other cultures
(Cronin 1995; Schäffner 2000; Kahf 2010). Issues of cultural images and representations, in particular, have been mostly approached from a postcolonial perspective and have predominantly focused on the impact of power imbalances on constructing images of non-Western cultures (Spivak 1992; Bassnett & Trivedi 1999; Faiq 2004). Other scholars
(Tymoczko 1999; Cronin 1996) have extended postcolonial insights to include image construction through translation in Western countries such as Ireland.
The links between Translation Studies and Imagology are many. Therefore, instead of reviewing all potential areas of overlap, an attempt will be made in the following sections to limit the discussion to an elaboration of the most salient points of contact between the two fields, namely ideology, poetics, power relations, agency and the notion of translation/translators as mediation/mediators. These will be traced across the early major contributions in TS in which researchers dealt more or less with manifestations of image construction in translation, along with their attendant socio- cultural and political rationales. More formal attempts to link Translation Studies to
Imagology proper, so to speak, will be discussed in light of recent contributions in the field (e.g., Doorslaer et al. 2016).
35 2.2.1 Translation and ideological constructions of image: early studies
Echoing many scholars in TS, Beller (2007) asserts that “the image of relations between the self and other […] represents a cultural confrontation through which the individual subject or subject-group reveal their ideological horizon” (8). In her introduction to
Translating in a Postcolonial Context: Early Irish Literature in English Translation, Maria
Tymoczko (1999) emphasized the link between translation and image construction:
Where different peoples come together—in friendship or in enmity, in
dominance or in resistance—they construct their interactions and their
images of each other to a large extent through discursive practices […]
discourse is central to constituting the boundary between groups and to
regulating their relations […] inevitably, when people and nations speak
different languages, the discursive practices at the heart of their interactions
must turn on translation. (Tymoczko 15)
Lawrence Venuti (1998) has equally acknowledged the “enormous power translation wields in constructing representations of foreign cultures” (67). The power of translation not only lies in its ability to construct, and thus influence and fashion, the perception of alterity but also in its tendency to evoke the self as the yardstick against which the encounter with alterity is measured, perceived and projected. As such, the shaping force of translation always work along the axis of auto and hetero-images. Here, the articulation of the self relies to a large extent on a perception of difference that is “often established by translation” (Tymoczko 18).
36 To return to Tymoczko, the English constructions of Irishness, she argues, were part of a larger colonial enterprise to subjugate Ireland. Pre-existing images of the Irish as
‘brutish’, ‘violent’ and ‘uncivilized’ were dominant themes in translations from Irish into
English. These, in turn, were contrasted with images of cultural sophistication, superiority and civilization on the part of England. Here, translation becomes a powerful act with serious political ramifications; the hetero images of Ireland as “backward” and
“incapable” of self-rule were used to strengthen British hegemony, which, in turn, was justified on the basis of a superior self-image (cf. section 2.2.3 below).6 Tymoczko cites the interesting example of how the English went so far as to invent the Celts as an alien people with racial and cultural lineages to the peoples of Asia and Africa.
The orientalization of the Irish is unquestionably an extreme case of Othering to be constructed through translation. It also relates to another region of the world where translation has played an important part in (mis)representations of cultural variance, the
Arab World. Acknowledging the power of preconceived images, Faiq (2008) argues that in cultural encounters with Arabic
Translation played a decisive role in the formation and/or deformation of
cultural realities through systems, the master discourses, of representing the
foreign (other) for the local (self). In the process of translation, a master
discourse, the product of a specific cultural context where translation takes
place, is used as the medium for exchange of cultural goods. (Faiq 31)
6 In his The Other Question, Homi Bhabha (1983) says: “the objective of colonial discourse is to construe the colonized as a population of degenerate types on the basis of racial origin, in order to justify conquest and to establish systems of administration and instruction […] a form of governmentality that in marking out a ‘subject nation’, appropriates, directs and dominates its various spheres of activity” (70).
37 This master discourse, which, for Faiq, is responsible for the dissemination of
‘preformatted’ images about Arabo-Islamic culture, “exists prior to any translating/representing act [and] guides the outcome” of the encounter with it (ibid 40).
Scholars and translators familiar with the Arabic translation scene (e.g., Jacquemond
1992; Carbonell 2004; Leeuwen 2004) have stressed the effect of Orientalist discourse on translation from Arabic. Jacquemond (2004), for instance, describes representation of
Arab culture in France as one that is primarily determined, “mediated and mediatised” by Orientalist scholarship, which embeds “in the mind of the francophone reader the image of a culture that is different, radically other [and] backward” (Jacquemond 121–
122).
The notion of a prior master discourse governing cultural representations between nations has been tackled from various standpoints in a variety of translational contexts.
While Ian Mason (2010) describes it as the “set of beliefs and values” that inform an individual’s view of the world (86), Mona Baker (2006, 2010) calls it a meta- or master narrative. Baker defines a meta-narrative as “narratives in which we are embedded as contemporary actors in history” (44) such as capitalism vs. communism, barbarism vs. civility. Indeed, the binary oppositions of barbarism vs. civility, as shown above, are prime examples of how images of Self and Other are constructed through translation, and as such constitute one of the critical areas of convergence between translation and imagology. André Lefevere (1992) is one of the scholars whose contributions have shed important light on the impact of dominant narratives on cultural representation. His notion of translation as ‘rewriting’, tethered to dominant ideological and poetical currents
38 is perhaps the most visible example of how existing discourses shape translations and the images contained within.7
Another common area of interest between translation and imagology is the emphasis on the partialist nature of discursive images. The tendency to focus on the part rather than the whole is a main characteristic of how national and cultural images are constructed. Clichés and stereotypes about other nations are parts that, by means of their discursive diffusion and repetition, become representative of the whole nation. They do not necessarily represent realities but rather “exist side by side with the realities they compete with” (Lefevere 1992:5). In so doing, images are “never innocent and certainly never impartial” (Clemens 2011:19). Tymoczko’s (1999) concept of translation as essentially metonymic captures the impact of the part-whole relation on image formation:
The metonymies of translation are key to the construction of the
representations that translations project—whether they are representations
of history, culture, values, or literary form. The metonymies of a translation
are, thus, not simply of abstract interest. They cast an image of the source text
and the source culture; they have political and ideological presuppositions
and impact […] For the receiving audience the translation metonymically
constructs a source text, a literary tradition, a culture, a people, by picking
parts, aspects, and attributes that will stand for wholes. (Tymoczko 57;
emphasis added)
7 Cf. Manfred Beller’s notion of image as “a pre-programmed vision … [where] real experiences and mental images compete,” Perception, Image, Imagology, p.5-7; also Lefevere (1992:5).
39 Another metaphor closely associated with both translation and imagology is that of the mirror. As a mediating process, translation becomes a site for comparison where evocations of images of Self and Other are always present. Exposure to otherness can either reinforce or challenge auto and hetero-images whatever they may be (positive or negative). The examples cited so far show that, in the context of colonialism, the encounter with alterity reinforced the colonizer’s self-image of cultural, technological and political supremacy vis-à-vis the hetero-image of the colonized as hetero-image as primitive, retrograde and barbarous. In their attempts to navigate the encounter, subjugated nations go through a phase of self-doubt, confusion and ambivalence where earlier self-images are renegotiated and reassessed (Bhabha 1983). Often the more powerful Other serves as a mirror in which the self is reflected as weak, dominated and inferior, thus reinforcing the colonizer’s image.
The interiorization of the hegemon’s images about the colonized by the colonized themselves is an acknowledged fact of both translation and imagology (Tageldin 2011;
Leerssen 2007/2016). To reassert self-identity, the colonized will seek to fill the power gap by translating the colonizer’s cultural, technological and scientific achievements. This is true in several (post)colonial contexts, from Ireland (Tymoczko 1999) and Brazil
(Bassnett & Trivedi 1999) to the Arab region (Leeuwen 2004; El-Enany 2006) and Turkey
(Tahir-Guçaglar 2009). Commenting on translation as a ‘mirroring’ process in Arabic,
Richard van Leeuwen (2004) argues that during the Arab nahda8
8 A period of cultural reform starting in the late 19th century, often referred to as ‘awakening’ or ‘renaissance’.
40 the European views of the Orient were adopted and internalised by Arab
intellectuals […] Identity was wholly seen through the prism of European
conceptions. The mirror-image of the Other, as conceived by the Europeans,
became more or less a reality, because the ‘Orientals’ themselves tried to
conform to it. (Leeuwen 16)9
The notion of mediators as it relates to image construction in translation has also been taken up by many TS scholars. Researchers (e.g., Sherry Simon 2002; Luise von Flotow
2007) have discussed the mediating role translators, writers, publishers, academics play in constructing images of foreign cultures. Whether they are called “culture brokers”
(Simon 122) or “culture workers” (Flotow 18), they wield enormous power in fashioning images of the Other. Depending on their affiliations, agendas and ideological positionings, culture brokers can help promote or alienate other nations. The examples above illustrate how Orientalist thinking in academic institutions in France, for example, reinforced negative images of Arab culture. Simon and Flotow, on the other hand, point to instances where culture brokers work hard to positively enhance the image of the home culture, citing varied reasons from financial gain (publishers) to the writer/translator’s own political or ideological stance. Simon, for example, cites Germaine de Staël’s highly critical stance on French society as the reason behind her promotion—through
9 Cf. Sehnaz Tahir-Gurçaglar’s argument that the image of the West “as ‘superior’ to Ottoman culture from both a technical and a cultural/literary perspective [gave] rise to a self-image of Ottoman society as incompetent and backward. This self-image of inferiority vis-à-vis the West had concrete ramifications in the field of politics, where a westernist paradigm started to make itself felt and led to a series of western-inspired reforms and the establishment of western-style institutions throughout the nineteenth century. (Tahir-Gurçaglar 2009:41)
41 translation— of positive images of Germany. Flotow also notes the role played by
Canadian Studies departments in Germany in promoting interest in Canadian culture.
2.2.2 Translation and ideological constructions of image: recent studies
A recent attempt to link translation and imagology is the anthology entitled
Interconnecting Translation Studies and Imagology. A joint venture between Luc van
Doorslaer and Peter Flynn (Translation Studies) and Joep Leerssen (Imagology), the volume seeks to move the field “beyond individual case studies to larger concepts and frameworks” (Doorslaer et al. 8). By harnessing the theoretical and methodological insights offered by Imagology, the authors argue, TS can investigate the “pervasive presence of image building through translation” and trace “the trajectories of images across languages and cultures,” with a focus on how such “manifestations are mediated by translation and its agents” (ibid 6-8). The authors’ stated purpose is
to show TS scholars how imagology and its conceptual apparatus can help
broaden and deepen our understanding of the discursive construction of
cultural phenomena in translation and help further frame and explicate
such notions in TS as culture-specific items and even the notion of culture
itself. (Doorslaer et al. 8)
The anthology’s contributors expand on theoretical notions already applied in both TS and imagology as promising areas of cross-fertilization such as framing, rewriting, mediation, metonymics, nation-building, identity. However, in their approach to issues of image construction in translation, the contributors depart from previous research trends in two significant ways: 1) they deal with image formation in non-colonial contexts as
42 reflected in the wide range of studies focusing on reciprocal image construction among
European nations. Instead of approaching image formation from a purely power relations angle, the case studies tackle the issue under seemingly ‘ordinary’ circumstances where stereotyping is more the result of free cultural exchanges than that of a power imbalance;
2) they apply the imagological concept of auto-image, a concept still understudied in TS.
As the above brief survey of the early major research trends in TS illustrates, there seems to be an overemphasis on hetero-image construction as the most visible feature of translations from non-Western literatures into Western literatures. Another less discussed phenomenon is how state-sponsored translation is used by political regimes to project a certain self-image, both domestically and internationally.
In his Translation as blockage, propagation and recreation, Rodica Dimitriu (2016) presents an intriguing case of how state-sponsored translation projects construct auto- and hetero-images under authoritarian regimes. The Soviet satellite Romania put in place strict translation policies that governed both the import and export of translations. When preparing texts for export, negative images of the self or of political allies such as Russia are either blocked or recreated. The same rule is followed when translating foreign texts for domestic consumption. In both the import and export of literary works, pejorative images of rivals (e.g., the United States) are kept unchanged, as they served political and ideological agendas. Dimitriu gives the example of how after the advent of communism in Romania, English retranslations of Mihail Sadoveanu’s The Hatchet suppressed negative remarks about Russians that were present in the novel’s 1930 edition. The move is informed by the new Romanian regime’s desire to “bring the new Romania into line
43 with the Soviet Union” as well as, interestingly, the author’s later investment in and commitment to communism (204).10
When it comes to ideological selection of works for import, the Romanian translation of the anthology Contemporary American Short Stories (1963) is a case in point.
Any initial surprise at the decision to translate an American work when the Cold War was in full swing is dispelled once the work’s strongly critical stances on American society are revealed. As Dimitriu points out, issues such as the economic gap between poor and rich, intolerance and, above all, racial prejudices highlighted in these texts are
“in full consonance with the general perception of the USA that the Romanian authorities wanted to impose in those decades” (Cotter 2008; qtd. in Dimitriu 204)
Similarly, in his Using Cultural Diplomacy to Achieve Soft Power, Flotow (2007) discusses the relatively new role of translation in strategically exporting Canadian culture as part of Canada’s foreign policy. In the 1990s, federal agencies such as the Canada
Council for Arts and the Department of Canadian Heritage enlisted translation as part of a campaign to project “Canadian values and culture” abroad, especially in Germany.
Translation was seen as “an instrument in gaining ‘soft diplomacy’” (18). This was part of a larger cultural projection initiative where “culture workers”—writers, poets, artists, actors, etc.—were sent on tours to promote Canada’s cultural achievements. The purpose was to reverse prevailing images of Canada as a “Northern wilderness” by promoting a
10 This step on the author’s part is reminiscent of George Orwell’s approval of adaptations (e.g., dropping of anti- capitalism remarks) of his influential novels Animal Farm and 1984 by the British and US governments. Animal Farm was a main staple of US cultural programs during the Cold War, with translations appearing in numerous languages, including Arabic. See Rubin (2012) and Cull (2008).
44 “positive image of Canada as culturally diverse, creative, innovative and modern” (ibid 19; emphasis original).
The mobilization of culture—through translation—as a diplomatic tool is a common practice of national governments worldwide: e.g., the British Council (UK), the
Goethe-Institute (Germany), the Alliance Française (France), to name a few. The use of translation as cultural diplomacy, as Flotow points out, helps make the home culture
“attractive” by seducing the target culture into consuming its cultural products.
Seductive translation is almost always associated with official cultural programs where national governments subsidize self-translations to project attractive self-images. It takes on added importance in times of political tensions where the line between the cultural and propagandistic roles of translation becomes blurred. Rosemary Arrojo (2002) has touched on the seductive power of translation in India when commenting on Indians’ fascination with British cultural products. Shaden M. Tageldin (2011) has also discussed this phenomenon as part of the Arab encounter with the West. It will be shown later how this also applies to the United States’ mobilization of cultural translation to promote itself abroad as well as to lure the intelligentsia in various countries,11 including the Arab world, into aligning with its foreign policies during the Cold War. Dimitriu and Flotow’s studies, in particular, will act as a stepping-stone to a much more relevant topic, the role of translation in auto-image projection as part of what came to be known as “soft” or public diplomacy.
11 For a full treatment of leftwing anti-Americanism in France, for instance, see Richard Kuisel’s Seducing the French: The Dilemma of Americanization (2007).
45 Summary
This chapter has offered a comprehensive review of the literature on image-construction in translation. It has addressed the main theoretical and methodological approaches to image-construction in both Imagology Studies and Translation Studies. After a review of the key concepts in Imagology, instances of image-construction through translation were traced across two samples of early and recent studies, within the field of Translation
Studies, that address image-related issues.
46
CHAPTER 3: IMAGES OF THE US IN THE ARAB WORLD
Overview
This chapter provides a broad historical background of US cultural projection programs in the Arab region. Section (3.1) discusses images as they relate to the US, with a focus on both auto and hetero-images and is divided into three parts. The first part queries early
US self-images as reflected in the writings of its founding fathers. Here, America’s self- image as an exemplary modern nation—the shining city on a hill—sheds necessary light on later attempts at exporting its vision of modernity abroad. US hetero-images of the
Arab region are provided in part two. Here, negative American portrayals of the region and its inhabitants appear to be largely shaped by prevailing Orientalist thinking at the time. The third part briefly reviews Arab hetero-images of the US by historically situating and tracing the shifts in perception across the span of the Arab-American encounter from the 18th century to the present.
Section (3.2) provides a glimpse into American wartime and Cold War image- building endeavors. These are discussed in the light of the activities of official US agencies seeking to project a positive self-image abroad in response to what appears to be geopolitical concerns during WWII and the Cold War. With respect to the Middle East, two official US agencies (the Office of Strategic Services’ Cairo office and USIA) played an important part in cultural projection to win the region for WWII and the Cold War. A third agency—the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF)—is also included here as a Cold
47 War cultural projection agency even though it concealed its official ties to the US government for over twenty years. USIA and CCF, in particular, initiated, oversaw and funded massive translation projects, in the form of books, magazines, films, etc., directly targeting both the intelligentsia and the general population in the region. The reason for their inclusion here is due to the fact that Franklin Book Programs (FBP), in one way or another, intersected with these organizations whether through direct funding or via influential individuals, American and Arab alike, who moved simultaneously between
FBP and these agencies.
Section (3.3) explores the role played by American educational institutions and private foundations in exporting attractive images of the United States. American universities in Beirut and Cairo represent the success story of missionary cultural outreach programs in the region. Belatedly recognized by the US government as models of American ideals and culture, American educational institutions capitalized on their prestige in the region to advance US foreign policy interests. Their independent status was used by the US government to combat anti-American sentiment in the region following the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Private organizations such as the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations were also involved in the US image-building campaign in the Middle East. Along with American universities, they aided with modernizing efforts as part of US foreign policy plans to fight communism. In addition to numerous US cultural programs in the region, FBP was a frequent recipient of Ford and Rockefeller funding.
48 The last section (3.4) touches on the intertwined relationship between modernization theory and the US “civilizing” mission in the region. Theories developed within the social sciences in the US often drew upon and reproduced Orientalist notions about the region, which were then adopted by the US government. The general assumption was that by modernizing the Middle East along the lines of the US developmental model, it would become less susceptible to communism and more aligned with US foreign policy. A case can be made here that, in attempting to achieve these two key foreign policy goals, the
US was also hoping to mold the region’s newly decolonized nations into its own image.
The literature shows that a good number of FBP translations were carried out with a developmental aim in mind, not to mention funding from official US aid programs directly tied to modernization efforts in the region, such as the Agricultural Trade
Development and Assistance Act (Food for Peace Program—Public Law 480) of 1954.
3.1 Images
3.1.1 Early American auto-images
No country has exerted such a lasting and profound impact on the shaping of the contemporary world order as the United States. Yet, a sense of paradox and ambivalence has dogged its encounters with the outside world. The ambivalence is not new and goes back to America’s early days. Its continental expansion in the nineteenth century, for example, was carried out in the name of Manifest Destiny while its later engagements overseas were justified in the name of spreading universal values, all while denouncing any imperialist intentions or any motivations of national interest. According to Henry
Kissinger (2015), it was not foreign policy but this project of spreading values that
49 presented “the real challenge to American engagement abroad” (234). US foreign policy has over the years reflected the belief that America’s “domestic principles were self- evidently universal and their application at all times salutary” (ibid 234). Deeply ingrained in the American national character and experience was the unshakable conviction that America’s course “would shape the destiny of mankind” (ibid 234).
Freedom of religion, expression and action were human values to which all other peoples were entitled. The US constitution is the ultimate expression of these values. Cultural openness and democratic principles gave the American model global potential and applicability. However, the belief in the universality of American principles posed a challenge. It suggests that “governments not practicing them are less than fully legitimate” (ibid 236)—a rationale that has occasionally worked itself into official policy.
Based on this view, America regarded quite a large portion of the world population as needing redemption and salvation.
3.1.1.1 Empire for liberty
This ambivalent self-image is evident in early American thinking. Thomas Jefferson, for instance, saw America not only as an emerging power but as an “empire of liberty”
(Tucker & Hendrickson 1992:159). During his presidency, he wrote:
We feel that we are acting under obligations not confined to the limits of
our own society. It is impossible not to be sensible that we are acting for all
mankind; that circumstances denied to others, but indulged to us, have
imposed on us the duty of proving what is the degree of freedom and self-
50 government in which a society may venture to leave its individual
members. (Jefferson 2009:381)
In a letter to James Madison, he reiterates the notion of empire for liberty when expressing the desire to annex Canada, “[…] and we should have such an empire for liberty as she has never surveyed since the creation; and I am persuaded no constitution was ever before so well calculated as ours for extensive empire and self government” (Matthews
2016:1). And to President James Monroe, Jefferson wrote “I candidly confess that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting addition which could ever be made to our system of States” (Jefferson & Washington 2011:316). To Jefferson and his contemporaries, the American empire was unlike its historical predecessors. While the latter thrived on the subjection and oppression of foreign peoples, theirs was conceived as an extension to liberty. Its spread went hand in hand with democracy and its success was “coterminous with the interests of humanity” (Kissinger 236).
3.1.1.2 Early foreign policy
In those early days, however, foreign policy was not a priority. Its practice was optional and spasmodic. Favorable geography and vast resources sheltered the United States from the dangers of permanent interaction with the world. Advised to “steer clear of permanent alliance with any portion of the foreign world” (Spalding & Garrity 1996:53) and to avoid entanglement in the brawls of the old world, Americans adopted an isolationist foreign policy that rarely ventured beyond the western hemisphere. These sentiments were eloquently summed up by John Quincy Adams in 1821 and are worth reproducing at some length:
51 America, in the assembly of nations, since her admission among them, has
invariably, though often fruitlessly, held forth to them the hand of honest
friendship, of equal freedom, of generous reciprocity. She has uniformly
spoken among them, though often to heedless and often to disdainful ears,
the language of equal liberty, of equal justice, and of equal rights. She has,
in the lapse of nearly half a century, without a single exception, respected
the independence of other nations while asserting and maintaining her
own. She has abstained from interference in the concerns of others, even
when conflict has been for principles to which she clings, as to the last vital
drop that visits the heart. […] She goes not abroad, in search of monsters to
destroy. She is the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all. She
is the champion and vindicator only of her own. […] Her glory is not
dominion, but liberty. Her march is the march of mind. She has a spear and
a shield; but the motto upon her shield is Freedom, Independence, Peace.
This has been her declaration: this has been, as far as her necessary
intercourse with the rest of mankind would permit, her practice. (Bonner
2011:319)
This detached policy persisted even after the US emerged as a great power following its last short war with Britain in 1812. To keep foreign powers as far at bay as possible,
President Monroe in 1823 declared the entire American hemisphere off-limits for foreign colonization. It was not until 1898 when an all-out war broke out with Spain that the US engaged in full-scale military action against another major power. After the war, America
52 would continue to distance itself from colonial practices, always “remaining warily at an arm’s length from the European-designed international system [while] maintaining its uniquely reasonable and disinterested stance … by offering moral sympathy from afar”
(Kissinger 240). This sense of uniqueness and disconnection from the old world propelled early Americans to confidently hail the United States “the great nation of futurity”.12 In
1839, the United States Democratic Review published an article proclaiming “we have, in reality, but little connection with the past history … and still less with all antiquity, its glories, or its crimes” (O’Sullivan 426).
3.1.1.3 Early domestic policy
However, America’s self-restraint overseas was counterbalanced by an ardent expansionist policy at home. As stated earlier, extending the realm of the republic had long been a dream of American statesmen. Eventually, their territorial quests were crowned with the Louisiana Purchase of 1803 and the annexation of Texas in 1845.
Whether in the name of commercialism or Manifest Destiny, the new additions were the first step in a long series of territorial acquisition campaigns. The newly acquired tracts of land nearly tripled the size of the state. This looking westward was not new; in fact, it was as old as the state itself. In 1792, with the republic only four years old, the westward expansion was accurately predicted in the Massachusetts minister and geographer
Jedidiah Morse’s prescient remarks: “we cannot but anticipate the period, as not far distant, when the American empire will comprehend millions of souls, west of the
Mississippi” (Greenburg 2010:20). Just like its later expeditions, the United States’
12 This is the title of John L. O’Sullivan’s (1839) article in the Democratic Review.
53 continental expansion was justified on the proposition of spreading principles of liberty, civilization and enlightenment.
3.1.1.4 Rise of the American State
Internationally, it was not long before this detached neutrality gave way to full participation in world affairs. When, in 1898, the USS Maine exploded in Havana Harbor during the Cuban revolt, President William McKinley declared war on Spain. Three months later, with the Spanish ejected from the Caribbean, the United States occupied
Cuba and annexed Puerto Rico, Hawaii, Guam and the Philippines. “The American flag has not been planted in foreign soil to acquire more territory,” McKinley explained during the elections of 1900, “but for humanity’s sake” (Hom 2017:7). In the words of
Kissinger, “the war that had established America as a great power in two oceans [was presented] as a uniquely unselfish mission” (246). American presence was now intercontinental, stretching from the Caribbean to Southeast Asia. It became clear, given its size, location and resources, that the United States was perfectly poised to play a consequential role in world politics. By annexing foreign lands, America embraced the great power politics it had long disdained, and its actions now would be the object of scrutiny, assessment and even resistance by the more traditional powers.
Theodore Roosevelt was the first US president “to grapple systematically with the implications of America’s world role” (ibid 247). Succeeding McKinley in 1901, Roosevelt initiated an unprecedented foreign policy tradition centered largely on geopolitical considerations. By virtue of its political, geographic and cultural inheritance, America would play a “global vision of the role Britain had performed in the 19th century” (ibid
54 247). For Roosevelt, in order to fulfill its calling, the US needed to enter a world in which power, not only principle, governed the course of events. In his 1905 inaugural speech, he explained:
To us as a people it has been granted to lay the foundation of our nation’s
life in a new continent … Much has been given us, and much will rightfully
be expected from us. We have duties to others and duties to ourselves; and
we can shirk neither. We have become a great nation, forced by the fact of
its greatness into relations with the other nations of the earth, and we must
behave as beseems a people with such responsibilities. (Daley 2013:55)
Roosevelt’s words signaled the departure from previously neutral and pacifist traditions.
With the international order in constant flux, the world needed an effective international
‘police force’ to maintain peace and guarantee global equilibrium. The new America, under Roosevelt, would set out to do exactly that. While Roosevelt’s vision of the new
America was influenced largely by political considerations, the justification was expressed in familiar terms. On the one hand, America would effectively check any wrong-doing or misconduct on the part of other countries. On the other, it would stand for the rights of others. Its mission was presented as one of struggle between freedom and despotism, enlightenment and barbarism. If left unchecked, Roosevelt explained, aggressive powers would lead to the destruction of the civilized world and eventually the undermining of America’s prosperity. Thus, Roosevelt asserted “we cannot sit huddled within our borders”, explaining that America’s strategic position as an Atlantic-
Pacific power entitled it to “have [its] say in deciding the destiny of the oceans of the East
55 and the West” (Moore 2013:3). Roosevelt is credited with redefining America’s international role, going beyond the Monroe Doctrine’s well-established opposition to foreign intervention (Cull 2008). The announcement of the Roosevelt Corollary meant that the United States now had the right to intervene preemptively in the domestic affairs of other countries, especially those in its backyard, i.e. Latin America. In the case of South
America, intervention was premised on the desire to maintain order:
All that this country desires is to see the neighboring countries stable,
orderly, and prosperous. Any country whose people conduct themselves
well can count upon our hearty friendship. If a nation shows that it knows
how to act with reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political
matters, if it keeps order and pays its obligation, it need fear no interference
from the United States. Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which results
in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in America, as
elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in
the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe
Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases
of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police
power. (Colucci 2012:241)
Opened officially in 1914, the Panama Canal enabled the United States to shift its navy between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. When he received word of Japan’s imperial plots in Southeast Asia, Roosevelt dispatched an armada (known as the Great White Fleet) of sixteen battleships on a mission to circumambulate the globe. With the US naval power
56 demonstrated, Roosevelt returned to his notion of maintaining international order. The
Russo-Japanese conflict of 1904–5 demonstrated America’s early attempts at diplomacy and containment. The Treaty of Portsmouth of 1905, which limited Japanese expansion and prevented a possible Russian collapse, “was a quintessential expression of
Roosevelt’s balance-of-power diplomacy” (Kissinger 2015:252). Both Russia and Japan were left “face to face … so that each may have a moderative [sic] action on the other”
(Hannigan 2013:109).
3.1.1.5 WWI and the Wilson Doctrine
Roosevelt’s favorite adage to “speak softly and carry a big stick” (Roosevelt 2003:9) would not endure for long. With President Woodrow Wilson at the helm, America returned to the “vision of the shining city on a hill—not participation in, much less domination of, a geographical equilibrium” (Kissinger 255-6). Under Wilson, the United
States entered World War I under a banner of moral universality which sought to universalize a system of governance that existed only in the North Atlantic countries.
This Wilsonian concept reinforced America’s historic sense of moral mission—its participation in the war was not to restore the European balance of power but to “make the world safe for democracy” (Pierce 2007:49). That is, intervention was aimed at basing world order on the compatibility of domestic institutions reflecting the American example. Wilson’s vision of international peace, which dismissed established diplomatic approaches as secret diplomacy, was a mixture of traditional American assumptions and a new insistence on pushing them toward a definitive and global implementation:
57 We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We
seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the
sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the
rights of mankind … These are American principles, American policies. We
could stand for no others. And they are also the principles and policies of
forward looking men and women everywhere, of every modern nation, of
every enlightened community. (ibid 47)
Wilson’s vision marked a return to the same principles that informed and inspired the attitudes of many American leaders before him. Wilson’s political philosophy—self- determination being its main premise—aligned him more with the type of thinking prevalent in 19th-century America when John Quincy Adams and others warned against imposing American virtues on others. At the heart of this philosophy was the desire to promote a collective sense of constructing international peace and order. In a 1918 speech to a joint session of Congress, Wilson reiterated Americans’ commitment to liberty, democracy and self-determination, declaring that “to the vindication of this principle they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, and everything that they possess” (Pierce
69; Manela 2014). Despite his endorsement of the Versailles Treaty of 1919, which brought an end to the war as well as the creation of a League of Nations, this treaty hardly represented the new international order as envisaged by Wilson (Khalil 2016). Ironically, the Treaty of Versailles and the mandate system it brought forth looked more like the
“peace of shreds and patches” he warned against a year earlier (ibid 32). Even though
Wilson’s vision for world peace did not stand the test of time, his philosophy would
58 influence American thinking for generations to come. In the 1941 joint declaration of the
Atlantic Charter, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, along with UK Prime Minister Winston
Churchill, invoked Wilsonian principles that included “the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live” (Duursma 2009:11). The Atlantic
Charter and World War II led to a reshuffling of roles which placed the United States at the helm of a new international order. This involuntary exchange of roles resulted in what has been described as the “transfer of power” from Britain to the United States (Rubin
2012:34).
3.1.2 American hetero-images of the Arab region
Unfavorable depictions of the Arab region appear in official US documents as early as
1917. These are reflected in the proposals submitted by the Inquiry to President Wilson ahead of his participation in the Versailles conference following WWI. The 150-member assembly of American academics was tasked with assessing the different and competing territorial claims to be discussed at the postwar peace conference, as well as offering expertise on the postwar status of the Ottoman Empire. Paris was bustling with Middle
Eastern dignitaries whose high hopes and excitement were largely inspired by Wilson’s vision of a postwar world. Yet, as discussed earlier, the announcement of the final treaty disappointed many attendees, including Emir Faysal, whose pleas for establishing an
Arab state went unheeded (Khalil 2016).
3.1.2.1 The Inquiry: orientalism and images of the Near East
The Inquiry is regarded by some historians (Gelfand 1976; Oren 2011) as one of the significant early attempts by the US government to develop foreign area expertise. Its
59 work revealed “the intersection of privately held sources of knowledge of American missionaries abroad [and] university-based Orientalist scholars in the United States with government agencies” (Khalil 2016:10). The activities and proposals of the Inquiry’s
Western Asia division suggest that “Orientalist perceptions shaped their recommendations for the postwar disposition of the Ottoman Empire” (ibid 10). Their views of Muslims and Arabs as incapable of self-rule were included in the proposals to
President Wilson. Perceptions like these were later used to legitimize the establishment of British- and French-ruled protectorates over the former Ottoman territories (cf.
Tymoczko 1999). Despite his earlier support for self-determination, Wilson’s endorsement of the new mandate system at Versailles “align[ed] the United States with the colonial expansions of Britain and France” (ibid 11).
Despite claims of impartiality, the Inquiry’s proposals revealed an unfavorable view of the Near East. Its language was in many ways reminiscent of early orientalists’ writings. This is evident in its racially and religiously-laden overtones toward the inhabitants of the region (Kaplan 1995). In a 1918 report, one Inquiry member offered a searing assessment of the “Mohammedan World.” “Restlessness and a chafing of the
Mohammedan spirit under non-Mohammedan rule or influence is observable everywhere,” the report explained. “[The Mohammedan] is generally bigoted and inclined to be violent in word and deed against non-Mohammedans,” the report added.
The reason was attributed to inherent Muslim deficiencies, both psychological and moral, that “compelled European powers to control and police Mohammedan lands.” The report went on to assert that despite instances of “economic exploitation” by European powers,
60 it was “accompanied by a cultural development of the natives.” The report concluded that Muslim countries were incapable of self-rule and if granted it they would quickly fall into disarray (qtd. in Khalil 18).
Another report on “The Arab Problem” reiterated similar notions, asserting that inherent deficiencies limited the prospects for self-rule in the Arab-majority provinces of the Ottoman Empire. The report stressed that “the exercise of a protectorate by one of the great powers is a requisite because in each region the majority of the population consists of Mohammedans who have proven themselves culturally inferior to either Jew or
Christian and whose sympathy to the ideas of civilization upheld in Western lands is doubtful.” Islam, according to the report, was a “bar to cultural contact with the occident, whereas intimate ties of material and moral interests bind the Jews and Christians to the west.” It cautioned that independence for Arab and Muslim countries would be a
“menace to unhampered intercourse between Europe and the regions of Southern Asia and the Far East.” Similarly, the report advocated for the establishment of European protectorates that would ultimately prevent any emerging pan-Arab movement. In
Palestine, the report supported the establishment of a large Jewish community to maintain closer ties with the West. In a separate report on the political situation in Arabia, the Inquiry also arrived at similar arguments, concluding that it was inhabited by “a primitive people with uncritical minds and hence are easily swayed by religious feeling”
(ibid 19; emphasis added).
More nuanced descriptions of the region and its inhabitants appeared in later reports. Similarly, the language of such reports was rife with prevailing theories about
61 race and religion. In a 1919 report on Syria, E. H. Byrne offered a detailed account of the country’s ethnic and religious makeup. Conflating “Arabs” with Muslims, Byrne claimed that Syria’s population was comprised of Arabs, Christians and Jews. With the exception of Armenians, Christian Syrians were classified as Semites who adopted “Arab manners and mode of thought.” Syria’s Christian population, however, was more diversified.
Those living in the innermost villages and cities were identified as “Arabs.” Those along the coastal areas were “a bastard race, the result of crossings of conquerors, crusaders and traders through thousands of years; they are not Arab, but fundamentally Semitic.”
The Palestinian Jews were “another racial element of disunion.” Byrne also pointed to the emergence of a Syrian national consciousness. He noted the influence of the SPC (later
American University of Beirut) in Beirut among regional elites and its importance in developing a national ethos. However, his emphasis was more on “national unity” rather than a particular nation-state (ibid 19-20).
Princeton archeologist Howard Crosby Butler also penned some reports on parts of the Arab World including Syria and Arabia. Having conducted several expeditions in the region, Butler had the merit of plausibility. For Syria, he advised against self-rule, arguing that “it would be impossible to any theory of self-determination in this case because it would be impossible to discover what any large number of these peoples [sic] desire.” “Even if this were possible,” he added, “it might easily turn out that they desire something which would soon be found to be disastrous to their well-being.” In Arabia,
Butler had two similarly patronizing recommendations; either to install a government that would introduce gradual reform without disrupting social norms or the type of
62 government based on what “more highly experts in political institutions and social economics believe to be best for them in the long run, regardless of native customs and prejudices.” Without such “foreign guidance and protection, the Arabs cannot be guaranteed good government of any sort at the present time” (ibid 20).
University of Wisconsin classics professor William Westermann concurred with the determination of his Inquiry colleagues. Except for Arabia, he believed that the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire were not prepared for self-rule. Total independence was “inadvisable” and the population needed to be “brought into a unified political system by some greater agency than a purely native government and be instructed by what will necessarily prove a long course of training before they will govern themselves.”
Arabia, on the other hand, was not militarily practical for a protectorate system and thus should be allowed to decide its own traditional form of government as exemplified by the Kingdom of Hijaz (ibid 20-23; Allen 2004:36-39).
3.1.3 Arab hetero-images of America
In this section, an attempt is made to trace the Arab hetero-image of America across the writings of prominent Arab writers. Generally, literary representations of America fall under three main themes: 1) a generally favorable attitude in the early days of the US-
Arab encounter. Writings from this period are mostly appreciative of America’s modernity as exemplified by its scientific and social progress. Debates on American materialism are purely philosophical, and criticisms, when they appear, are downplayed by the general focus on America as an exemplar model of modernity worthy of emulation; 2) a politically-charged and mostly rejectionist attitude following the creation
63 of Israel in 1948.13 This was generally a politically-driven stance due to America’s position on the Palestine question and its frequent backing of Israel in the wars of the ensuing decades. The largely philosophical, measured and comparative approach of early writers gave way to a more politically polemic and selective attitude. Running parallel to this secular negative image is the fully rejectionist view held by some Islamic fundamentalist writers; 3) a mostly positive attitude held in some intellectual circles. This group is more open-minded toward America, its culture and its people, with the political debate largely absent from their writings. With the exception of this group and that of fundamentalist writers, ambivalence—in varying degrees—seems to be the dominant feature of Arab representations of America discussed here.
The Arab encounter with America goes back to the second half of the 18th century,14 when the United States signed treaties with the Arabic-speaking countries of
North Africa (known in English sources as the “Barbary States”). In 1784, Benjamin
Franklin, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson spearheaded negotiation efforts with
Morocco and the Ottoman satellites of Algiers and Tripoli; the treaties granted the
Americans access to the Mediterranean and the whole Near East. Given the loss of trade with Britain and other European powers following independence, the treaties were deemed necessary to circumvent Europe and pirates, on the one hand, and open new venues of commerce for the young republic, on the other. Driven by purely commercial interests, the United States adopted a policy of non-intervention which helped secure a
13 Some scholars see the shift in Arab perception of America as predating Israel and attribute it to post-WWI “broken promises”; see, for example, Ussama Makdisi’s (2011) Faith Misplaced: The Broken Promise of US-Arab Relations, 1820- 2001. 14 For the earliest Arab account of the New World, see Elias al-Musili’s 1668 The Gold and The Tempest (2001).
64 good reputation for it in the Ottoman-held territories of the Middle East. America’s lack of political interests, its denunciation of colonialism (e.g., the Monroe Doctrine of 1823) as well as the strong presence of missionaries are all factors that aided the image of
America as a benign Western power. Historians cite the educational and cultural endeavors of American missionaries as the source of the prestige America had enjoyed in the Near East prior to WWII (El-Enany 2006; Bryson 1977). Interestingly, American missionaries were the forgotten ambassadors of “goodwill” as attested by the indifference showed by US officials in the early days of the encounter with the Near East
(Bryson 1977). Only by the second half of the 19th century did the US government acknowledge the role of the educational and cultural institutions’ missionaries in furthering its interests in the region.
America’s participation in WWI as well as its engagement in postwar discussions on the Ottoman question marked the United States’ partial departure from the decades- long non-interference policy. Under President Woodrow Wilson, the United States participated in the Versailles negotiations of 1919 as a neutral broker. Wilson’s principle of self-determination (14 points) appealed to the Arab political and intellectual elites who sought to establish a unified Arab state in the previously Ottoman-held territories of Syria and Iraq. The historical record indicates that the largely untarnished image of America as a disinterested broker was a main factor in the region’s inhabitants pinning hopes on the emerging power to secure a just solution in the postwar period. Decades of missionary work in the form of educational institutions and cultural outreach programs had helped paint a favorable picture of America in the minds of the nadha generation, many of whom
65 were graduates of American universities in Lebanon and Egypt. In those early days, as
El-Enany (2006) asserts, America was seen, especially by immigrant Arabs, as “a hospitable destination […], offering the promise of a better and freer life away from repressive Ottoman rule and economic hardship” (153). This image of America as a political haven is reflected in Ameen Rihani’s (1867-1940) 1903 article “On the Brooklyn
Bridge,” in which he addresses the Statue of Liberty:
When will you turn your face towards the East, O Liberty? When will your
light combine with that of this radiant Moon and revolve with it round the
Earth shining on the darkness of every wronged nation? Will the day come
in the future when a statue for liberty is erected alongside the Pyramids?
Will a peer of you rise in the Mediterranean Sea? Can it be that sisters for
you shall be born, O Liberty, in the Dardanelle, the Indian Sea, and the Gulf
of Tongking? (Rihani 51).
To be sure, American democracy resonated with the budding Arab nationalist movement at the turn of the century. Another aspect of America that appealed to Arab intellectuals was its high level of modernity and scientific progress. Nine years after Rihani penned his lyrical piece, the then crown prince of Egypt, Muhammad Ali Pasha, took a two-week trip to America. In his A Passage to America (1912), he admires America’s wealth and progress as represented by the tall buildings of New York and the sheer size of American universities. Equally impressive was the social progress as reflected in the independence of American women:
66 What really amazed me was the sight of many American women who were
driving small cars, run on electricity. These women drove the cars; there
were no chauffeurs. They were bold and energetic. So I said to myself: these
Americans who have mothers such as these brave, energetic, fearless, and
dynamic ladies, are worthy of their reputation of their outstanding status
in the world. Most of what children learn of manners and habits are derived
from the mother, for nations rise and fall according to the status of women
therein. (qtd. in Abdel-Malek 2011:160)
On the culture front, however, early Arab accounts show a generally unfavorable view of America. While for Arab intellectuals America represented the pinnacle of political and scientific progress, it was seen as lacking spiritual and cultural sophistication.
However, the debate on American culture was largely philosophical in nature, focusing mainly on the spirit-matter duality (El-Enany 2006). Even though early travelogues featured criticisms of American materialism, the attitude was generally conciliatory, seeking the best of the two worlds, i.e. the East and the West. Although the opening lines of Rihani’s 1911 autobiography The Book of Khalid read: “to the City of the Demiurgic
Dollar … on and on, to the gold-swept shores of distant lands […]—to America” (23–25),
Rihani captures the general intellectual view in the Arab world:
Give me, ye mighty nations of the West, the material comforts of life; and
thou, my East, let me partake of thy spiritual heritage. Give me, America,
thy hand; and thou, too, Asia. Thou land of origination, where Light and
Spirit first arose, disdain not the gifts which the nations of the West bring
67 thee; and thou land of organisation and power, where Science and
Freedom reign supreme, disdain not the bounties of the sunrise. (Rihani
246)
Later writers echoed Rihani’s sentiment, albeit with more self-critique (e.g., Amir
Boqtor’s 1926 The World in America). Some even defended America against the charge of materialism, praising instead Americans’ inventiveness, organization, resourcefulness and love of work (e.g., Philip Hitti’s 1922/1923 America in the Eyes of an Easterner).15
A notable exception to this reconciliatory attitude among early Arab writers was
Mikhail Nu’aymah (1889–1988). Like his compatriot Rihani, he was an early immigrant and a key literary figure among the Arab Mahjar (émigré) community as well as a member of Gibran Khalil Gibran’s New York Pen League. After 20 years in America, including a year of military service in France in WWI, Nu’aymah returned to his native Lebanon where he devoted himself to literature. His philosophical invectives against America often employed notions of excessive materialism and “worship of the dollar” vis-à-vis the spirituality and contentment of the East. In his 1932 Al-Marahil [The Phases], he likens
America to a “dragon” whose belly is an “inferno” into which “people have flocked from every corner of the earth.” The “dragon” is only interested in their muscular strength, so
“if he needs it, he will feed/reward them. If not, he will leave them alone to feed on whatever crumbs he leaves behind” (Nu’aymah 63–65). Nearly three decades later,
Nu’aymah reiterates the same sentiment in his autobiography Sabun: Hikayatu Umr
(Seventy: The Story of a Life, 1959):
15 A seven-part article published by al-Hilal Magazine in 1922 and 1923; see references.
68 Whenever I thought of the [New] World, I felt that a wide gulf existed
between me and it. … For the dollar, which attracted millions of people from
all corners of the earth, did not attract me because I was looking for things
that the dollar could not buy. (Nu’aymah 2011:284)
Nu’aymah’s criticisms notwithstanding, this ambivalent amicability continued to dominate Arab writings on America for the best part of the first half of the 20th century.
Mahmud Taymur’s 1946 The Flying Sphinx, for instance, adopts a similar stance where he applauds America’s modernity, genius, wealth and dynamism, yet attributes its obsession with everything big to
the inherent inferiority complex in the American psyche, which prompts
this young rising nation that has been blessed with resources, knowledge,
and an undisputed position among nations, to cry out to the world: ‘Look
at me, I am the greatest one of all!. (qtd. in Abdel-Malek 62)
This atmosphere of amicability was to change as it became clear that the United States favored the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. In their attempts to salvage the US cultural efforts in the region as well as protect the reputation of their educational institutions, missionaries and their Arab alumni in America started lobbying the US government to reconsider its position on the Palestine question (Bryson 1977).
Missionaries’ repeated calls to draw the government’s attention to the damage this could cause to America’s high prestige and goodwill in the region fell on deaf ears. With the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, a more inimical and rejectionist attitude toward
69 America began to develop among a large sector of Arab intelligentsia. Commenting on the general intellectual sentiment following the creation of Israel, El-Enany points out:
For them and for millions in the Arab world and elsewhere in the world,
the America of Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points no longer existed; it was
no longer a force of liberation and moral principle in the world but one of
repression and was to be regarded with the suspicion, animosity and fear
previously accorded to the old colonial powers of Europe. (171)
With a few notable exceptions, the majority of Arab writings in the second half of the 20th century showed strongly unfavorable depictions of America. America’s constant backing of Israel as well as its alignment with it in the wars of the following decades only exacerbated the severity of the negative portrayals, causing an unprecedented rise in anti-
Americanism in the region. Even before that, the Palestine question weighed on Arab perceptions of America and the West in general. In his The American Conscience and the
Palestinian Issue of 1946, the Egyptian Sayyid Qutb wrote:
They all share the same vantage point, which is that materialistic
civilisation without heart or conscience; that civilisation which can only
hear the drone of machines, speak only with the tongue of commerce,
and look only with the eye of the usurer. … How I hate those Westerners
and despise them all without exception! The English, the French, the
Dutch, and lastly the Americans, whom many have trusted. (Qutb 1155)
Qutb’s polemics are representative—and certainly the most extreme example—of an emerging Islamic conservative movement that was unwavering in its wholesale
70 denunciation and rejection of Western civilization. They depart from the rationalism and pragmatism of 18th/19th century Muslim writers such as Abdurraham al-Jabarti (1753–
1822), who, despite penning first-hand accounts of the French occupation of 1799, made an effort not to treat the West as a monolith, often distinguishing between the reality of colonial repression and the West’s cultural and scientific achievements (Tageldin 2011).
The writings of religiously-educated authors such as Rifa’a al-Tahtawi (1801–1873) and
Khayr al-Din al-Tunisi (1820–1889) also reiterate some of al-Jabarti’s balanced approach to the West. By contrast, Qutb’s later writings on America showed a high degree of religious chauvinism as typified by the sweeping value judgements contained in his 1951 travelogue, in which he gives an account of his two years as an exchange student.16
If the Palestinian issue colored the conservative Arab writers’ judgements of
America, it also found fertile ground in secular circles. Ironically, secular Arab writers, in their attempts to disparage America politically and morally, indulged in the age-old debate over spirit and matter. This is represented by the works of writers such as Yusuf
Idris (1927–1991), Radwa Ashour (1946–2014), Laila Abu Saif (b. 1941) and Halim Barakat
(b. 1936). Their works capture the general Arab mood toward America following the Six
Day War of 1967 and the war of 1973. Again, it must be noted here that, as secular writers, their denunciation of the United States was political rather than philosophical or cultural.
Halim Barakat’s Days of Dust (1969)17 and The Crane (1988) sum up his attitude toward
America. In the Crane, he vehemently states:
16 These appeared in Risalah Magazine between November and December (1951). .The Return of The Bird to The Sea]. Beirut: Dar al-Nahar, 1969] ﻋﻮدة اﻟﻄﺎﺋﺮ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ :Original title in Arabic 17
71 I reject you, you false, petty, petty civilisation! I proclaim you petty
and contemptible. You call liberating heroes ‘terrorists’. And I
proclaim you ‘terrorist’. You sort the world into civilised and
barbarian. And I proclaim you ‘barbarian’ – maybe you can
understand your own language which I detest …Your elegance is a
mask; your beautiful guise a sham. You do not know as I do the
relationship between your people’s obsession with dieting and
African famine. As for your democracy, it is nothing but a rotten act
of rapacity performed politely. (tr. El-Enany 174)18
This anti-Americanism is reiterated by Laila Abu Saif, another writer whose writings featured harsh criticisms of America due to its support for Israel in the 1967 war.
Commenting on the US customs officer’s search of her belongings in 1968, Abu Saif remarks that, instead, “he should have been searching my heart, for it was there that I concealed my hostility for America” (61).
The 1973 Arab-Israeli war also cast a shadow on Arab representations of America.
In her 1983 memoirs The Journey: The Days of an Egyptian Student in America, Radwa
Ashour recounts her experience as a student in America in the early 1970s. The war, confrontations with ‘Zionist’ students on campus, as well as Vietnam are all causes for her invectives against America. She, for instance, takes great pleasure in the humiliation of the United States following the announcement of the fall of Saigon to the North
18 In the official English translation by Bassam Frangieh and Roger Allen (2008), this part is rendered: “So, you civilization of masks, I reject you. I proclaim you despicable and mean. You call freedom-fighters terrorists. You divide the world into two, civilized and barbarous. I declare you barbarians; it’s a word I hate, but maybe you can understand your own language. Your elegance is merely a mask. I see a connection between your preoccupation with losing weight and hunger in Africa. Your democracy is a polite, clinical form of rape; and it smells. (Barakat 143)
72 Vietnamese. “An epoch of history was ending in our favor,” she rejoices, with the collective ‘our’ being an implied reference to “the sons and daughters of the oppressed world” with whom she clearly identifies. Toward the end of her autobiography, Ashour leaves no doubt as to how she feels about America:
I sometimes wonder whether I am able to look at America objectively.
How can someone stung speak with clinical calmness about the attributes
of the scorpion? How can I rid myself of this feeling of oppression,
particular of the Third World human being? (tr. El-Enany 181)
That said, the image of America in the Middle East is not as gloomy as some of the discussions above might suggest. There existed (exists) a group of Arab writers whose depictions of America are not dominated by either the philosophical or political debates surveyed so far. This group is quite the anomaly that defies any attempt at classification.
Hailing from both conservative-Islamic and liberal backgrounds, they seem to be unified by the common goal of achieving modernity based on the Western model. Based on the varying degrees with which they were committed to modernization, they can safely be divided into two subgroups: partial modernists and whole modernists. The partialists are, unsurprisingly, writers with Islamic/traditionalist upbringings such as Mahmoud
Abbas al-Akkad (1889–1964). Although applying the eclectic approach of their predecessors (i.e., selective borrowing from the West; cf. Jabarti, Rihani, al-Tunisi), they do not share their view of American cultural “backwardness.” This is evident in their embrace of American cultural products, including carrying out translations into Arabic.
73 The wholists, on the other hand, are unbridled in their embrace of America, and Western civilization in general. They, too, have their predecessors in the colonial period, notably the Lebanese Ahmad Faris al-Shidyaq (1807–1887) and Egyptian Francis Marrash (1836–
1873). Their wholesale embrace of Western civilization was echoed by later writers such as Taha Hussein [and Salamah Musa] (1889–1973). In many ways, they are reminiscent of the writers who spearheaded Turkey’s modernization project under Kemal Ataturk
(cf. Tahir-Gacular 2003 and 2009). Interestingly, most of these writers—both partialists and wholists—worked in some capacity with FBP either as authors, translators, reviewers or supervisors. Since their writings are part of the paratextual materials to be reviewed, a more in-depth analysis of their contributions will be discussed in the relevant sections of this study.
It seems fitting to close this section with a quick note on the origins of the recurring charge of American materialism in Arab works. Given the minimal contact and late encounter with the US, the Arab image of America as materialistic does not seem to be based on meticulous knowledge of America’s cultural products. There is every reason to speculate that this image of cultural bareness/materialism associated with America was a received notion that found its way into the Arab imagination through contact with
Europe. One can only point to the prevalence of such notions in Europe up until WWII.
A large part of the US cultural initiatives in postwar Europe was dedicated to dispelling the long-held European view of America as culturally backward (Saunders 2013; Rubin
2012).
74 A survey of European hetero-images of America indicates that unfavorable views of
America were expressed as early as the 1800s. In 1857, the French poet Charles Baudelaire described the United States as that “great hunk of barbarism illuminated by gas” (Ceaser
1997:11) For him, Americans were “ignoble immigrant savages given to worshipping the goddess of technology at the altar of the Almighty Dollar” (Firchow 2007:90; emphasis added). Friedrich Nietzsche concurs, depicting Americans as “hopelessly given over to the dubious satisfactions of money grubbing” (Firchow 92; emphasis added). 18th-century
German poet Heinrich Heine caustically discloses his desire to sail to America, “that pig- pen of freedom/Inhabited by boors living in equality” (Osborne 2007:108). It is interesting to note that Amin al-Rihani (cf. The Book of Khalid above) was counted among the early Arab Nietzscheans who early on were avid consumers of European poetry and philosophy (Hanssen 2016). The previous section showed how this intermediary role played by Europe also influenced American images of the Arab world.
3.2 Official US Cultural Agencies and International Image-building
3.2.1 Historical background
For the United States, issues of image did not begin with the Cold War. Rather, the US attempts to sell the American way are deeply rooted in the American story of independence. Nicholas Cull (2008) argues that “[s]ince its birth, in time of crisis, the
United States [has] sought to present its image to the world” (1). The American revolutionaries, for example, were so concerned about explaining the revolution to the world that they crafted the Declaration of Independence “with an international audience in mind” (ibid 2). In presenting their grievances against the British crown “to a candid
75 world,” Americans wanted to ensure their cause was presented in a positive light (ibid
2). For that, they engaged in an information campaign, on both the home and international fronts. Internationally, colonials such as Benjamin Franklin orchestrated campaigns against the monarchists, including the circulation in Britain of documents detailing the atrocities committed by the British and their Indian allies. As representatives of the new republic in Paris, both Franklin and Thomas Jefferson “paid close attention to issues of image” and led information campaigns aimed at explaining America to Europe, and by extension, the world (ibid 2).
In the second half of the nineteenth century, and with the future of the republic secured, the great World’s Fairs became the “clearinghouses for international image- making” (ibid 3). Here, the dual purpose of building prestige and engaging in trade prompted the United States to organize exhibitions such as the Philadelphia Centennial
International Exhibition of 1876 (to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence) and the Chicago World’s Fair of 1893 (Rydell 1984; Findley & Pelle
1990). Internationally, and unlike many Western states at the time, the United States
“trusted its international image to private enterprise, which at this time meant missionaries, touring ‘blackface’ minstrels, and Buffalo Bill’s Wild West show” (Cull 4).
Exposure around the world to American economic power, as Cull argues, “carried a powerful message” (4). That said, the US efforts at international image-building were, as were its interactions with the outside world, limited and sporadic. This is demonstrated by its entry into the twentieth century without “an official mechanism for cultural projection or policy advocacy overseas” (ibid 4).
76 3.2.2 Wartime Information Agencies
The first US official and substantial propaganda apparatus was founded by Woodrow
Wilson in 1917. The newly created Committee on Public Information (CPI) had the dual duty of rallying public support for the war effort, on the one hand, and countering
Germany’s international propaganda on the other (Cull 2008). With the US entry into the war, the CPI soon turned into a full-fledged international campaign for what its first director George Creel described as “the fight for the mind of mankind” (Mock 2015:74).
The CPI’s Foreign Section disseminated all sorts of information on the United States to local audiences in far-flung corners of the world. While its Cable Service battled allied news agencies through carrying US news and presidential speeches, its Foreign Press
Bureau introduced famous works on American law, culture, and society. It was not long before some of the CPI offices became fully functioning libraries and information centers where CPI officers and American expatriates introduced US culture and offered English classes. The classes, as Creel remarked, “gave splendid opportunity to preach the history, aims and ideas of America” (Creel 1920:245).
3.2.2.1 Office of the Coordinator of Information (OCI)
Thanks to Nazi propaganda and America’s withdrawal from the global stage, the interwar period witnessed an increase in anti-American sentiment in many places, including Europe and Latin America (Taylor 2007). The achievements of the CPI in influencing world public opinion seemed to have been reversed by the lack of an active
American role following the war. However, following the outbreak of WWII in 1939, interventionist groups began to mobilize the public in favor of a more direct role by the
77 US, identifying the war against Hitler with “the historical mission of the United States”
(Ninkovich 1981:36–9). Their efforts would come to fruition with the creation of the Office of the Coordinator of Information (OCI) in July of 1941. Under the directorship of Col.
William “Wild Bill” Donovan, the apparatus’s numerous duties included intelligence, special operations and espionage activities (Houseman 1979).
In 1942, to coordinate the US news and information activities overseas, President
Roosevelt ordered the transformation of the OCI into two separate agencies: The Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and The Office of War Information (OWI) (Shulman 1990). The
OSS was to focus on propaganda for tactical military purposes whereas the OWI was tasked with coordinating cultural policy, including what came to be known later as public or “soft” diplomacy. The move placed the Foreign Information Service (FIS), its Voice of
America (VOA) as well as the United States Information Service (USIS) under the newly founded OWI (Cull 2008).
3.2.2.1.1 OCI’s Office of Strategic Services in Cairo
The creation of the COI was heavily shaped by America’s growing interest in the Middle
East. A year before the COI was created, FDR sent Donovan on a tour of Europe and the
Middle East. In addition to evaluating British defensive capabilities in Europe, Donovan’s mission was to evaluate the threat of Nazi Germany to parts of the Middle East and North
Africa. In June of 1941, Donovan submitted his report in which he asserted the strategic importance of the Middle East and southeastern Europe to British and American political and military planning (Cull 2008).
78 One year after Donovan submitted his trip report, the OSS established its first office in
Cairo in 1942. As part of the OSS, the Washington-based Research & Analysis’s Near East section was responsible for gathering intelligence on the Muslim world. Its theater of operations stretched from Afghanistan in the east to Turkey and the Arabian Peninsula in the west. Among its ranks were all sorts of Near East scholars, including members of the faculty and staff at American universities in Beirut and Cairo (Smith 2005).
The Allied invasion of North Africa offered the R&A Branch an opportunity to demonstrate its value. R&A scholars quickly put together detailed reports on Morocco,
Algeria, and Tunisia. The massive reports drew on published works and detailed the relevant demographic, historical and sociopolitical information for each North African country19 (Khalil 2016).
One of the individuals at the vanguard of preparations for Operation Torch was anthropologist Carleton Coon. Stationed in Tangier as part of the American Legation,
Coon’s multitask operations included coordinating agents and conducting sabotage raids against Axis targets. He was also in charge of producing and disseminating materials for propaganda throughout the region.
One of the most interesting of Coon’s propaganda duties was his translation of
President Roosevelt’s Flag Day speech into Arabic. As a technique, Coon believed that a
19 A main concern was the impact of Allied military involvement on the region and the broader Arab-Muslim world. As a solution, the Near East section considered the use of propaganda. One report stated that “most loyalties in the Moslem world are based on direct, personal relationships, not on abstract ideas or distant propaganda.” Building on oriental stereotyping, the report added that “in general Moslems are impressed by force only.” The report also discussed the “Jewish problem” as a major obstacle facing the Allied mission. “Moslems are Anti-Semitic,” it claimed, and “the support of 400,000 Jews is not worth the antagonism of 15,000,000 Moslems.” With respect to Western values, the report asserted that in “ideological terms: Democracy and freedom in the American and British sense of the word are not understood. There is no Arab word for democracy. Natives follow the leaders they respect for their force and wealth” (in Khalil 55).
79 literal translation was not suitable to convey the desired effect. Instead, he explained that
“every time Mr. Roosevelt mentioned God once, we named Him six times; and the result was a piece of poetry which might have come out of the Koran” (qtd. in Khalil 57). Below is an excerpt of Coon’s translation:
Praise be unto the only God. In the name of God, the
Compassionate, the Merciful. O ye Moslems. O ye beloved sons of
the Moghreb [sic]. May the blessing of God be upon you. This is a
great day for you and for us, for all the sons of Adam who love
freedom. Behold. We the American Holy Warriors have arrived.
Our numbers are as the leaves on the forest trees and as the grains
of sand in the sea. We have come to fight the great Jihad of
Freedom. We have come to set you free. (qtd. in Khalil 57)
Leaflets of Roosevelt’s translated speech were dropped into the Spanish North African zone and read repeatedly over Rabat radio after the Allied invasion. Following Allied victory, Coon claimed that his translation helped win local support for the Allied effort,
“particularly those who had been wavering in an Axis direction” (qtd. in Khalil 57).
3.2.3 Cold War Information Agencies
The final years of the Truman presidency saw the launch of what was dubbed a
‘Campaign of Truth’, a global campaign of aid, policy advocacy, and image-enhancing to respond to world developments, from the communist seizure of power in
Czechoslovakia and the creation of Israel in 1948 to the Korean War in 1950. Despite concerted efforts to tilt world opinion toward a more favorable view of the capitalist
80 model, challenges lingered. American officials acknowledged that by 1952 the Campaign of Truth had achieved little. Official estimates indicated that the Russians still had the upper hand in matters of propaganda. Americans realized that in order to properly and effectively fight the Cold War, new measures had to be taken to fix the inherent flaws that had dogged US information overseas for decades—a lack of policy coordination. In mid-January of 1952, Truman responded with the semiautonomous United States
International Information Administration (IIA). With the Americans “not yet winning
[the Cold War]” in Europe and “in real and imminent danger of losing [it]” in the Middle
East, south and east Asia, the IIA could not have come at more trying times (Cull 72).
Holding sway over the USIS overseas libraries and the VOA, the IIA soon embarked on a global cultural and propaganda campaign, shifting the theater of operations to the developing world—the Soviets’ battleground of choice. In the Middle
East, the IIA stepped up the VOA’s Arabic newsfeed, screened films and distributed anti-
Soviet posters and pamphlets. The year 1952 also saw the launch of a massive books program targeting the Arabic-speaking countries and the broader Muslim world (ibid).
3.2.3.1 The United States Information Agency (USIA)
The Eisenhower era was rife with major challenges, both global and domestic, that threatened to undermine the image of the United States. Internationally, America struggled with a raging Cold War and a global “Hate America” campaign orchestrated by the Soviets (InfoGuide Bulletin 241, 1953). Less than a year in office, Eisenhower created the United States Information Agency (USIA), drastically changing the face of the
US information machine (Executive Order 10477, 1953). Not only was the new agency in
81 total control of the whole United States information apparatus but it was also granted full autonomy from the State Department. In its founding statement, the mission of the USIA stressed the following:
1. The purpose of the US information Agency shall be to submit evidence to
peoples of other nations by means of communication techniques that the
objectives and policies of the United States are in harmony with and will
advance their legitimate aspirations for freedom, progress and peace.
2. The purpose in paragraph 1 above is to be carried out primarily:
a. By explaining and interpreting to foreign peoples the objectives and
policies of the United States Government.
b. By depicting imaginatively the correlation between US policies and
the legitimate aspirations of other peoples in the world.
c. By unmasking and countering hostile attempts to distort or to frustrate
the objectives and policies of the United States.
d. By delineating those important aspects of the life and culture of the
people of the United States which facilitate understanding of the
policies and objectives of the Government of the United States.
(Nilsson 2016:181)
By and large, the USIA was the most influential and effective information agency to be established during the Cold War. With full access to the President, the USIA now had the ability to focus on the monumental challenges facing the image of the United States abroad. During its 46 years (1953–1999), the USIA tackled the most embarrassing aspects
82 of US foreign policy, from the CIA-orchestrated overthrows of democratic governments
(Iran, 1953; Guatemala, 1954) to the Bay of Pigs in 1961 and the Cuban Missile Crisis the following year. In the Middle East, the agency through its USIS posts struggled with the spike in Pan-Arab nationalism and its on-and-off flirtations with communism. The
United States’ continuous military support to Israel was a great source of resentment toward America in the Arab and the broader Muslim world. The Vietnam War was perhaps the single issue that had the most negative impact on US prestige abroad.
Throughout the lengthy and disastrous conflict, the USIA dealt on a global scale with the unprecedented rise in anti-American sentiment, especially in Western Europe. Domestic issues also represented a major challenge to the image of America and USIA operations abroad. Race relations was a long running issue that drove away many in the developing world, especially in Africa. The Kennedy assassination and the Watergate Scandal were two other domestic issues that were greatly exploited by the Soviets (Cull 2008).
3.2.3.1.1 USIA in the Middle East
As indicated earlier, the strong ties with Israel came at a great cost for America’s image and standing in the Arab world. As early as 1952, the Psychological Strategy Board (PSB) identified America’s sponsorship of the creation of Israel as one of the major challenges facing US foreign interests in the region. Worse, pointing out the Arab grievances over the West-backed Israel was a recurring theme of both Soviet and Arab nationalist propaganda, especially in Syria and Egypt. To “combat America’s image as the sponsor of Israel” and to counter USSR propaganda, the USIA stepped up its VOA Arabic news
83 output, launched massive book programs, revamped USIS libraries, screened films and distributed pamphlets (ibid 146).
As elsewhere in the world, the USIA played a supporting role for US foreign policy actions in the Middle East. In the aftermath of a 1958 coup overthrowing the pro-Western regime in Iraq, the United States and British governments responded by sending troops to buttress allies in Lebanon and Jordan. Nurturing suspicion of US motives, the Soviets unleashed “an unprecedented volume of propaganda” (ibid 158). The USIA responded with a million copies of Eisenhower’s translated statement on the intervention which were then dropped by the US air force in Lebanon. The VOA tripled its broadcast in
Arabic, switching to round-the-clock news broadcast. During the Six Day War, when
Cairo Radio floated the accusation that the United States and Britain fought alongside
Israel, the VOA went to great lengths to refute the “big lie.” To prove US neutrality, the
VOA pointed out areas where the United States had acted against Israeli interests, such as the decision to continue aid to Arab states. The USIA even took the unusual step of distributing locally-produced leaflets linking communism with Zionism (ibid).
The USIA also expanded its cultural output. It established two periodicals in
Arabic: Al Hayat Fi Amerika (Life in America), later replaced by Topic, and the Beirut-based
Al-Majal (Field). As the titles suggest, the magazines focused on explaining social aspects of American life. Translation also ranked high on the USIA’s agenda toward the Middle
East. In 1952, it launched a massive books program targeting the Arabic-speaking countries and the broader Muslim world. In unison with USIS posts in the region, the
USIA translated and published a list of “politically helpful books” (ibid 73). Chief among
84 the first books to be translated into Arabic was Orwell’s Animal Farm. The program was part of a massive global translation program that in 1955 celebrated its 2,500th book. A special collection of translated books included the titles The Big Change: America
Transforms itself, 1900-1950, Forced Labor in Soviet Russia and The Communist War on
Religion (ibid).
Religion was a useful propagandizing tool for the USIA in the Middle East. The
USIA’s religious output for the region emphasized respect for Islam. It also adopted a comparative approach that contrasted freedom of religion in America with Soviet suppression of religion. “A shared respect for God in the face of godless communism,” as Cull explains, “became the default message of US Cold War propaganda in the Middle
East” (74). The USIA seized every opportunity to promote America’s tolerance of Islam.
In 1953, its posts dedicated much coverage to a conference of Muslim and American scholars held at Princeton. A 1958 USIA film featured a twenty-minute documentary entitled Washington Mosque. The VOA Arabic service would adopt the practice of reading the Quran before news broadcasts. Playing on religious sensitivities, one of the posters distributed in Iraq depicted “Soviet Communists as pigs with hammer and sickle tails”
(ibid 73).
3.2.3.2 Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF)
The Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) was the cornerstone of America’s cultural war during the Cold War. Secretly run by the CIA, it represented the apex of US cultural projection during the period. Generously endowed by the US government, the CCF established offices in more than 35 countries, published 20 major transnational
85 magazines, organized international art exhibitions and conferences, had its own news and features services and supervised contests during which writers, musicians, and artists were handsomely rewarded with prizes and public performances (Rubin 2012;
Saunders 2013). Its mission, according to Frances Saunders (2013), was to “nudge the intelligentsia of Western Europe away from its lingering fascination with Marxism and
Communism toward a view more accommodating of ‘the American Way’” (Saunders 22).
Among its ranks was a highly influential and closely knit network of cultural warriors, hailing from across the various segments of US government, private sector and academia
(Saunders 2013).
Saunders identifies two main objectives with regard to the CIA’s administration of the CCF and other US cultural programs during the Cold War: 1) to “inoculate the world against the contagion of communism,” and 2) to “ease the passage of American foreign interests abroad” (ibid 24). This resulted in an extensive and “tight network of people working with the agency to promote the idea that the world needed a pax
Americana [or] a new age of enlightenment” that, like the century, would belong to
America (ibid 24). Saunders points out that the fallout of US secret cultural programs was so extensive that “few writers, poets, artists, historians, scientists, and critics in postwar
Europe escaped being linked in some way to this covert enterprise” (24). The fact that it went unchallenged and undetected for almost two decades expanded its scope of significance. Its stockpile consisted of a huge arsenal of cultural weapons, including journals, books, conferences, seminars, musical concerts, art exhibitions and awards all
86 in the service of the ultimate goal of winning the “battle for the hearts and minds of
Europe” (Spender—New York Time Magazine, April 25,1948).
According to Rubin (2012), the creation of the CCF helped facilitate and accelerate the changing conditions of literary production that by the early 1950s they had become a global process, “not simply of cultural production but of cultural replication” (Rubin 17).
While administering the postwar cultural scene, the CCF upheld the illusion of a literary world that was divorced from politics. It effectively reinforced new techniques and modes of articulation that redefined the relationship between writers and readers. While the CCF amplified the voices of certain writers and presented them as global literary figures, it equally sought to discredit, delegitimize and marginalize others. By giving a global platform to a select group of literary writers and denying it to others, the CCF reconstituted the very conditions that governed cultural exchange, resulting in the increased visibility of those writers at the expense of others. This is demonstrated by the fact that certain writers were allowed “to politically engage in a social system from which others were implicitly—and at times explicitly—excluded” (ibid 18).
3.2.3.2.1 The CCF’s Magazines
As writers were being sent abroad to promote the new postwar cultural order, many transnational magazines and journals were being set up in different parts of the world to aid with the effort. Openly supported by private organizations such as the Ford and
Rockefeller Foundations, their connections to the US and British governments were successfully concealed from the public. These included the entire consortium of the CCF’s magazines such as Cuadernos (Latin America), Encounter (London), Preuves (Paris), Jiyu
87 (Tokyo), Der Monat (Berlin), Tempo Presente (Rome), Black Orpheus (Nigeria), Transition
(Kampala), Quadrant (Sydney), Quest (Mumbai), Solidarity (Manila), and Hiwar (Beirut).
The new magazines’ emergence on the cultural stage was further boosted by the decline
(and in some cases the demise) of prewar literary periodicals like Nouvelle Revue Française in Paris, the Neue Rundschau in Berlin, and the Criterion in London, to the lament of some writers who were dismayed over the disappearance of a particular historical phase of writing. Rubin argues that what set these new journals apart from their predecessors was the fact that their appearance “reflected and reinforced the formidable structures of cultural domination” (ibid 52). “The elimination of publications with more limited circulation,” he goes on to explain, “led to the further standardization of thought” (ibid
52). Although the motto of the CCF’s magazines was to encourage freedom of expression,
Rubin makes the interesting observation that they were
more interested in constraining cultural discourse and controlling what
could be and could not be said about the United States than […] in
providing a serious critique of the absence of cultural freedom anywhere.
(Rubin 53)20 21
20 Lefevere (1998:15) notes that “patronage is usually more interested in the ideology of literature than in its poetics, and it could be said that the patron ‘delegates authority’ to the professional where poetics is concerned […] Professionals who represent the ‘reigning orthodoxy’ at any given time in the development of a literary system are close to the ideology of patrons dominating that phase in the history of the social system […] the patron(s) count on these professionals to bring the literary system in line with their own ideology.” 21 Karl Marx argued: “The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas … the class which is the ruling material force of society is at the same time its ruling intellectual force.” See Ralph Miliband’s (1984) The State in Capitalist Society.
88 3.2.3.2.1.1 Hiwar (Arab World)
Founded in 1962, Hiwar was the face of the CCF in the Arab world. Its brief run and success were marred by Cold War tensions. Hiwar provides a glimpse into how the US government sought to enlist the region’s intelligentsia in its political and cultural struggle against the USSR (Boullata 1973). By publishing certain Arab writers alongside world writers, Hiwar amplified certain narratives over others, thus, as Rubin argues, contributed to “Weltliteratur’s silences” (ibid 13).
In 1962, the CCF approached Palestinian poet and then-Arabic lecturer at
London’s School of Oriental and African Studies, Tawfiq Sayegh, about the possibility of establishing an Arabic-language magazine. Following the request,22 which was relayed by translator Denys Johnson-Davies, Sayegh met with the head of the Paris-based CCF office, John Hunt, to further discuss the issue. During the meeting, Sayegh asked for
“complete editorial freedom,” a demand to which Hunt agreed (Johnson-Davies 2006:68).
A novelist by profession, Hunt was also a CIA agent23 who served as the liaison between the CCF and the agency. Khalil notes that even though Sayegh’s political orientation was not publicly known at the time, his later contributions in Hiwar showed “an alignment with the CCF’s leftist anticommunism” (ibid 175).
22 The CCF’s initial pick was Yusuf al-Khal (Johnson-Davies 2006)—founder of Shi’r [poetry] magazine—known for his anticommunist stances, and a member of a tightly knit group of influential liberal writers such as Jabra Ibrahim Jabra and Taha Hussein. Al-Khal, Jabra and Sayegh were also FBP translators. Shi’r was also a recipient of CCF funding. (Chreih’s 2011 Letters of Tawfig Sayegh). 23 After the CCF’s ties to the CIA were revealed, Hunt finally left the organization in 1968. He received a medal from the CIA the same year, and finally retired to the south of France. Here is what he says about the CCF: “There were people in India, in the Lebanon, in Africa—men and women who cast their lot in with the Congress on the strength of representations that I, Mike, and others made—who then found themselves caught in the hurricane. And I know that many of them suffered deeply, and no amount of high strategy, moralizing or discussion will make that fact go away. They put their honor and life on the line, and I haven’t forgotten that” (qtd. in Johnson-Davies 72).
89 Even before publishing its first issue, the magazine suffered a number of attacks from local counterparts. The Beirut-based Sayad, for instance, criticized Hiwar’s affiliation with the CCF. Other critics cited the CCF’s anticommunist position as problematic, predicting it would restrict editorial freedom. Others warned of a larger backlash due to what they perceived as ties to Zionist groups. Some concerned friends worried that the whole enterprise would ruin Sayegh’s reputation. Sayegh disagreed. In an editorial appearing in Hiwar’s inaugural issue, he offered reassurances and described the new magazine’s mission. The journal, he wrote, was a “public cultural magazine” unlike any other in the
Arab world (Sayegh 1962:1). “Its existence was not only justified but also a must,” he added (ibid 1). Moderate and accessible, the magazine would discuss “all types of literature, art, ideas and social phenomena” from an Arab perspective (ibid 2). Although it was a “genuine Arabic publication […] not a foreign magazine in an Arab country,”
Sayegh stressed it shared the overall goals of the CCF in encouraging “the freedom of intellectual inquiry.” This included defending “the freedom of culture, thought, expression, speech and reading around the world […] against aggressors of any sort”
(ibid 2). Khalil argues that Sayegh’s editorial “reflected his private thoughts and concerns about the limits placed on intellectual freedom by communist regimes” (Khalil 176).
Criticism notwithstanding, Hiwar continued to grow over the next five years, publishing prominent Arab and non-Arab intellectuals. Those included writers like
Albert Hourani and Tayeb Salih and poets like Ghada el-Samman, Badr Shakir el-Sayyab, and Muhammad el-Maghut. Published translations included contributions by American writers such as T. S. Eliot, Henry Miller, James Baldwin and Encounter’s editor Melvin
90 Lasky. Hiwar also did not hold back from taking up debates on regional and international politics (Rubin 2012). It republished an Arabic translation of the CCF’s Paris-based
Preuves’s interview with Algerian president Ahmed Ben Bella. Other issues featured criticisms of Nasser’s government and the Egyptian revolution. Khalil argues that these choices “represented editorial decisions that reflected US foreign policy, particularly the criticism of Nasser and favorable coverage of Ben Bella” (Khalil 177).
Despite its initial success, Hiwar would continue to receive criticism from various
Arabic intellectual journals, especially leftist Lebanese magazines. The controversy surrounding its connections to foreign backers would eventually lead to the Iraqi
Ministry of Information’s decision to ban Hiwar in 1963. In 1965, amid mounting attacks,
Egyptian writer Yousef Idris had to publicly decline an award from Hiwar after initially accepting it (Boullata 1973). Negative attention reached a new height following the New
York Time’s 1966 article revealing the link between the CIA and “anti-Communist but liberal organizations of intellectuals,” including the CCF (New York Times, May 20, 1966).
A month later, the Egyptian daily Rose al-Yusuf published a detailed version of the New
York Times’ report, revealing Hiwar’s ties to the CCF. Shortly afterwards, Hiwar was banned in Egypt. Despite Sayegh’s reassurances that his journal was independent, a
“Stop Hiwar” campaign was launched in several newspapers across the Arab world
(Khalil 2016).
Desperate to save Hiwar, Sayegh once more traveled to Paris in the fall of 1966 to meet with Hunt. Hunt reassured him that the CCF had no ties to the CIA nor did it receive
91 funding from the US government. A few months later, however, the CCF publicly admitted its connections to the CIA. Hiwar published its final issue in April of 1967 (ibid).
3.2.3.2.2 The CCF and the consecration of the writer
By granting access to a “socially certified” group of intellectuals (Rubin 54), the CCF helped consecrate certain writers, “conferring authority” on them as world literary figures (ibid 58). Through developing new modes of articulation, circulation, valorization and appropriation, the CCF helped bestow literary recognition on these writers. To do that, the CCF employed a number of techniques, including translation and juxtaposition.
Translating and publishing obscure writers alongside world writers in the same magazine not only provided them with more visibility and presence in various languages but also with cultural capital and recognition. Or as Rubin argues, it was not their mere presence that counted, “but the relationship of their presence and proximity to other authors […] Their authority was established as a relation” (ibid 56). Commenting on the activities of Cuadernos in Latin America, Jean Franco argued that “the bait that Cuadernos offered to Latin American writers was a readership outside the boundaries of their national communities… their work was published in the same journal as ‘world’ writers, such as Thomas Mann, Benedetto Croce, and Upton Sinclair” (qtd. in Rubin 57).
These unlikely juxtapositions constituted an established practice that extended across the wide spectrum of CCF magazines and journals. Preuves’ inaugural issue, for example, contained essays by the Argentinian Jorge Luis Borges, the British Bertrand
Russell, and the Austrian Franz Borkenau. Its 1954 issue featured the works of Richard
Wright, Roger Caillois, Lionel Trilling, Niccolò Tucci, Julian Gorkin, and Hugh Seton-
92 Watson. In Encounter too, articles by the Italian Nicola Chiaromonte and the German Golo
Mann appeared adjacent to works by the Indian novelist Raja Rao and poet Stephen
Spender. In one issue, Der Monat published Faulkner and Czeslaw alongside each other, and Faulkner, Benedetto Croce, and Arthur Koestler in another. According to Rubin, the significance of these juxtapositions was not their mere presence, “but the projected affiliation among writers” (ibid 57).
New technical innovations in printing and distribution allowed the CCF’s work to travel in faster, more efficient and unprecedented ways. “For the first time in literary history,” Rubin argues, “the process of immediate translation and rapid circulation was part of the changing conditions of literary and cultural production and transmission”
(ibid 57). Through the repeated publication and translation of their work, the CCF helped consecrate an unlikely group of writers and intellectuals considered to represent “the best of contemporary thought in their national traditions” (ibid 58). By simultaneously publishing essays in multiple languages, the CCF not only had control over the what could or could not be said but also over the mediation process itself whereby “the passage of an essay from one language into another was no longer subjected to older rhythms and forces of reproduction” (ibid 59). For instance, in its 1962 inaugural issue, the CCF’s
Arabic-speaking journal Hiwar republished a translated version of Donald Hall’s 1959
Paris Review interview with T. S. Eliot, which it featured alongside the work of the
Palestinian poet Tawfiq Sayegh. An essay on the writer Taha Hussein by Lebanese-British historian Albert Hourani was printed concurrently in Hiwar, Cuadernos, and Preuves
(Rubin 2012).
93 3.3 Private Agencies: Cultural Mediators
Non-governmental organizations constituted an essential part of American cultural projection in the Middle East. The following sections feature a brief review of the most important of these private groups, namely American educational institutions and private foundations. While the former were involved early on in image-enhancing measures on behalf of the United States, the latter often provided the funds necessary for the cultural programs to be effective. Private foundations were often used as cover for government funding. Both also showed an interest in modernizing the Middle East along the lines established by the US government, and as such were actively engaged in facilitating US foreign policies such as economic aid programs. More importantly, American educational institutions and private foundations worked hard to win over the region’s inhabitants in the Cold War, on the one hand, and fight anti-Americanism following the creation of Israel, on the other.
3.3.1 Educational institutions: AUB and AUC
As WWII was coming to a close, America’s view of missionary educational institutions in the Middle East began to change. The American University of Beirut (AUB) and the
American University of Cairo (AUC) were increasingly looked at as an extension of
American interests in the region. Their influence was further facilitated by their prestigious status and reputation among the Middle Eastern political and business elites.
Another factor was that they promoted themselves as disinterested and independent institutions of higher education without any political allegiances. The apolitical status allowed American educational institutions to facilitate US foreign interests in the region
94 in three main ways: 1) by exporting attractive images of the United States through exposing Arab students to the best aspects of American life, culture, thought and technology; 2) by influencing generations of Arab students into adopting pro-America views, thus ensuring their loyalty in future conflicts, and 3) by playing a supporting role in US efforts in the region, from WWII and the Cold War to aid and modernization programs. Collaboration was maintained through a number of individuals who moved fluidly between the US wartime agencies and American universities in the region.
Stephen Penrose, who was on the AUB’s Board of Trustees, for instance, served as head of the OSS’s Secret Intelligence (SI) office in Cairo. Faculty members like John Badeau24 and Wendell Cleland, an AUC founding member, had both served at the Office of War
Information (OWI). Badeau served as AUC’s president and later served as the US ambassador to Egypt under President John F. Kennedy (Khalil 2016).
3.3.1.1 Exporting American culture
In a letter he wrote in 1942, Badeau attributed his refusal to join the government’s clandestine agencies to his belief that “the work we are doing at the University is making a unique contribution toward winning the loyalty and cooperation of the Arab world for the United States.” He also noted that this “contribution rests in part upon the fact that we are accepted in Egypt as a non-official American agency.” “What I fear, both for the present and the future is that to engage in the activity you suggest in the Near East (i.e. where one is known) would rob the University of this influence,” Badeau explained.
24 John Badeau was commissioned by FBP to pick 25 American contributors to the first Arabic volume of Edward R. Murrow’s This I Believe (1953). Egyptian nahda figure Ahmed Amin picked and edited an equal number of personal philosophies by prominent Arab writers. The second volume was supervised and edited by Taha Hussein in 1955. Badeau also contributed to Nicola Ziadeh’s American Writings on Islam (1960).
95 Although he was sympathetic toward the US government’s objectives in the region,
Badeau stressed the importance of preserving the independence—or its appearance—of
AUC. “Even the State Department has said to us that we were doing work that they, because of their official status, could not do. I do not want to imperil that kind of work nor the influence for American sympathy that it brings,” Badeau remarked (qtd. in Khalil
117).
Bayard Dodge, AUB’s president, echoed Badeau’s views about the role of
American educational institutions in the region. Writing to the State Department’s Near
Eastern Affairs (NEA) section, Dodge asserted that “what the Arab lands need, if they are to become stable, progressive and contented enough to withstand Communism and other dangerous influences, is a greater enlightenment of the people as a whole.” He stressed the importance of American universities in advancing Washington’s goals in the Middle
East. “In order to make the Arab respect American culture,” Dodge explained, “it is very important that American institutions as exist, should maintain high standards and be worthy in every way of the names which they bear and of the announcements which they publish.” The AUB, in particular, was arguably the most capable of all existing institutions, of meeting the US government’s requirements. “The future of these Arab states depends to a great extent upon the efficiency of [AUB],” he emphasized. He also cautioned that “the Arab world is at a crossroads. Whether it becomes sympathetic with our democratic Anglo-Saxon civilization, or is dominated by some other culture, like Pan-
Islamism or Communism, will depend largely upon the coming generation” (ibid 117).
96 AUB’s Harlod Hoskins, who played a major role in the establishment of the OSS’s Cairo office, took the opportunity to promote AUB to the State Department. For him, the activities of American missionaries and educational institutions were far more valuable than the US’s limited commercial interests in the area. The fact that the American educational institutions were supported and run by missionary societies and private foundations and not the government “added to the prestige that America gained from these efforts.” “As a result,” he explained, “American standing and influence have for many years been extremely high throughout the whole Near East” (ibid 117-118).
American educational institutions were also viewed as training the future leaders of the newly formed states in the region and, most importantly, as a safeguard against political rivals. As Bayard Dodge asserted in a 1945 letter to Washington, “the task of providing cultural leadership for the states of the Near East will not end but will really begin in earnest, when the war terminates.” “Subversive influences cannot be guarded against by neglect, but rather by the consistent and positive pressure of intellectual and cultural guidance,” he added. Dodge also believed that the support and backing of US universities and colleges in the Near East was paramount since it would establish
“stability and order” and serve the ultimate goal of ensuring “loyalty to the United
States” in future conflicts (ibid 118–119).
3.3.1.2 American universities and Palestine
Despite his reassurances, Hoskins cautioned that the previous two decades had seen a significant decline in American prestige in the Arab world. He attributed the reasons to factors such as American isolationism following World War I, support for the Zionist
97 movement, and America’s alignment with British and French colonialist enterprises in the region. To resolve this, he stressed the role of existing American educational institutions. “Higher education along American lines is the soundest form of culture contribution to this area,” Hoskins emphasized. To avoid raising suspicion, Hoskins advised that additional funding for the universities and colleges should be channeled through private foundations (e.g., the Near East College Association - NECA) and that direct government funding should be avoided at all costs. He also warned against propaganda for short-range political gains. Alternatively, Hoskins was in favor of establishing programs that helped elevate living standards for the locals. Such programs, he believed, would “prove to be the soundest form of propaganda and political policy for the United States.” Following Hoskins’ advice, the US government started channeling funds to AUB through the NECA and other State Department affiliate cultural programs
(ibid 119).
Joseph Statterwaite, the director of the State Department Division of Research and
Analysis for the Near East, South Asia, and Africa (DRN), and others argued for a more effective role for these educational institutions in American foreign policy. “These colleges, and related organizations like the Near East Foundation are far and away the most effective representative of America and the most effective demonstrations of what
America is and stands for,” he wrote. Even after the “Palestine controversy,” Statterwaite stressed that these institutions played a defining role in preparing future leaders in the region and could help polish America’s image in the Arab world. Neglecting American
98 educational institutions, he warned, “would be an absolute disaster from the point of view of American foreign policy in the Near East” (ibid 126).
In 1950, AUB president Stephen Penrose met with Assistant Secretary of State
George McGhee to discuss ways of improving strained relations with the Arab states resulting from the creation of Israel. Penrose requested assistance in establishing an agricultural department at AUB, stressing that it was “one of the most worthwhile in the area.” McGhee turned to private organizations for help. In a 1951 letter to Ford’s president, Paul Hoffman, he explained the US had “become increasingly concerned with the desirability of expanding private American activities throughout the whole area at the ‘grass roots’ level.” He took the opportunity to promote the work of AUB and AUC.
“It is no exaggeration to say that the graduates of these universities, who come from many countries throughout the Near East, represent, by and large, the most important points of contact between the United States, on the one hand, and the Near Eastern world, on the other,” McGhee wrote. He added that “graduates of these colleges speak to us in our own language; they are oriented to Western thinking; and they occupy important posts in the governmental, legal, commercial, and financial circles of the communities in which they live.” “We can think of no more important sphere of activity and interest for private
American support,” McGhee wrote, “and no better or more useful field for the
Foundation to examine” (ibid 127–128).
3.3.1.3 Looking to the West: fighting communism through aid programs
Following the 1947 announcement of the Truman Doctrine, covert efforts were initiated by the US to curb Soviet influence in the Near East. Development through economic aid
99 was seen as a possible solution. During what came to be known as the “Pentagon Talks,”
British and American militaries wanted to do something about the standards of living in the region. The aim was “to encourage the Middle East countries in all fields— technology, medicine, etc.—to look to the West.” To achieve this, advisors in various fields should be recruited to work on “gradually linking Middle Eastern institutions” with their counterparts in the US and Britain. In 1949, AUB president Stephen Penrose offered his university’s support for the new program in a letter to Assistant Secretary of
State George McGhee. In return, McGhee applauded the initiative and stated that AUB had many partisans who “know of the work [it] has done, [and] will give warm support to make full use of the facilities of the American University of Beirut when the Point IV plans are formulated” (ibid 124–125).
Wendell Cleland of the Office of Intelligence and Research (OIR) called for indirect assistance to the universities if their high standing and influence in the region were to be maintained. He explained that “this fact of dissociation from national political policy must be maintained, even to the extent of exercising the liberty to criticize their own government’s policies.” “This liberty in fact gives them a great deal more influence than if they appeared to be subservient to government policy,” Cleland added. Instead of direct government involvement, he proposed collaboration with American universities and agencies through exchange and scholarship programs, book donations, and loans of personnel and materials. Cleland’s recommendations found heedful ears at the State
Department which took it upon itself to covertly coordinate activities with these institutions in the Near East (ibid 126–127).
100 3.3.1.4 American universities and US foreign policy
Concerned with Egypt’s leading cultural role in the region following the Suez Crisis of
1956, John Case, AUB’s chairman of the Board of Trustees, stressed the need for AUB to train “teachers who would be oriented for a more favorable attitude toward the West, especially the United States.” In two letters to CIA director Allen Dulles, Case requested financial aid for AUB while promoting its role in furthering US interests in the region. He noted that “recent developments have strengthened our conviction that the University is exerting an influence in the Arab world and the contiguous areas which is of the utmost importance to the United States and the Western world.” “We believe that this influence can be far greater in the future if the University can obtain adequate financial backing,”
Case wrote. He added, “I can think of no expenditure of Government funds which can be expected to yield comparable benefits to our position and policy in the Middle East.”
Over the following year, relief came in the form of funds from the CIA as well as grants from the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations. The State Department advised that funds to the universities be channeled “in an unspectacular and unpublicized manner” lest their private character be jeopardized (ibid 137–138).
In its survey of American educational institutions, the CIA reported that AUC was the “least” American. This fact, according to the CIA, “makes it an effective American influence and should enable it to continue serving within a strongly nationalistic cultural situation.” Additionally, AUB’s “particular significance” was due to its strategic location where many of “the strongest forces of the Arab world” currently emanate. The agency also asserted that AUC’s contribution and “the contacts it establishes with significant
101 Egyptian groups is a major force of American influence” in the young Arab republic. The
CIA stressed the university’s role in protecting American interests, warning that “the foreign cultural field in Egypt would be left largely to neutralists and Soviet bloc influences, which would be both a loss to the Egyptian community and to the Western world.” “It is precisely because conditions are changing rapidly in Cairo and traditional bonds of friendship with the West are weakened that the American University faces a new, more significant and exacting role,” the CIA added (ibid 141).
3.3.2 Foundations
Counted among the “Big 3”, the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations played an important role in advancing US foreign policy objectives (Parmar 2014). Developing out of the liberal internationalism of the Progressive Era, the foundations were staunch proponents of promoting Americanism worldwide.25 In many ways, their activities mirrored those of other American non-profit groups in terms of passing agendas reflecting US foreign policy interests, such as fighting communism, promoting democracy and implementing development ideas. These included generous grants to projects devoted to expanding
“our capacity for leadership in a world of ideological conflict” (Annual Report 1953:16).
Culture-wise, the foundations sponsored a wide range of cultural projection programs, from magazines26 that introduced American works to foreign readers to book translations to foreign area studies. Their philanthropic status enabled them to work unchallenged in
25 In his preface to the foundation’s 1952 annual report, Henry Ford II cited “[t]he support of activities designed to secure greater allegiance to the basic principles of freedom and democracy” as one of five areas “to which Ford Foundation activities would be directed.” 26 Perspectives USA and its international versions were established by the Ford Foundation in 1952. The CCF’s Berlin- based Der Monat, along with other Cold War periodicals which “encourage democratic trends in intellectual life”, were also frequent grantees of the foundation (Annual Report 1954:39).
102 many sensitive areas of the world.27 Acknowledging private organizations’ key roles in
US foreign affairs, Samuel Huntington (1973) says:
American expansion has been characterized not by the acquisition of new
territories but by their penetration […] A variety of organizations,
governmental and nongovernmental, have attempted to pursue the
objectives important to them within the territory of other societies. (344;
emphasis original)
3.3.2.1 The Ford Foundation
In July of 1952, the Ford Foundation dispatched a delegation to the Middle East. The trip, arranged in consultation with US officials, included eight newly independent countries.
The countries were chosen due to their political and economic instability and proximity to the USSR. Following the tour, the delegation submitted a report warning of “virulent anti-Americanism” in some parts due to Soviet influence, mainly due to the Palestine conflict (qtd. in Khalil 129). To explain the root causes of anti-American sentiment in the region, the report stated:
The creation of Israel has deeply wounded the whole Arab world, but this
is only one illustration of the manner in which Americans ignore, even
when they patronize and do good to, the Arabs. The inevitable result is that
the Arabs are cynically suspicious of even the best intentioned approaches
27 In the annual report of 1953, Ford’s director, Rowan Gaither Jr., stressed that “in advancing freedom and extending democratic ideals, the unofficial status of a foundation can be a great advantage, particularly during a period when hundreds of millions of people are poised precariously between democracy and totalitarianism, and distrust any governmental effort to win their support” (14).
103 of American goodwill. It seems important to us to do something which
indicates that we have nothing to teach. (ibid 130)
As a countermeasure, the delegation proposed a $3.2 million grant in support of programs across five major areas, with priority given to basic research, vocational education, village development, leadership training, and medical assistance. The report also lauded American educational institutions as “the most effective mechanisms” as well as essential partners in furthering the Foundation’s objectives in the region. The delegation also noted the programs AUB developed in partnership with the Point VI program which not only benefited Lebanon but the broader Arab region (Annual Report
1953:29). Two years later, the Ford Foundation reached out to AUC as one of five institutions “to be strengthened.” Writing to Professor John Provinse, director of AUC’s new Social Research Center (SRC), AUC president Wendell Cleland explained the need for basic research topics that represented “the interests of the State Department” (ibid
130).
3.3.2.2 The Rockefeller Foundation
Another private organization with an interest in the Near East was the Rockefeller
Foundation. Working closely with other private and US agencies, the Rockefeller
Foundation funded and initiated a number of development/educational projects. In 1950,
John Marshall, associate director of the Foundation’s Division of the Humanities, started a five-week trip that took him to Iran, Iraq and Egypt. The aim of the trip was to reassess the Foundation’s support for programs in the region. Marshal reported the visit
104 presented the “opportunity to really get any grasp of the thought and tradition of these people” (ibid 131).
Marshal wrote a report in which he made a number of observations ranging from local lifestyles to the impact of westernization and modernization on the different populations. He noted that, contrary to his expectation, that Islam was not the main source of influence in the region and that it came second to “the process of westernization” that the region was undergoing. Although he made an effort to make a distinction between westernization and modernization, Marshall stressed that evolution
“was not discernible.” Westernization meant the adoption of practices and ways of thinking that are essentially alien to the Near East (ibid 131).
In 1951, Marshall wrote another report which gave an assessment of Soviet influence in the region. The USSR, according to him, would exploit unrest in the Middle
East to advance its foreign policies. Without a “better understanding of the Near Eastern mind,” he cautioned, the “minds of the great mass of men and women of the Near East” could not be won. Marshall believed a “battle for minds” was being waged across the region, with detrimental implications for military and diplomatic relations. Islam was a mobilizing force not to be underestimated, and once “in the grip of ignorant leadership,
[it] could prove to be an anti-Western force of incalculable proportions throughout the
Muslem [sic] world,” he wrote. Marshall went on to explain that Islam’s “potentialities as a force in an area of critical importance for the peace of the world are certainly no longer to be disregarded” (ibid 133–134).
105 Marshall’s hopes for a pro-Western secular future of the region were pinned on the region’s Western-educated intelligentsia. He called for the Foundation’s continued support of educational institutions. “I’m convinced,” he stated, “that the relatively small grants for work in the social sciences and the humanities at the American University of
Beirut have led to contributions to the solution of Near Eastern problems out of all proportion to the amounts involved.” Marshall also proposed that the Rockefeller
Foundation research the “current thinking and movements of Islam” (ibid 134).
3.4 Modernizing the Middle East
The links between modernization in the developing world, the Cold War and US image- building are established. Its origins, however, hark back to the early days of the American developmental story. Historians have recognized the US civilizing mission as influenced by long-standing American self-images of exceptionalism, Manifest Destiny and the
“white man’s burden” (Hunt 2009:88; Latham 2006; Ekbladh 2010). Such notions were expressed by American statesmen as early as the Declaration of Independence from
Britain. Enshrined in the Declaration of Independence, for instance, were values such as democracy, self-determination and prosperity. These were conceived as self-evident and universal values to which all mankind could subscribe and aspire (Kissinger 2015).
According to Hunt (2009), these ideas would later play a profound role in shaping US foreign policy. Moreover, the new ideas meshed closely with economic thinking—or in the words of historian Emily Rosenberg (1982), “the ideology of liberal- developmentalism” (6)—prevalent in the United States at the time. Liberal- developmentalism, as Rosenberg puts it, was premised on the following factors:
106 1) belief that other nations could and should replicate America’s own
developmental experience; 2) faith in the private free enterprise; 3) support
for free or open access for trade and investment; 4) promotion of free flow
of information and culture; and 5) growing acceptance of government
activity to protect private enterprise and to stimulate and regulate
American participation in international economic and cultural exchange.
(ibid 6)
These ideas were most enthusiastically espoused by advocates of what came to be known as the Progressive Era. Reaching their apogee during the presidencies of Roosevelt and
Woodrow Wilson, progressives assumed that “the problems of the world were solvable and that the sort of planning and regulation that worked to fix a slum at home might also work overseas” (Cull 5). According to Ekbladh (2010), the Progressive Era ushered in new approaches to social transformation which were premised, for the most part, on the notion of “effecting social change through scientific and rational methods” (17).
Preoccupied with the impact of industrial life on society, progressives wanted to transform global societies in a way that would facilitate their transition into the modern world. Their belief in the indispensability of science and politics to development would inform their approaches to modernization both at home and internationally. As Walter
Lippmann (1914) puts it, “democracy in politics is the twin-brother of scientific thinking.
They had to come together” (275). To progressives, liberal democracy and science had a mutually beneficial relationship, thus they nourished and fed each other.
107 In 1948, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) identified potential threats facing the US position in the British- and French-held territories of the Middle East. “Friction engendered” by anticolonialism and nationalism in the Arab world, the agency cautioned, could “drive the so-called colonial bloc into alignment with the USSR.” The
CIA advocated an independent US policy toward the colonial territories. It also called upon the colonial powers to initiate massive reforms and promote political, economic and social development in their territories. This, it stressed, would “neutralize the more violent aspects of native nationalism and substitute orderly evolution toward the inevitable goal of independence for the violent upheavals characteristic of the present situation.” Economic self-sufficiency facilitated by U.S support, the agency asserted, would have “a great effect on their good will.” It warned that any US foreign policy aligned with the colonial powers would “alienate the dependent peoples and other non-
European countries, lay the ground work for future disruption, and in the long run weaken the power balance of both the US and the Western European nations vis-à-vis the
USSR.”28
President Truman’s inaugural address of 1949 echoed the CIA’s assessment of the threats facing the United States’ global leadership. His notion of the importance of development in the struggle against America’s rivals also intersected with the recommendations put forward by the CIA. Truman announced the start of his Point Four program, a “bold new program” aimed at assisting the “underdeveloped areas of the world.” After explaining the miserable living conditions these areas were under, Truman
28 CIA, “The Break-Up of the Colonial Empires and Its Implications for American Security,” September 3, 1948, https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/DOC_0001166383.pdf (last accessed September 24, 2018).
108 declared that “their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.” Offering needed scientific and technical assistance could “relieve the suffering of these people [and] help them realize their aspirations for a better life,” he added.29 By announcing his Point IV program, Truman enshrined development as “a permanent part of the official policy apparatus of the US government” ((Ekbladh
2010:78). The only problem was that political rivals were also promising similar projects and in no less attractive ways.
US development projects in the Middle East and the developing world in general were an inseparable part of the American civilizing mission that sought to prepare the decolonizing world for a new postwar international order based on the democratic- capitalist model of governance as practiced in the United States. Preparing the underdeveloped world for democracy meant the export of the kind of ideas that inspired and led America’s own development and that presumed a developmental logic.
Showcasing America’s developmental achievements was one way of showing the world that to achieve the level of modernity, prosperity and political stability found in America, a similar path must be taken. This, of course, meant first subscribing to a vision of modernity that mirrored that of the United States. With ideological rivals offering no less attractive paths to modernity, America needed more than just the export of inspirational ideas. In the Middle East, aid programs such as Truman’s Point Four and Eisenhower’s
Food for Peace Program (Public Law 480) were closely linked to the effort to combat the
29 Harry S. Truman’s Inaugural Address, January 20, 1949, https://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/50yr_archive/inagural20jan1949.htm (last accessed September 24, 2018).
109 expanding “menace” of communism.30 The idea was to buttress allies as in the case of
Turkey and Greece and to sway waverers in a direction favorable to the US, as in Egypt.
Before that, US reconstruction programs in Europe, e.g., the Marshall Plan, were introduced under a similar emblem of making the postwar world safe for democracy
(Ekbladh 2010).
3.4.1 The social sciences: reinforcing Orientalist images
In the Middle East, modernization ideas can be traced to research surveys conducted by
Columbia University’s Bureau for Applied Social Research (BASR). BASR carried out studies on the region for both the State Department and Voice of America (VOA). The goal was to test the applicability of some aspects of modernization theory to aid with the
US government’s containment efforts in the Middle East. Khalil asserts the US government “believed—or hoped— that development would prevent Soviet influence and shape the emerging societies in America’s image” (Khalil 2016:184).
While ideas of racial superiority were no longer held within European and
American intellectual circles, especially in the aftermath of World War II, some of its residual effects lingered. Although the new emphasis was now on cultural differences between the West and the East, depictions of the region still carried the marks of orientalist thinking. Descriptions such as “traditional,” “primitive,” and “backward” were repeatedly reproduced in American writings to describe the inhabitants of the
Middle East. By modernizing the region’s societies, the crippling conditions of
30 JFK’s Letter to Head of the Food for Peace Program, July 18, 1962 http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=8773 (Last accessed September 24, 2018).
110 “traditionalism” would be alleviated and their transition to an American version of modernity would be accelerated (Khalil 2016).
The Point IV program marks America’s official embrace of modernization as a viable solution to the Middle East’s development and instability problems. The massive scientific and technical assistance program was an attempt to stabilize the newly independent nations of the Middle East. The State Department believed that prosperity and stability in the poverty-stricken former colonies would act as an effective shield against the creeping influence of the USSR. As discussed previously, the insistence that emerging nations had no choice but to subscribe to an American vision of modernity can be traced to early notions of the historical mission of the United States. Indeed, these were the same notions that inspired many works on modernization theory at the time. It also meshed with notions espoused by Orientalist scholarship on the Middle East. Portrayals of the Orient as inherently flawed, static, and bound by emotion and tradition appeared in a number of foundational texts on modernization theory (Said 1979). For modernization theorists, these long-standing pathological deficiencies explain the new nations’ failure to embrace the American model of modernization (Lockman 2013).
3.4.1.1 Bureau of Applied Social Research (BASR)
Home to a number of influential social scientists, modernization theorists, and mass communications specialists, the Bureau of Applied Social Research (BASR) conducted numerous studies on behalf of US government agencies. Initially an affiliate of Princeton, it was moved to Columbia University in 1944. BASR’s strong ties to the postwar national security establishment helped bolster its research and financial capabilities. Seven years
111 prior to the Suez Crisis, BASR embarked on an ambitious project for the State Department and VOA. The project was aimed at deciphering the “Oriental mind” (Salem 1958:68–80).
Its work for VOA offered an assessment of the American propaganda efforts in the region.
Originally part of the Office of War Information (OWI), VOA started broadcasting in 1942. The service outlived the OWI, which was dismantled by President Truman after the war. Drawing on its wartime experience, the US government retained VOA, as it was deemed essential to its postwar foreign policy interests. As an effective propaganda arm,
VOA focused on polishing America’s image abroad. A 1945 State Department report stressed the VOA’s importance to public diplomacy. The United States could not be
“indifferent to the ways in which our society is portrayed in other countries,” it asserted
(Heil 2003:32-47). VOA’s contributions were further appreciated and harnessed as the
Cold War deepened.
BASR conducted a number of surveys for VOA. One was on the effect of psychological and political factors on public opinion in Arab countries. The survey found that anti-British and anti-American sentiments were a reflection of unfulfilled promises on their part rather than of mistreatment. The Egyptians’ response was a “retaliatory friendliness” toward the Soviets (Khalil 188).
Another BASR report offered a psychological analysis of the region. Led by sociologist Siegfried Kracauer, the report’s conclusions were heavily shaped by
Orientalist thinking. His analysis of the region drew on similar previous works on the
“fascist mindset” he produced for the State Department (Kracauer 1947). Kracauer
112 observed that populations across the region were “in a stage of transition.” “Broad
Middle Eastern populations are about to enter the political arena,” he explained. He added, “since an opinion vacuum is as dangerous as a power vacuum, their appearance on the scene alone would account for the necessity of establishing contacts with them.”
Kracauer recommended that the United States “immunize the masses against the potential impact of Communist propaganda.” Since the newly independent nations lacked a clear political framework, Kracauer explained that “it is always advisable to try to mold a mind as long as it is still malleable” (qtd. in Shah 2011:91–92).
3.4.2 Modernization and stability
In the Arab countries, the US government was struggling to remedy the causes of political instability. The State Department’s OIR and the Division of Research and Analysis for the
Near East, South Asia, and Africa (DRN) conducted studies to “determine the best approach for US economic and technical assistance.” The Point IV aid program’s main focus was on the broader illiterate segments of the populations as a possible source of instability in underdeveloped countries. This approach, however, was criticized by
Intelligence Estimate (IE) 36, which argued that since the peasantry are “still largely a passive element in Near Eastern political life,” the source of instability was the rising
“urban middle sector.” This influence of the urban middle sector was further validated by the successful coup of 1952 in Egypt. Most, if not all, of the members of the Egyptian
Free Officers movement and the subsequent Revolutionary Command Council hailed from middle-class backgrounds. However, another IE report (45) warned that the unfulfilled aspirations of the masses could lead to “increasingly neutralist or extremist
113 positions abroad” and “more radical and authoritarian policies at home.” This was compounded by “the continual danger of disorder and of increasing Communism” and the unreliability of Islam “as a lasting barrier” to communism (qtd. in Khalil 191–192).
3.4.3 Modernization and a transitioning Middle East
The BASR survey reports informed most of the analysis in Lerner’s influential book The
Passing of Traditional Society. Published at the height of the Cold War, its arguments reflected the influence of the period’s prevailing theories on race, politics and modernization. More importantly, its analysis meshed closely with US foreign policy objectives in the Middle East. Building on the notions of “traditional” and “modern” societies, Lerner’s assessments mirrored themes by other modernization theorists and
Orientalist scholars in their analyses of the region (Lerner 1958).
Lerner argued that since the United States was the model of modernization, “the sequence of current events in the Middle East can be understood as a deviation, in some measure, a deliberate deformation, of the Western model.” “From the West came the stimuli which undermined traditional society in the Middle East,” he explained. Lerner added, “What the West is, in this sense, the Middle East seeks to become.” Based on their proximity to the Western model of modernization, Middle Eastern nations were categorized as either modern or transitional. While Turkey and Lebanon were cited as
“modern,” Egypt, Syria, Jordan, and Iran embodied the tensions found in “transitional” societies (ibid 40, 79–82).
For modernization to be successful, argued Lerner, the question was “how one should move from traditional ways toward modern life-styles” (ibid 389–90) More
114 importantly, the “right kind” of leadership was required to guide the transition (ibid 405).
The right kind of leadership was demonstrated by Turkey’s founder, Mustafa Kemal
Atatürk, who, in contrast to Nasser and Mossadegh, received much praise for his role in modernizing Turkey. Lerner lauded Atatürk’s efforts to “undermine the ‘oriental mentality’ which interdicted republican development” (ibid 112). His use of mass communication, promotion of literacy and education, adoption of Latin script, and the establishment of People’s Houses were all indicative of a functioning and modernizing society.
Summary
This chapter has reviewed in considerable detail the intersection between US image- enhancement campaigns and cultural projection programs in the Arab world. In addition to US governmental programs, the supporting role played by private players in projecting a positive self-image of the United States—through the mobilization of culture and development projects—was also discussed in some detail, especially as it related to the Cold War context.
115
CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY
Overview
This dissertation explores the link between translation, Franklin Book Programs (FBP) and US image-building in the Arab region during the Cold War. Drawing on key concepts from both imagology and TS, the aim is to investigate whether FBP’s translation project reflected official US foreign policy objectives of projecting a positive self-image in the region. In this chapter, the research questions are restated and the conceptual and theoretical frameworks introduced, followed by a general description of the research design, along with the analytical framework and the qualitative-quantitative approach.
In the last three sections, the research procedure, the data collection methods and the data analysis approaches are outlined.
4.1 Research Questions
The previous chapter highlighted the gap in the literature on the role of translation in auto-image construction. Specifically, it stressed the need for investigating US Cold War cultural projection programs in the Arab region as a highly visible example of auto-image construction. Although a host of previous studies have dealt with issues of image formation in translations from Arabic (Faiq 2004/2008; Kahf 2010; Leeuwen 2004;
Jacquemond 1992/1998/2004), the discussion has concentrated principally on cases of cultural misrepresentations, i.e. hetero-image construction. To the researcher’s best knowledge, no studies have so far addressed translation’s role in auto-image construction
116 as part of US public diplomacy in the Arab region in the Cold War period. With FBP hypothesized to be one of these highly visible US translation programs in the Cold War period, the following two questions were formulated:
1. How did FBP seek to contribute to US auto-image building in the Arab World in
terms of the works selected for translation, the paratextual materials
accompanying the translations, and the cultivation of translators?
2. How does this contribute to our understanding of “soft” cultural diplomacy in
the Cold War period and of the specific role of translation?
The above research questions are designed with two main objectives in mind: 1) to allow for an in-depth discussion of the multifaceted aspects of FBP translation program, from selection strategies for both texts and translators to the packaging and framing of the translations themselves, and 2) to query available paratextual materials for any explicit or implicit aims linking FBP to official US cultural projection initiatives in the Arab region. While a degree of alignment with US foreign policy interests may be revealed in the choice of translated titles, paratextual materials such as prefaces, introductions as well as archival records are to serve as the primary sources of data where additional valuable information is expected to be gleaned. Confidential records, in particular, were examined with the aim of illuminating whether FBP explicitly sought to contribute to US auto- image building in the region.
117 4.2 Theoretical Foundation of Research
4.2.1 Imagological theory: auto-image, hetero-image, mediator
This dissertation draws on imagological theory. From an imagological standpoint, images are defined as the “mental or discursive representation[s] or reputation[s] of a person, group, ethnicity or nation” (Beller 342). Like any other discursive phenomena, the textual deployment of images is governed by the political, cultural and social milieu in which texts are produced. Depending on what factors are at work, images can be valorized in either positive or negative ways. Under ordinary circumstances, i.e. free cultural exchange, images tend to be shaped by the receiving culture’s pre-exiting perceptions of the source culture. The perceived proximity among nations plays a vital role in the valorizations of hetero-images. In other words, if two nations see themselves as sharing similar cultural values and ideals, the reciprocal hetero-images will most likely be positively valorized, with differences usually sidelined. On the other hand, the wider the presumed gap of whatever sort between nations, the more likely differences will be augmented. In the latter case, accumulated stereotypes and clichés lead to the formation and dissemination of more negativitized hetero-images. Generally, the suspension or activation of ethnographical characterizations depends to a large extent on the specific conditions that govern relations between nations at particular moments in history
(Leerssen 2016).
Taking shaping in “the structural context of a Self-Other opposition,” the concept of auto-image is critical in understanding how images are constructed and deployed discursively. According to Leerssen (2007), an auto-image is the “characterological
118 reputation current within and shared by a group” (342–343). Given their ethnocentric nature, auto-images often stand in sharp opposition to hetero-images. They are informed by the “view of things in which one’s group is the center of everything, and all others are scaled and rated with reference to it” (Summer 13). Consequently, otherness is established in relational terms, depending on the Other’s proximity or deviation from the cultural norms of the Self. In literary and cultural encounters, the self-image influences the ways in which the Other is perceived, depicted and projected. In more serious encounters, the binary opposition of Self and Other can lead to concrete ramifications, as borne out by the colonial experience of many developing countries. The European self- image as “the pinnacle and cutting edge of progress and modernity” coexisted with the view of colonized nations as culturally inferior (Leerssen 324; Bhabha 1983). Beller (2007) also notes the asymmetrical binary oppositions in which auto-images and hetero-images are expressed. Self-images, he posits, presuppose “a privileged position of looking at other people’s lack of civility; one that arrogates the right to judge and the epistemic superiority needed for judging” (267).
That said, images do not take shape on their own. They rely primarily on human agency to spread and proliferate. Imagologists acknowledge the central role of cultural players in disseminating cultural images. Thomas Keller (2007) sees a cultural mediator as one who “transfers cultural knowledge from a primary context to a secondary one
[and] transforms and negotiates intercultural spaces” (357). As indicated in the previous chapter, cultural mediators can greatly shape the perception and reception of cultural images. Depending on their worldview, they can either promote or alienate foreign
119 cultures. Irmy Schweiger (2007) cites the endearing mediating strategy of German
Sinologist Richard Wilhelm in influencing German and European perceptions of China in the 1920s (129). Similarly, Madame de Staël’s celebration of a Germany of “poets and thinkers” played a key part in the favorable reception of German culture in France (Keller
358).
Yet, mediators rarely work alone. Their involvement is usually informed by a common cause or shared worldview that seeks to advance certain narratives over others.
An intellectual’s conviction in a certain cause makes him or her an ideal candidate for mediating that cause. It is no wonder that intellectuals are affiliated with institutions that share and give expression to their ideals and ideas (Lefevere 1992).
4.2.2 Translation as rewriting: patronage, poetics, seduction and metonymics
In his seminal Translation, Rewriting, and the Manipulation of Literary Fame, André Lefevere
(1992) introduces the notion of translation as rewriting. Recognizing the impact of rewriting on image formation in translation, he says:
In the past, as in the present, rewriters created images of a writer, a work, a
period, a genre, sometimes even a whole literature […] The power wielded
by these images, and therefore by their marks, is enormous. [R]ewritings
are produced in the service, or under the constraints, of certain ideological
and/or poetological currents. (5)
The above quote is crucial to understanding the key role translation plays in image construction as pursued in this dissertation for two reasons: 1) the idea of translators as rewriters fits tightly with the imagological notion of mediator. Lefevere makes this clear
120 when he refers to rewriters as those in “the middle” who are “responsible for the general reception and survival of works of literature” (1); and 2) the recognition that rewriters/mediators working within the confines of institutional patronage often impart images that are in line with the dominant ideologies and poetics as espoused by the institutions they are affiliated with. While Lefevere rightly acknowledges that rewriters may not always willingly or consciously share the patron’s or institution’s imposed poetics or ideology, he points to other instances where the rewriter’s “vested interest in preserving [an] ideology and in combating and destroying rival ideologies” converges with that of the patron (7). This interest can take different forms, such as the introduction of new elements of societal change or the imposition of a new poetics that guides the evolution of cultural and literary systems.
Patronage is closely connected to the notion of translation as cultural or soft diplomacy. A principal aim of soft cultural diplomacy is to make the home culture appealing to foreign audiences through the export of attractive auto-images (Tuch
1990).31 This is most visible in the case of government-subsidized cultural projection programs that harness translation to advance certain narratives. Government translation agencies will seek out trustworthy mediators who share their worldviews and entrust them with the task of promoting these worldviews among targeted audiences. The more
31 Hans Tuch (1990) defines public diplomacy as “a government’s process of communicating with foreign publics in an attempt to bring about understanding for its nation’s ideas and ideals, its institutions and culture, as well as its national goals and current policies” (3).
121 control agencies have over the translation process, the more translations are likely to be in line with the agency’s dominant ideological position.
Scholars have recognized the “seductive” role of translation in the projection abroad of enticing self-images (Tageldin 2011; Flotow 2007; Rubin 2012). Extending
Tymoczko’s concept of translation as metynomics, a case can be made that, in exporting self-images, government-affiliated translation agencies will tend to emphasize the most tempting aspects or parts when promoting the nation’s culture abroad. In other words, the part, as Tymoczko (1999) argues, becomes “representative of the entire source culture for the receptor audience” (47). This claim is substantiated, for instance, by USIA’s translation activities which, according to Wilson Dizard (2004), “provided attractive glimpses of American life for enormous audiences abroad” (213).
By the same token, less flattering parts will normally be obscured or left out.
Andrew Rubin (2012) notes the absence of any critiques of domestic racial tensions in the
US from the CCF’s cultural magazines. That these absences coincided with the height of the Civil Rights movement in the US speaks volumes about the power—and control—of images during the cultural Cold War. These “Weltliteratur’s silences” are of critical importance as they reveal the agent’s desire to present a polished self-image by suppressing or obscuring offensive aspects (ibid 13). Building on Lawrence Venuti’s
(1995) notion of “remainder,” Tymoczko and Gentzler (2002) explain that “silences, whether the silence of zero translation or the silencing of the remainder, are often critical in understanding the workings of power in translation and culture” (xxi).
122 4.3 Research Design
4.3.1 Analytical framework
The analytical framework of this dissertation is inspired by imagological theory, namely the concepts of auto-image, hetero-image and mediator. The researcher also draws on key concepts from TS that are critical in analyzing the image-building strategies of FBP.
Specifically, these are Lefevere’s (1992) notion of translation as rewriting, Tymoczko’s
(1999) concept of translation as metonymics and Tageldin’s (2011) translation as seduction.
There is a case to be made—to adapt Lefevere’s notion of rewriting in translation— that FBP’s activities in the Arab region involved a degree of rewriting aimed at projecting a recreated, more positivized image of the United States. By historically situating FBP translation activities, the researcher seeks to find out whether these rewritings or retellings reflected US geopolitical concerns at the time. Historical vacillations in the image of a given nation, as Leerssen puts it, tend to be “sharply demarcated in time” (20).
The literature suggests that America’s involvement in major political events in the region, from the creation of Israel to the struggle against pan-Arab nationalism and communism, caused a dramatic shift in Arab perception of America (Bryson 1977). This is supported by the shifting attitudes of Arab writers as reviewed in the previous chapter. To determine whether FBP translations were inspired by America’s attempts to regain its prewar prestige, the intertwined historical contexts of Arab-US, Arab-Israeli, and US-
Soviet relations are indispensable for our understanding of FBP translations.
123 In applying Lefevere’s theoretical model, the researcher also intends to shed light on the intersection between FBP patronage and writers’ personal agendas. To fully understand this, the mediating role of FBP translators must be analyzed against the backdrop of the polarized Arab cultural reform scene in the second half of the 20th century. Building on the concept of poetics, the researcher hopes to illuminate whether modernist Arab intellectuals were seeking to impose a new poetics on the Arabic literary system, one that is solely and wholly based on the Western literary model or poetics. The literature demonstrates that replacing an older ‘defective’ poetics with an imported Western-style model was a long-held dream of many Arab intellectuals of the nahda period (al-
Mahmoud 2014). ‘Wholist’ modernists, in particular, saw the breakaway from deep- rooted literary/cultural practices as a prerequisite for achieving modernity on a wider scale.
Drawing on Tymoczko’s conceptualization of the metonymic nature of translation, this dissertation aims to investigate whether FBP adopted a partialist strategy in presenting its translations to Arab audiences. The aim is to determine if appealing aspects of American life and culture were amplified in the paratexts. Applying a metonymic approach should reveal if FBP prefaces and introductions, for example, are coded with source-culture values, beliefs and worldviews.
Translating metonymically was characteristic of both US and Soviet translation programs in the Cold War period. As discussed in the previous chapter, both the US and the USSR engaged in massive translation programs to disseminate positive images of their respective cultures. Cultural images were selectively exported through translation to
124 worldwide audiences with the often-covert purpose of influencing foreign readers’ opinions. Selective self-translation also allowed the two super-powers to propagate negative images of one another in a bid to discredit each other’s claims to global supremacy.
The seductive function of translation also meshes closely with the notion of metonymics. According to Shaden Tageldin (2011), “Loving” translation prioritizes commonalities between the Self and the Other. Citing the French and British occupations of Egypt, she explains how the two imperial powers employed “self-translation[s]” into
Arabic to seduce “Egyptian Muslims into desiring” the West (14–15). Taking a similar approach to this dissertation, the researcher intends to uncover whether FBP adopted similar strategies in presenting America to the Arab readership.
4.3.2 Qualitative and quantitative approaches
For the purposes of this research, the researcher will be using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative approaches will be utilized in the analysis of the paratextual materials accompanying the translations as well as FBP records, which comprise the bulk of the data under investigation. Given the complexity and multi- dimensionality of the topic, qualitative research is best suited to this type of study. By contrast, quantitative methods will be used on a limited scale. This will be mainly in the form of statistical analysis of the translations in terms of subject areas and intended audiences. This will be particularly useful in the classification and categorization of FBP books. The numbers for each of FBP book categories are expected to provide answers as to what genres received the most attention and why, for instance.
125 4.4 Research Procedure
The researcher started by reviewing the relevant literature on the topic under study. A survey of major cultural research trends in TS showed a steadily growing interest in the relationship between image construction and translation. Given the scarcity of TS studies on the concept of auto-image construction in the Arab world, the main focus of the dissertation, the researcher adopted the theoretical insights on auto-image construction as developed within the field of imagology. This required extensive reading of the imagological conceptual apparatus to test its applicability to the topic at hand. After consulting various studies on image formation in TS, a suitable analytical framework was developed, combining theoretical insights from TS and imagology. By theoretically grounding this study in imagology, the researcher was able to adapt existing TS notions to auto-image construction. Meticulous reading of the literature also allowed the researcher to revisit and revise the research questions on a regular basis. The finalized research questions, in turn, dictated the choice of data sources to be consulted.
The primary data sources were identified at an early stage of the research. These are, as described below, archival records held at Princeton University and the Library of
Congress. Over the past year, field trips to Princeton University resulted in the acquisition of over a thousand pages of FBP archival records. Similar field trips were made to the Library of Congress where other paratextual materials were obtained. Once all relevant data were properly collected, the results were reported and analyzed in
Chapter Four of the dissertation, followed by a discussion and a summary of the major findings in the final chapter.
126 To enhance authenticity, it was decided—at a later stage—to review any available pieces on Franklin’s activities— in both Arabic and English sources—as a supplementary data source, including disparate published works such as articles, essays and newspaper reviews. This was inspired by FBP’s keenness to track both favorable and unfavorable reviews of its translated books—or any pieces on its activities in general—in Arabic newspapers and journals and report them in translation to its headquarters in New York.
Of special interest are four published articles by two FBP directors, appearing in English- speaking journals. Published over a period of three decades and apparently targeting
Western audiences, the articles may throw light on how FBP presented its mission to non-
Arabic-speaking readers and whether that differed from locally distributed messages.
As an added measure, the researcher also consulted the intellectual oeuvres of
FBP’s most prominent prefacers. This offered glimpses into the personal beliefs, convictions and worldviews of these writers and explained why they chose or were chosen to work with FBP. In so doing, the researcher wanted to account for any discrepancies—or lack thereof—between these writers’ general line of thought, as reflected in their books, essays, etc., and their role as FBP prefacers.
4.5 Research Data Collection
In this dissertation, two sets of paratextual materials were analyzed: 1) FBP correspondence and 2) the covers, prefaces, introductions and blurbs of the translated titles. The two sets are mainly archival materials housed at Princeton University and the
Library of Congress, respectively. For organizational purposes, the two sets of collected materials were named Set 1 and Set 2, respectively.
127 4.5.1 Set 1: Princeton University
Set 1 was collected over a period of 15 months. In February of 2017, the researcher paid a visit to Princeton University, where he obtained a sample of 112 pages of FBP records.
On a second visit (May of 2018), 927 additional pages were collected, with all materials collected on both visits totaling 1039 pages. These materials were obtained from four major series of FBP archival records: Series 1, Board of Directors, 1952-1978; Series 2,
Administration Records, 1952-1978; Series 3, Financial Records, 1953-1978; and Series 4, Title
Files, 1952-1978. A fifth series entitled Photographs, Audiovisual, and Oversized, 1953-1977 was discarded because it falls outside the scope of this research. The materials were then reorganized into PDF files and assigned identifying titles for easy access. Backup copies, in printed form, were also made.
Each series consists of a number of subseries containing various records, such as minutes, country files, trip reports and annual reports. Other subseries deal specifically with AID and some State Department-affiliated agencies such as the USIA. Others contain valuable information on FBP’s funding sources as shown in the Financial Records subseries. The Administration Records series is where most of the information on FBP’s day-to-day activities in the Arab region can be found. These are mainly back-and-forth correspondence between FBP’s headquarters in New York and its field offices in the
Middle East, primarily the Cairo office. The correspondence deals with topics ranging from selection processes and title suggestions to instructions and annual reports (sales, progress and incident reports).
128 4.5.2 Set 2: Library of Congress
The data collected for this set were paratextual materials obtained from the Library of
Congress (LOC). The first were epitexts in the form of two lists of FBP translated titles:
1) a list of 1047 translated titles covering the period between 1952 and 1970, and 2) a supplemental list of 1277 translated titles spanning the entire period of FBP operations in the region (1952–1978). The former is more comprehensive in terms of the detailed information given on titles, book genres, authors, translators, prefacers, publishing dates and publishing houses. The latter, though more up-to-date, is quite economical, since it features only the original titles along with the authors’ names and publishing dates.
To obtain the titles in Arabic, the two lists were checked against two major Arabic
The Bibliography] اﻟﺜﺒﺖ اﻟﺒﺒﻠﯿﻮﺟﺮاﻓﻲ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ (bibliographical sources: 1 of Books Translated into Arabic in Egypt], a multi-volume bibliography of all translated
The Arabic Union Catalog], a massive] اﻟﻔﮭﺮس اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ اﻟﻤﻮﺣﺪ (books up to the year 1995, and 2 online source comprising bibliographical entries on Arabic books, including translations.
Using these two sources, ten more translated titles—not included in either of the LOC’s lists—were found, bringing the total number of FBP translations to 1287. Afterwards, a detailed spreadsheet was created consisting of the following eight columns (headings): translator’s name, author’s name, prefacer’s name, Arabic title, original title, category, publisher’s name and publishing year as well as brief biographies of translators and prefacers. Organizing the collected data in this fashion is very helpful since it renders all data accessible and searchable, thus facilitating analysis.
129 The second set of LOC paratextual materials were peritexts accompanying Franklin’s
Arabic translations (e.g., prefaces, introductions, back covers, etc.). On a trip to LOC
(March 2019), 91 epitexts were obtained. 110 more peritexts were previously acquired online, thus bringing the total of obtained peritexts to 201. Due to limited access to the collection, the researcher ended up reviewing a sample of Arabic titles available on site.
Despite offers from the LOC staff to prepare a selected list of titles in advance, the researcher declined, since prior selection would jeopardize the authenticity of the results.
Books were presented to the researcher in several sealed boxes and photos were taken of the contents in a random manner. Many, however, were Urdu editions (confused due to similar scripts), thus the limited number of titles reviewed. Other factors also impacted the collection of materials, such as time constraints and the condition of the books. Due to library instructions not to unravel stuck pages, some introductions could not be obtained in full.
A similar randomization approach was followed in acquiring the electronic copies.
After copying all 1287 FBP Arabic titles into a separate table, titles were looked up online individually and all available electronic editions were obtained. The researcher ensured that the Arabic titles were either original Franklin publications or reprints of the originals.
Many of the later reprints still featured the original prefaces along with the same original publisher’s note on Franklin found in older versions. A contrastive examination of two versions of one title revealed that, aside from a few changes in the cover page design, the book appeared in the same format, including the font, organization of chapters and notes
130 on contributors and translators. All 201 peritexts obtained—from both sources—were analyzed, as will be shown in the next chapter.
4.6 Research Data Analysis
Examining the materials in Set 1 produced key information in terms of the explicit purpose of FBP, the criteria for selection of titles and of personnel and translators, as well as detailed information on FBP’s partnerships with numerous agencies and organizations, both governmental and private. As customary of organizations working in sensitive areas, many of FBP’s records across the four series under study were classified as “Confidential.” These were mainly internal reports, such as minutes of board meetings, funding sources, correspondence with various US government agencies, as well as annual reports on local operations in different Arab countries. Correspondence from and to local offices was generally non-confidential and mostly consisted of progress reports on ongoing projects. In many instances, FBP’s independent status as well as its philanthropic mission of providing needed assistance and know-how were stressed.
Similar notions were reiterated in four articles published by two FBP directors in 1956,
1963, 1983 and 1984. Contrasting confidential internal reports with correspondence from/to field offices and the four articles was critical in determining whether these internal reports deviated from FBP’s publicly stated objectives in the region. Given that
FBP was the subject of much speculation as to its involvement in an official US image- enhancing campaign, the materials in this set helped the researcher arrive at a number of major findings, as will be demonstrated in the next chapter.
131 As indicated earlier, analyzing Set 2 required examining the prefaces and introductions to the actual translations. The information obtained from this set shed important light on how FBP translations were presented to the general Arabic-speaking readership. A key goal was to discover what aspects of America were highlighted in the paratexts and whether the prefacers’/translators’ personal agendas played a part in the presentation and framing of the translations. Following Lefevere (1992), this dissertation looked into the possibility of a convergence of interest between FBP and the prefacers in terms of advancing a modernist-reformist agenda in line with broader US foreign interests in the region.
To determine whether the personal agendas of prefacers, supervisors and translators intersected with those of FBP, it was important to consult available Arabic sources. The researcher reviewed the most influential works of major Arab writers who collaborated with FBP, such as journal articles, books and biographies. In addition to books and (auto)biographies, the spirited debates between the competing factions of the nahda period are well documented. Archival records of influential 20th-century magazines which featured most of these exchanges are accessible online and were counted upon to offer insights as to the philosophies and worldviews of these writers. Chapter Four offers insights into whether the selection of certain Arab intellectuals as prefacers was based on their prior commitment to the Western-inspired reform movement of the 20th century.
4.7 Approach to Paratextual Materials
The approach to the paratextual materials in this dissertation was informed by Gerard
Genette (1997). Genette defines paratexts as the “accompanying productions” that
132 “surround [a text] and extend it” (1). He further divides paratexts into two main types: peritexts and epitexts. The former refers to texts that are inseparable from the body of the work such as introductions, prefaces, epigraphs, and notes. The latter are the type of texts that are published separately such as interviews, reviews, and correspondence.
Following many scholars in TS (Tahir-Gurcaglar 2003, Valerie Pellat 2013, Keith
Harvey 2003 and others), this dissertation relied on the explanatory power of the paratexts accompanying FBP translations to provide answers to the above-stated research questions. The researcher utilized these paratextual elements to analyze the implicit and explicit ideologies behind FBP translation activities. These were traced across the discourse surrounding FBP as reflected in its epitexts (archival records) and peritexts
(prefaces, introductions, etc.). In the latter, close attention was given to the specific functions of FBP paratexts in terms of their priming and mediating strategies. It was of significant importance was to see if partial “tempting” representations of America were demonstrable in these paratexts.
Summary
This chapter gave a detailed description of the methodological foundations upon which the dissertation is built. It started by restating the two research questions along with a review of the theoretical orientation of the dissertation. In the Research Design part, the analytical framework was introduced, followed by a brief justification of the researcher’s use of a mixed (qualitative-quantitative) approach in analyzing the data. After thoroughly describing the data collection process, the chapter explained how the data
133 obtained from primary and secondary sources were analyzed. Additional information on the approach to paratextual materials was provided in the final part.
134
CHAPTER 5: RESULTS
Overview
In this chapter, the major results of the study are reported. The chapter is divided into four sections. Section (5.1) gives a broad outline of Franklin Book Programs (FBP), that is, how and why it came to be, as relayed in four publicly published articles by two Franklin senior administrators. Since two of these articles were written while Franklin’s operations were in full swing (1956 and 1963), a comparison with those written following Franklin’s liquidation is quite revealing in terms of what could and could not be said about the nature and objectives of Franklin’s program in the Arab world. Similarly, while there are a few noticeable inconsistencies between contemporaneous and post-Franklin writings, the discrepancies are even greater when compared with Franklin’s records, especially those of a classified nature. The section also contains a brief review of the two known scholarly works on Franklin. The authors’ findings and conclusions are briefly addressed in light of the obtained materials.
Section (5.2) reports the major findings as found in Franklin’s archival materials
(Set I—Princeton). Here, questions pertaining to Franklin’s ties to US government agencies, the Cold War, the modernizing mission of the US (both government and private sector) and local operations are addressed. Three subsections are dedicated to title selection, local participation and anti-Franklin attacks. These are especially significant as they shed important light on the inner workings of Franklin’s title selection process, how it
135 sought to cultivate relationships with the Arab intelligentsia in the host countries and how it saw (and was seen by) its critics.
Section (5.3) deals with the peritexts (introductions, forewords, back covers, front covers, etc.) accompanying Franklin’s actual translations (Set II—Library of Congress).
The aim, as stated in Chapter Four, is to see whether, in their presentation of the books,
Franklin’s Arabic prefaces were in line with the organization’s overall objectives in the region. Both the peritexts and FBP’s records indicate that there is a great deal of ideological alignment between the prefaces’ Western-inspired modernist agendas and
Franklin’s pro-Western, anti-Soviet cultural activities. Franklin associates’ pro-Western leanings are further revealed in their own—independent—writings as elaborated in
Section (5.4).
5.1 FBP: Background
5.1.1 Establishment
The idea of Franklin Publications was conceived in 1951. In a joint meeting of the
American Library Association and the American Book Publishers Council, a group of
American book enthusiasts convened to discuss ways of meeting “the need for American books in the developing countries” (Smith 1983:255). Verner Clapp, Assistant Librarian of Congress, proposed the idea of setting up a private, not-for-profit corporation that would help “make our books available in languages that more of the people can read
(ibid 255). In June of 1952, Franklin Publications, Inc. came into being. With a generous grant of $500,000 from the State Department’s International Information Agency (IIA),
Franklin was soon in operation (Benjamin 1984); it opened its first field office in Cairo in
136 1953 and secured a publishing contract for its first Arabic book in April of the same year.32
Soon, branches sprang up in the other major publishing centers of the Arab world, such as Beirut and Baghdad,33 and a few more in the predominantly Muslim countries of Iran,
Pakistan, Indonesia and Bangladesh.34 The next two decades saw a slow but steady expansion of Franklin that took it beyond the Middle East to areas as far as Latin America and Thailand (Laugesen 2010). In 1970, the now Franklin Book Programs (FBP) boasted around 20 offices with a total of 200 employees worldwide.35
5.1.2 Published literature on FBP
Despite FBP’s decades of engagement in international publishing, translation and developmental work in the developing world, literature on FBP is quite scarce. Franklin’s slender public sources contain only four articles—written over a span of 60 years—that deal almost exclusively with FBP publishing and translation activities. Two [appearing in English-speaking journals] were publicly published—in 1963 and 1983—and were authored by Datus C. Smith, Jr., former director of Princeton University Press and a long- time senior FBP administrator. In 1984, Curtis G. Benjamin, an FBP board member and later President of the McGraw-Hill Company, offered a brief assessment of FBP work as part of a 100-page long study on the status of American books abroad. In his 1956 survey of US translation programs in the Middle East, Smith discussed FBP as one of two major
32 Minutes, Board of Directors meeting, September 24, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 1, folder 5, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 33 Minutes, Board of Directors meeting, September 12, 1956, FBP Records (MC057), box 1, folder 5, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 34 Minutes, Board of Directors meeting, September 24, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 1, folder 5, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 35 Proposal, “Expanded Arabic Educational Project,” March 27, 1970, FBP Records (MC057), box 61, folder 3, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. —See also: Memorandum, “Development Advisory Committee,” April 24, 1970, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 7, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
137 US translation programs in the region in addition to the USIA. The two most recent scholarly papers on FBP were written in 2007 and 2010. A brief discussion of these studies follows.
5.1.2.1 Articles by FBP officials (Smith: 1956, 1963, 1983; and Benjamin: 1984)
A notable difference between the early articles on FBP and those penned after its dissolution in 1979 is the cautious language in which the former were written as compared with the more relaxed tone of the latter. Even though Smith (1956) saw the various US translation programs, both governmental and private, in the Middle East as serving the “American national interest” through the “strengthening of cultural activities
[…] and relations with other countries,” he made an effort to stress the private, non- governmental and independent status of FBP (46). For instance, he refrained from alluding to the by then public, but not widely known, financial ties with the United States
Information Agency (USIA). However, he commended the Agency as “the linchpin of all
American cultural activities overseas” (48). He also encouraged private organizations, including Franklin, to seize the “greatest unexploited opportunity” and supplement
“what has been done by USIA” (58).
Smith’s writings also reflected the tensions of the Cold War. Thus, he spoke of the
“high [geopolitical and economic] importance” of the region, citing its underdeveloped educational and publishing sectors, hyper-nationalism and Communist cultural activities as obstacles to US national interests as well as threats to the region’s stability (ibid 46).
Although Communist works were in decline, numerous party-line publications were still widely popular and continued to “confirm the Soviet image of America” (52; emphasis
138 added). The image of America as “an unworthy and not very interesting appendage of
Britain” was, to Smith’s consternation, confirmed by interactions with locals in the region, a reality largely attributable to the fact that “American history and American literature are virtually unknown in all countries of the Middle East” (65).
In his 1963 article, which celebrated the tenth anniversary of FBP, Smith once more emphasized the independent status of the organization. Despite initial hesitation by local publishers, writers and translators, “local support,” he wrote, “became stronger and stronger as suspicion cleared up” (509). Local participation increased as it became clear that “we really meant what we said about local selection of titles, and that we really were interested in aiding the development of the local book industry” (509). Even during strained political times when other US activities had to be suspended, the apolitical nature of FBP allowed it to “continue without interruption” (509). That Franklin succeeded in engaging prominent public figures at the highest levels of government and literary circles was ascribed to its good “local credentials” and “above-politics reputation” (509). When discussing FBP’s sources of funding, however, Smith evaded connecting the corporation to the State Department’s information apparatus. Instead, he asserted that “financial support has come from a variety of sources,” including from governments “US and other”36 (507). He went on to explain that US government support
36 The phrases “a variety of sources” and “including government” appeared in a list of instructions to FBP in three 1958 letters. As one of many security/precautionary measures, FBP adopted variations of the phrase as a preferred response to inquiries about Franklin’s funding sources. The memos advised: “no publicity about government financial support at home or abroad except the phrase ‘including government’ in the statements of financial sources” and to “[n]ever volunteer information regarding government connections, but when asked … say ‘A variety of sources (naming some), including the government.” (Datus C. Smith to James J. Halsema, September 16, 1958, Box 65, Folder 16), (William E. Spaulding to James Halsema, August 15, 1958, Box 65, Folder 16) and (William E. Spaulding letter to Board of Directors, August 15, 1958, Box 65, Folder 16), respectively.
139 for FBP was received in the form of grants acquired through the Public Law 480 (PL480) aid program. According to him, the most significant contributions came from the private sector, with the “largest single grant thus far” offered by the Ford Foundation (507).
That being said, FBP officials’ writings following the dissolution of the corporation in 1979 paint a different picture. While Smith (1983) frankly stated that Franklin’s “first grant from any source” came from the State Department (256), Benjamin (1984) gave a more detailed account of how it came about:
Though it was not publicly announced at the time, it was organized at the
instigation of the International Information Agency (IIA) in the State
Department, which saw the need for a nongovernmental, noncommercial
agency to provide professional guidance and contractual management of
its projected overseas publishing ventures. In fact, the IIA (which a year
later became the USIA) wholly financed Franklin’s start-up costs. (Benjamin
24)
However, despite initial support from the government, argued Smith and Benjamin, FBP soon became financially independent and “largely self-supporting” (Benjamin 25). Smith, who saw the association with the USIA as potentially problematic from a public relations standpoint, pointed out that it was “handled in such fashion that Franklin was able to go to work immediately without either bureaucratic obstructions or a propaganda incubus”
(256). “Nevertheless,” he added, “there was constant evidence that American sponsorship of Franklin’s principle of local title selection was in itself the best kind of
140 American propaganda vis-à-vis the intellectual leaders of the developing countries”
(257).
5.1.2.2 Scholarly articles (2007, 2010)
Although Louise S. Robbins (2007) and Amanda Laugesen (2010) both agree that FBP was a product of the Cold War, they emphasize FBP’s struggle for independence from the US government. Robbins, for instance, states that “Smith—and all of Franklin’s members— were insistent that, although they wanted to help the United States, they did not intend to be propagandists” (642). Laugesen concurs, arguing that “[t]he unique aspect of
Franklin’s activities lay in the desire to promote a total book industry, rather than merely act as an arm of American propaganda efforts” (169–170). “Altruism,” she continues,
“clearly motivated Franklin’s directors [and] as time went on, it became clear that
Franklin’s vision did not match that of a US government seeking to win a cultural cold war” (170).
Indeed, this picture of FBP—though partial—is not baseless. Benjamin, for instance, argues that Franklin “forfeited much of its US government support by refusing to limit its sponsorship to books that were strictly in line with US foreign policy objectives as interpreted by USIA program officers” (26). This, according to him, was a major point of contention that “went on for years” (ibid 26). Datus Smith—who is heavily cited in both studies—was an outspoken opponent of overt propaganda, a stance—it can be argued—not widely different from that of other FBP officials, and most importantly the
USIA’s original concept of the organization. In his 1952 letter to Smith, Dan Lacy, director of USIA’s Information Center Service (ICS), instructed that it was “of the utmost
141 importance” that “all other considerations,” including suspicion-raising activities, such as “propaganda,” be “subordinated to the establishment of reciprocal good faith in its broadest sense” (5).37
It is clear from what follows that the source of contention between Franklin and the USIA did not stem from widely diverging points of view but rather from different interpretations of the nature of Franklin’s mission. The question was not whether
Franklin’s vision “matched” or was “in line” with the US government policy, but how strictly it did or was. The records show that while the USIA pushed, sometimes unrealistically and tactlessly, for more short-term, politically expedient results, Franklin favored long-term, “indirect” trust-building diplomatic approaches. These are reflected in FBP’s continuous protestations against the strict administrative controls placed on title selection, book and author approval, as will be demonstrated in the following sections.
Without an extensive study of FBP archival records, particularly those of a confidential nature, a full and complete picture of FBP cannot be drawn. It is hoped that by reporting the results of this study in the following sections, the major questions surrounding the establishment of FBP, its ties to the US government, the nature of its operations in the Arab world, as well as those who ran it, will finally be settled.
37 While there was common consensus that FBP was contributing to the region’s developmental needs, a high level of caution was exercised by its top management to obscure its relations to the US government, especially the State Department.
142 5.2 Set I (Epitexts): Franklin Archival Records
5.2.1 FBP and the US Government
Unlike public sources which posit that FBP’s ties to the US government did not go beyond a one-time start-up grant, archival records show that FBP had a rather close and long- running relationship with the US government. A 1970 memo, for instance, shows that US government funds amounted to 76% of all FBP finances since its inception in 1952.38 In fact, records indicate that the half-a-million-dollar grant to FBP, which covered its start- up costs, was an advance sum allocated to the corporation under a three-year contract with the USIA. The contract, which was maintained through the Agency’s ICS, lasted well into the 1970s and covered most of FBP’s translation projects in the Arab region. In a 1969 memo, both the Textbook Program and the Arabic Student Encyclopedia project were listed among the “special Franklin projects under contract with USIA.”39 Another major
FBP translation project under contract with the USIA was the 50 Books Program, a holdover Agency project continued by FBP, where 50 titles were chosen for translation from a pre-selected, pre-approved Agency list.
While it was given “the freest possible hand” as a publisher, specific controls were put in place to ensure FBP’s “compliance with general [government] policy.”40 Those controls were stated in a 1955 internal memo on the relations between FBP and USIA:41
38 Memorandum, “Development Advisory Committee,” April 24, 1970, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 7, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 39 “Special Franklin Projects Under Contract with USIA,” July 31, 1969, FBP Records (MC057), box 66, folder 7, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 40 Memorandum, “Relations Between Franklin Publications, Inc. and USIA,” March 28, 1955, p. 1, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 16, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 41 Ibid, p. 2.
143 “(1) Author clearance in all cases.
(2) Advice and comment at any time.
(3) All titles in a sense, involve US foreign policy, and in this respect
appropriate policy guidance is expected.
(4) On titles which bear directly on US foreign policy, USIA is expected to
review the book if not known already and—if it comes down to that—to
exercise absolute veto power.”
USIA funds to FBP were often transferred through aid programs such as PL480. Other
State Department-affiliated agencies, such as the United States Information Service
(USIS), the Near East & South Asia Division (NESA), the Agency for International
Development (AID) and the United States Foreign Service, also played a major role in channeling funds as well as in coordinating policy and providing assistance to FBP.
Communications with the State Department were also maintained—with “caution”42— through US embassy posts whose public affairs officers would occasionally notify FBP of policy changes or receive FBP requests.
5.2.2 FBP and US Foreign Policy
The earliest official document describing FBP’s anticipated role with regard to US foreign policy was on 27th October 1952. In a confidential letter to then FBP president Datus
Smith, director of ICS Dan Lacy offered a detailed description of the “psychological and ideological problems” faced by the United States in the region (1). “The Arab area,” he
42 In 1953, Datus C. Smith “caution[ed that] all incoming letters in Egypt are subject to censorship, and it will therefore be best not to say too much about our government connections that might hurt our independent status.” — see Minutes, Executive Committee meeting, March 18, 1953, p. 2, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
144 explained, “remained isolated by political, economic, linguistic, and religious barriers from Western Europe.” A series of foreign conquests had led to economic decline, political helplessness, “cultural deterioration, and inbred and sterile intellectual life” (1).
Injustices incurred in the aftermath of WWII only aggravated Arab feelings toward the
West. Bitterness over the Western and “particularly American support for the partition of Palestine and the creation of Israel” gave rise to a hyper-nationalistic, fanatical and irrational view of the West (2). Support for Israel was construed as “another evidence of the willingness of Western, and especially American, political leaders unconcernedly to sacrifice vital Arab interests for temporary domestic political advantage” (3). This set of attitudes was augmented by an aversion to the perceived “materialism, godlessness, and immorality of Western and particularly American life” (2).
Cold War concerns also featured prominently in the letter. After exploring the historical roots of the region’s political encounter with the West, Lacy explained how these events came to bear on Arab views of the West’s fight against Communism. The joint defense of the Middle East against the USSR was viewed cynically as a scheme “to use Arabs in the defense of resources and routes vital to the West rather than as evidence of a genuine desire” to protect the region against tyranny (3). To make matters worse, there was an inclination to “dismiss the Soviet threat as one remote and unfamiliar in comparison with what they hold to be the known and present evils of Western control”
(3). There was also the “reckless willingness in many quarters to consider it as a desirable counterpoise to the West” (3). It was advisable, therefore, that “Arabs have a healthy awareness of Soviet Communism as the implacable enemy of all of their aspirations” (4).
145 In his analysis of the root causes of political and economic instability in the Arab region,
Lacy pointed to the rigidity and traditionalism of the Arab social and religious structure as impediments to development as well as to cooperation with the West. The lack of democratic institutions and the “corrupt self-seeking” behavior of Arab governments also “enormously complicated […] understandings with the Arab world” (4).
Under the subtitle Objectives of Franklin Publications, Lacy listed a number of psychological objectives of interest to the United States. These included, for example, the need to reduce “Arab ignorance, suspicion, and resentment of the West, particularly the
United States” as well as to establish “an understanding of and sense of communion with the central themes of Western thought, with a special emphasis on those most eloquently stating Western ideals” (5). To achieve that, he enjoined FBP to aid reconciliatory movements within the Arab countries by “providing channels of expression for the sane, constructive, and progressive elements” (6).
On the target readership, Lacy suggested that FBP efforts be aimed at “a broad audience,” focusing on college-level students, the working class, government officials and traditionally-educated intellectuals (8). Excluded were the two extremes of Arab society: the highly sophisticated, Western-educated intellectuals and the semi-illiterate and illiterate masses.
Concerning the subject matter and themes of FBP books, Lacy offered detailed guidance which he tied directly to USIA objectives as relayed to FBP. So, simple novels and poetry emphasizing the “egalitarianism of American life, family stability, its moral, idealistic, and cultural qualities” were suggested as useful in making “Americans more
146 familiar and understandable” (9). A second category stressing the liberal, democratic, and humane aspects of American government and economic order was also suggested. Of prime importance were the writings and biographies of national heroes such as Jefferson,
Lincoln, and Wilson. Works that shed light on the success of the American economic model, such as the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), were also encouraged. Important, too, were works that signaled American goodwill toward the Arab region (e.g., the Point
Four Program), interest in the culture and sympathy toward its aspirations (e.g., Wilson’s support of self-determination). “An especial effort,” Lacy advised, “should be devoted” to publications that emphasize “the independence of American economic development from imperialism” (10). Of equal importance were books that stressed “US neutrality between Israel and the Arabs” (10). Lacy also encouraged the publication of materials that clarified “the current Russian tyranny and imperialism, especially as it affects the
Middle East, Islam, and the opportunity for freedom and national self-development in nations it controls” (10). On works embodying the central themes of Western thought,
Lacy recommended the use of Western philosophical works that gave the most expression to western ideals such as freedom and individualism. He specifically nominated works by James B. Conant, John Dewey and Alfred N. Whitehead as good sources on American contemporary thought.43
Citing a lack in “psychological significance,” Lacy advised against using Agency funds to publish technical and scientific materials whose primary purpose was “clearly technological” (12). The only exception were “those instances in which you believe, and
43 All translated by Franklin: Conant (2 books), Dewey (7 books) and Whitehead (4 books: 1 original, 3 on his works).
147 we concur, that the proposed project will serve a psychological purpose—that is, will affect the attitudes on public issues of the people of the area” (12).
5.2.2.1 Cold War: Communism, Neutralism, Nasserism, Pan-Arabism, Israel
Despite the emphasis FBP officials placed on the non-political nature of their work, the records amply demonstrate that issues of concern to the US government were a regular topic of discussion in high-level FBP meetings and correspondence. Writing to Datus
Smith in 1956, FBP board member and vice president of D. Van Nostrand Company,
Malcolm Johnson, discussed the “highly confidential” situation of Egyptian President
Gamal Abel Nasser falling “deeper into Russian hands.” Worse, social reforms were suspended in favor of armament. Nasser, who “has been increasingly blackmailing the
West,” was determined to create a pan-Arab alliance with “Egypt as its unquestioned head.” Johnson called for “adroit maneuvering” on the part of FBP to return Egypt slowly to former President Naguib’s policies of social reform and “away from Nasser’s more chauvinistic and grandiose dreams of a pan-Arabia powerful enough to obliterate Israel.”
“The part that Franklin is asked to play in connection with the stated policy,” he wrote,
“is cautiously to de-emphasize the Egyptian dominance.” This stated policy, which he described as “our official, but unpublished policy,” could not be done “abruptly or carelessly, or with any signals evident to the Cairo staff.”44 Johnson’s understanding of
Franklin’s mission in the region matched that of ICS head, Franklin Burdette, who, a year earlier, characterized it as a “covert operation.”45
44 Letter, Malcolm Johnson to Datus C. Smith, May 31, 1956, pp. 1-2, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 16, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 45 Letter, “Confidential,” ICS, Franklin Burdette, November 3, 1955, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 16, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
148 In a 1953 Executive Committee meeting, a group of FBP directors deliberated “with interest” the publication of a book on “Russia in the Middle East.”46 The committee agreed that—although not to be included in Franklin’s first list—the book:
[M]ight have the value of giving the Middle Easterner an historical
background of the aggressive ambitions of both imperial Russia and the
Soviets, a record not now available in the Arabic speaking world in a
condensed and forceful form. (2)47
Foreign policy issues were also taken up in a 1954 FBP Executive Committee meeting.
One committee member reminded attendees that “hard-hitting anti-Soviet books of outright and palpable propaganda nature” fell under the mandate of the USIA translation projects. “The original Franklin concept,” he cautioned, was of “long-range, indirect propaganda penetration through the use of books.”48 Writing in 1968 to FBP president,
Michael Harris, USIA acting assistant director William Carter instructed Franklin to
“promote the widest possible dissemination abroad of books illustrating important aspects of American life and culture or which contribute significantly to US foreign policy objectives.”49
46 An outline of the book was presented by George Britt, a FBP board member and long-time Beirut resident. Britt was briefly considered for the managerial position of the Cairo branch. He, however, continued to lend much needed assistance to Franklin as a member of the Arab-American Friendship Association. He is noted by Franklin’s Arab associates for his abridgement of the Arabic edition of Frederick Lewis Allen’s The Big Change: America Transforms Itself 1900-1950 as well as for being “one of the great champions of the Arab Cause” (i.e. Palestine). See—Minutes, Executive Committee meeting, March 18, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 47 Minutes, Executive Committee meeting, March 18, 1953, p. 2, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 48 Minutes, Executive Committee meeting, October 21, 1954, p. 2, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 49 Letter, William Thos. Carter to Michael Harris, June 13, 1968, FBP Records (MC057), box 66, folder 7, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
149 Over the years, US foreign policy interests continued to rank high on FBP’s agenda. In a
1970 memo, Franklin president Carroll G. Bowen issued a set of classified guidelines on title selection criteria for the 50 Books Program. These were:
“(1) Support for US regional and global foreign policy.
(2) Increase understanding of US heritage and culture.
(3) Strengthen the freedom of other countries; strengthen political decision-
making in other countries.”50
5.2.2.2 Development and Modernization
Development projects constituted an essential part of FBP’s work in the Arab region. The records indicate that FBP was coordinating with US government foreign aid programs at a very early stage. A 1952 Executive Committee meeting listed Point Four and the
Department of Agriculture among government agencies51 that Franklin should reach out to.52 Initially, FBP participation in development was mainly through the publication of works that emphasized the success of the capitalist socio-economic and political model, such as David Lilienthal’s TVA: Democracy on the March53 and Walt Rostow’s The Stages of
Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto. In 1953, Datus Smith sought ICS approval for the “very highly thought of” Point Four in the Balance by Egyptian economist Rashid
50 Memorandum, “Notes from staff meeting,” October 13, 1970, FBP Records (MC057), box 93, folder 11, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 51 Listed also were the Psychological Strategy Board (PSB) and Radio Free Europe. PSB, a Truman-era creation, specialized in psychological warfare (see Chapter Three, section 3.2.3.1.1 or Kenneth A. Osgood’s The Unconventional Cold War (2002)); Radio Free Europe, a CIA front group (See Saunders’ The Cultural Cold War (2013) and Robert Dreyfuss’s Cold War, Holy Warrior (2006)). 52 Minutes, Executive Committee Agenda, September 4, 1952, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 53 David Lilienthal’s book was sought after by FBP, but the translation project was already underway with the USIA, the Arabic rights holder. Franklin, however, translated it into Bengali and its translation was selected as the best book of the year in 1963.
150 el-Barawy.54 Other projects geared toward socio-economic development were carried out with assistance from the State Department, mainly through the use of PL480 funds for
Arabic educational programs such as the textbook and reference book projects. Technical assistance in the form of published materials aimed at modernizing the publishing industry and the library and education systems was also another long-running project undertaken by FBP.
The 1970s marked FBP’s full participation in large-scale development projects. By the early 1970s, FBP had succeeded in forming partnerships with aid and development agencies, both governmental and private, to implement purely developmental projects.
In 1973, FBP sought and received formal registration with the Advisory Committee on
Voluntary Foreign Aid (ACVA), an offshoot of the State Department’s Agency for
International Development (AID, aka USAID).55 In 1974, it launched a new development program in collaboration with the United States Agency for International Development
(USAID), the National Science Foundation (NSF) and the Ford Foundation. Among the projects undertaken were the creation of a non-formal materials center, a center for community learning and libraries.56 That same year saw the start of negotiations between
FBP and the Organization for the Construction and Development of the Egyptian Village
(OCDEV) to launch the Educational Materials Center aimed at producing and
54 Letter, Datus C. Smith to Richard A. Humphrey, June 24, 1953, p. 1, FBP Records (MC057), box 66, folder 15, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 55 Letter, Bruce Wilcox to Elsie M. Corro, January 30, 1973, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 18, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. — FBP’s Certificate of Registration with Advisory Committee on Voluntary Aid, March 31, 1973, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 18, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 56 Cairo Bi-Monthly Reports, October 17, 1974, FBP Records (MC057), box 91, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
151 disseminating materials in support of rural development.57 Franklin also embarked on a project aimed at educating locals about the importance of population regulation. In cooperation with AID’s Bureau of Population and Humanitarian Assistance and the Ford
Foundation, FBP published multi-part pamphlets on adult education and family planning, including works on the use of contraceptives. In the words of one Ford Middle
East representative, the aim was to “scare the public into recognizing the population problem.”58
The records indicate that many FBP activities were initiated with a developmental aim in mind. This was inspired, in no small measure, by the not uncommon belief that modernization was the only possible way to close the economic and cultural gap and effect long-term social change, a notion adopted by US foreign policy and widely shared by many American organizations in the region. Given its impressive record in the region,
FBP’s expertise was occasionally sought at the highest levels of US government. In a 1969 letter to Franklin, Congressman Dante B. Fascell, Chairman of the House Subcommittee on Inter-American Affairs, solicited FBP’s advice on a proposed Franklin-like project for
Latin America. The proposed non-profit corporation would operate within “a broad mandate aimed at people and institution-building; primarily in education, agriculture and the basic socio-economic environment” to support “long-range social and civic development” in Latin America. Divorced from inter-governmental relations, the institute could operate at a level different from that of the formal machinery of the US
57 OCDEV, Bruce Wilcox to Khadiga Safwat, September 13, 1974, FBP Records (MC057), box 92, folder 15, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 58 Letter, Kenneth A. Laurence to Joel Montague, August 21, 1973, FBP Records (MC057), box 94, folder 5, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
152 Government, which “cannot, by its very nature, be effective in promoting social and civic change.”59
5.2.3 FBP and the Private Sector
Throughout its existence, FBP embarked on numerous joint projects with private organizations. Grants from predominantly American NGOs, such as Grolier, Rockefeller
Foundation and Ford Foundation, were used to finance massive FBP projects in a wide range of areas, including multi-volume encyclopedias, textbook programs, dictionaries and development. Ford, in particular, enjoyed a long and close working relationship with
FBP. In addition to a $1,000,000 grant received in the 1950s, FBP correspondence indicates that Ford continued to be the major private financier of FBP through the 1960s. Second only to the US government, Ford financial support, totaling $2,227,280, made up 13% of all FBP funds.60
In addition to sponsorship of educational and intellectual activities, such as school magazines, textbook programs and libraries, Ford also partnered with FBP to publish books on development in fields such as population control and agriculture (e.g., the Arid
Lands Agriculture Development project (ALAD)).61 FBP also organized visits to the US for intellectuals from various Arab countries with grants from Ford and others. For FBP, such visits had psychological value that was “even more important than the professional and technical side” because they provided an opportunity to see the different “aspects of
59 Letter, Congressman Dante B. Fascell to FBP, August 12, 1969, pp. 1-3, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 18, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 60 Memorandum, “Development Advisory Committee,” April 24, 1970, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 7, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 61 Letter, Ford Foundation to Riad Abaza, August 13, 1974, FBP Records (MC057), box 94, folder 5, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
153 American life [such as] visits in American homes, churches, music, the countryside”, etc.62
Inspired by the conviction that modernization was central to bringing about change in the Arab region, the interests of these private players often intersected with those of official US foreign policy. In his preface to the foundation’s 1952 annual report,
Henry Ford II cited “[t]he support of activities designed to secure greater allegiance to the basic principles of freedom and democracy” as one of five areas “to which Ford
Foundation activities would be directed.” The private status of these NGOs also facilitated partnerships with organizations such as FBP. Ford was cited by Franklin as its one and only financial backer in the region as reflected in a 1968 recommendation letter for one editor of the FBP Arabic Concise Encyclopedia. 63
Although there is no evidence in FBP records of Ford acting as an intermediary between the US government and Franklin, Ford’s annual reports indicate a long track record of support, and in some cases complete sponsorship, for favorably-minded intellectual organizations across Europe and the Middle East. The secretly CIA-run
Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), along with other Cold War cultural institutions, were frequent grantees of the foundation (Annual Report 1954:39). In the annual report of 1953, Ford’s director, Rowan Gaither Jr., stressed that “in advancing freedom and extending democratic ideals, the unofficial status of a foundation can be a great
62 Letter, Datus C. Smith to head of the USIA’s ICS, Franklin L. Burdette, May 19, 1955, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 63 Letter, “Recommendation Letter,” Donald S. Cameron, February 21, 1968, FBP Records (MC057), box 97, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
154 advantage, particularly during a period when hundreds of millions of people are poised precariously between democracy and totalitarianism, and distrust any governmental effort to win their support” (14).
5.2.4 FBP and Title Selection
FBP took great pride in its policy of local selection. Moreover, this policy was constantly referred to as Franklin’s “secret weapon”64— the “cornerstone [and] sine qua non”65 of the whole program. Yet, despite claims that “all selection”66 of titles was done by local advisors, FBP’s confidential records indicate that title selection involved a much more complex procedure of coordination with the USIA. Writing to one State Department official in 1955, Datus Smith described—in a letter that “maybe does not belong in the official record”— the twofold process of FBP title selection: 1) titles based on suggestions from special American advisors and 2) title suggestions from local field offices. The former was a USIA-mandated system which stipulated—alongside prior screening and approval— the use of special American consultants for book selection.67 This method also meant “extensive use of selected book lists by organizations such as USIA” whose librarians in the region “have been of greatest help.”68 In addition to embassy officers, bibliographical advice from other organizations such as the American Library
64 Report, “Background Information on Title Selection,” Datus C. Smith to State Department’s Claude E. Hawley, April 11, 1955, p. 5, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 65 Confidential letter, Datus C. Smith to State Department’s Claude E. Hawley, August 22, 1955, p. 5, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 66 Memorandum, “Special Committee of the Board of Directors,” August 15, 1954, p. 2, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 67 Report, “Background Information on Title Selection,” Datus C. Smith to State Department’s Claude E. Hawley, April 11, 1955, p. 5, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 68 Ibid, pp. 3-4.
155 Association and the Brooklyn Public Library was also sought. Once proposed titles were cleared by the Agency, sample copies were sent as a “stimulus” for local study.69 The second method was book suggestions originating locally. Here, local advisors would nominate titles for translation and report them to FBP New York headquarters for approval.
Approval of locally selected titles involved a lengthy and often frustrating process.
Smith seized the opportunity to point to the Agency’s rigid title clearance measures. “We must mean it,” he warned, “when we tell local leaders of distinction that we want them to pick books.” He called the State Department’s attention to the dangers of underestimating the region’s intellectuals, reminding them that “they are people of pride and spirit, and they are neither ignorant nor naïve.” The irony of an FBP official explaining the importance of diplomacy and trust-building to the State Department is captured in the following quote:
It will obviously be in American interest to use the functional approach and
follow lines along which progress is possible, rather than imperil the whole
enterprise by trying to impose an American-selected list. It cannot be
repeated too frequently that in actual practice the principle of local selection
has produced political results exceeding our wildest dreams.70
Despite calls for title selection flexibility, the records show no marked change in the USIA clearance policy. Franklin continued to be instructed to seek Agency approval for proposed titles. In fact, the agency stepped up its safeguard measures to include author
69 Ibid, p. 5. 70 Ibid, pp. 1-11.
156 clearance in addition to the previously content-only-based approval policy.71 “The
Agency,” stated a 1956 USIA statement, “has legal responsibility for approving each book which is used by Franklin Publications as well as responsibility for reviewing the overall program of the Corporation” (emphasis added).72 Lacy’s 1953 letter also continued to be adhered to almost verbatim by Franklin. For example, the 1960 FBP letter on the Arabic rights for Rostow’s Stages of Economic Growth was marked “Objective: 3 (a),” matching the bulleted list of objectives provided by the USIA.73 In 1970, only 23 of 92 locally selected titles were approved by the Agency. Cairo staff had to choose from a pre-selected USIA list to meet the required quota.74
Replying to a 1971 FBP letter on an ICS-stipulated list, FBP Cairo manager Riad
Abaza complained that the recommended books were “totally different from what our publishers want.” “The list,” he retorted, “does not show Cairo publishers’ interests; it shows clearly the donor’s interests.” Abaza, who questioned the necessity of including an entire “American Scene” category, pointed out that not a single title was dedicated to applied science, “the most interesting subject for all our publishers.” Criticizing the overemphasis on subjects of no interest to Arab publishers, he enclosed a science- dominated list, which he insisted reflected the real interests of local publishers.75 “Our
71 Minutes, Executive Committee, December 1, 1954, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 72 Policy Statement, “Statement of US Information Agency Policy for Franklin Publication, Inc.,” March 5, 1956, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 73 FBP letter No. 887, May 4, 1960, FBP Records (MC057), box 236, folder 4, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 74 Letter, USIA to FBP, October 27, 1970, FBP Records (MC057), box 93, folder 11, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 75 Letter, Riad Abaza to Esther J. Walls, February 18, 1971, FBP Records (MC057), box 90, folder (?), Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
157 concern,” he wrote in a 1971 report, “must be directed towards science books which form the urgent need of the Arab reader.” “The hopes of these communities are pinned on science alone to make narrower the wide gap […] with the world of the twentieth century,” he added.76
5.2.5 FBP and Local Participation
Franklin’s record of local participation is an impressive one. On top of engaging eminent literary figures, many of whom were at the vanguard of the Arab renaissance movement,
FBP succeeded in attracting a sizable number of high-ranking government officials across the Arab region. Franklin also successfully forged long-lasting partnerships with ministries of education, colleges, schools as well as many cultural organizations in the area. The overwhelming majority of its books appeared under the imprint of major publishing houses, such as Dar al-Maaref, Dar al-Hilal, Renaissance and the Anglo-
American Company, whose influence extended far beyond the cosmopolitan centers.
Moreover, it managed to secure funds from several Arab states. Franklin also sponsored contests, organized exhibits and was well represented at conferences across the region.77
The list of Franklin’s governmental contacts includes one old-regime Egyptian prime minister, two post-revolution Egyptian presidents (including, interestingly,
Nasser), an Iraqi premier, a Lebanese premier, a Lebanese foreign minister, an Egyptian defense minister, a Saudi minister, seven Egyptian education ministers and diplomats. In academia and higher education, scores of university rectors, vice rectors, deans and
76 Report, Riad Abaza, October 14, 1971, pp. 6-7, FBP Records (MC057), box 91, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 77 Report, “Local Participation in Franklin Projects,” October 5, 1955, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
158 professors participated actively in Franklin’s activities. In intellectual and literary circles, among the heavy-weight intellectual figures were eight of the ten still-living writers of the Egyptian Renaissance: 1) Taha Hussein, 2) Abbas el-Akkad, 3) Tewfiq el-Hakim, 4)
Mohammed Hussein Haykal, 5) Mahmoud Teymour, 6) Aziz Abaza, 7) Abdel Rahman
Sidky, and 8) Ahmed Amin. Most of these Arab intellectuals and government officials actively contributed to FBP’s various activities as preface writers, editors, advisors and translators.78
5.2.5.1 Maintaining Contacts
Contacts with the intelligentsia were maintained mainly through local managers79 who themselves were well-connected, accomplished individuals. The records show that
Franklin’s selection of local management was first and foremost based on their ability to command respect and garner local support rather than their administrative qualities.80
This was certainly the case of Franklin’s first Cairo manager, Hassan Galal el-Aroussy, whose “vision and connections” were of “highest value” to Franklin. The records show that el-Aroussy was granted—along with other FBP representatives—personal audiences with both President Mohammed Naguib and his successor Gamal Abdel Nasser.81 In
1955, Aroussy reported that he had a “very long talk” with then member of the
78 Memorandum, “Special Committee of the Board of Directors,” August 15, 1954, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 79 Top-level management appointees were subject to State Department approval, sometimes through recommendations by US posts stationed locally. El-Aroussy, for instance, was “highly recommended by the American Embassy in Cairo” (See—Minutes, Executive Committee meeting, February 19, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library). 80 “[W]e might have to compromise on the administrative question, as we did in Hassan’s case” (See—Datus C. Smith’s letter to Donald S. Cameron, June 21, 1955, p. 2, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library). 81 Memorandum, “Special Committee of the Board of Directors,” August 15, 1954, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
159 Revolutionary Council and president-to-be, Anwar el-Sadat, who commended FBP on the publication of a book on the Princeton Colloquium of Islamic Culture.82 These contacts were later cultivated by direct one-on-one personal correspondence between intellectuals and FBP administrators in New York. Friendships were formed at luncheons, casual meetings and visits in Arab capitals and in the States. Datus Smith, who often wrote on a first-name basis and sent greetings to family members, boasted of approximately 1,100 names of Arab and Asian intellectuals in his notebook.83 Personal communication also had its benefits. Malcolm Johnson adopted the “splendid idea”—to quote ICS chief Franklin Burdette—of sending books as gifts to local intellectuals.84 The books, which were selected from a pre-approved USIA list, were purposely designed to pique the interest of the recipients and affect the choice of subsequent titles.85 Franklin also adopted the habit of sending copies of its newly published books as gifts. The copies were accompanied by a slip, providing details such as the author, publication date, publisher, translator and price. Below is an example:
82 Letter, Hassan el-Aroussy to Datus C. Smith, May 21, 1955, FBP Records (MC057), box 91, folder 4, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 83 Report, “Background Information on Title Selection,” Datus C. Smith to State Department’s Claude E. Hawley, April 11, 1955, p. 5, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 84 Letter, Franklin L. Burdette to Datus C. Smith, September 27, 1954, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 17, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 85 In letters to Taha Hussein, Muhammad Hussein Haykal, and Aziz Abaza, Malcolm Johnson “take[s] the liberty of sending” copies of books as gifts. One, Moby Dick, appeared in translation in 1965. (Box 16, Folder 10).
160
Figure 1: the note reads: “Franklin Publications—a non-profit, cultural organization, seeking to publish and distribute famous works in translation worldwide—is pleased to send you as a gift a copy of the below title:”
5.2.5.2 How Franklin viewed contacts
Franklin cherished its vast network of local contacts. Especially prized was the association with influential Arab intellectuals, who were deemed essential to building a respectable reputation. In addition to harnessing their literary acclaim to influence readers and publishers86—who held “a substantial stake” in the industry87— FBP often relied on reputable intellectuals to vouch for it in the halls of government as well as in literary circles. In 1953, the Egyptian author and then cultural attaché (later foreign minister) in Washington Mohammed Hassan el-Zayyat told Datus Smith that he had
86 Minutes, Board of Directors, September 24, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 1, folder 5, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 87 Minutes, Executive Committee, April 29, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
161 “already written to the Ministry of Education, informing them that your organization is non-profit-making, and also of [its] valuable contribution [to] cultural relations between the United States and Egypt.”88 When, in 1954, an Alexandria University professor lambasted Franklin at a Beirut conference, both the university’s rector and the minister of education (both Franklin contributors) publicly denounced the attack and authorized
Aroussy to deny that the university was officially represented at the conference.89
Association with eminent public figures was also thought to be of political value to the US both in terms of winning their allegiances and harnessing their impact on local readerships. In 1956, the USIA came to recognize that even books not directly tied to
Agency objectives “may have a positive value to the United States Government because of goodwill created by Franklin’s use of a leading figure for translating or editing books.”90 This concession on the Agency’s part may have been the result of Datus Smith’s perseverance a year earlier in convincing the State Department of the indirect political benefits of trust-building. “The political by-products of an apolitical program,” he stressed, were of “such practical importance.”91 Commenting on monarchy-era premier
Aly Maher’s introduction to David Cushman Coyle’s US Political System and How It Works,
Smith remarked that despite the book’s political content, “it was the apolitical nature of the program as a whole which persuaded this great public figure, who stands well with
88 Letter, M. H. el-Zayyat to Datus C. Smith, August 18, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 93, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 89 Letter, Hassan el-Aroussy to Datus C. Smith, January 13, 1954, FBP Records (MC057), box 92, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 90 Policy Statement, “Statement of US Information Agency Policy for Franklin Publication, Inc.,” March 5, 1956, p. 1, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 91 Report, Datus C. Smith to State Department’s Claude E. Hawley, April 11, 1955, p. 10, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
162 the Nasser government, that it was all right for him to be associated with us.” He then added, “To have this comment on the American constitution published in Arabic […] is an advantage for which we would have been prepared to pay many thousands of dollars if it had been necessary.”92 A 1968 USIA memo makes a similar point, “A book is made to speak with additional authority by inclusion of an introduction or foreword written by a recognized local authority.”93
Intellectuals were also viewed as effective conduits for promoting pro-
Americanism. A 1956 USIA memorandum instructed Franklin to “promote the assimilation of the best in American ideas and ideals into the intellectual and educational life” of the host countries.94 To win and maintain support, Franklin had to be “like
Caesar’s wife, above suspicion.”95 Materials of an openly propagandistic nature were deliberately excluded. Extra security measures were adopted in terms of both the classification of correspondence and contact with US government agencies in the region.
“To do the most good,” FBP Malcolm Johnson said in a 1954 board meeting, “[the program] must utilize the energies and wisdom of local and cultural leaders.” He then went on to warn, “Men of this caliber would quickly disassociate themselves from the program should it appear to have a short-term and expedient goal.”96
92 Ibid, p. 10. 93 Letter, William Thos. Carter to Michael Harris, June 13, 1968, FBP Records (MC057), box 66, folder 7, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 94 Policy Statement, “Statement of US Information Agency Policy for Franklin Publication, Inc.,” March 5, 1956, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 95 Letter to FBP’s Malcolm Johnson, August 8, 1956, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 16, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 96 Minutes, Board of Directors, December 9, 1954, p. 5, FBP Records (MC057), box 1, folder 5, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
163 Although FBP cultivated relationships with mostly Western-oriented intellectuals (as will be shown later), it made a special effort to reach out to neutralists and even those holding anti-American views. As a goodwill gesture, Franklin launched a not-so-successful reverse translation program where books by Arab authors would be translated into
English in the hopes that such a move would encourage reconciliatory trends and prove
Franklin’s interest in the region’s cultural production.97 It went to great extents to promote to the State Department a book by the prolific Egyptian writer Rashid el-Barawy, who “was at one time an active opponent of American influence in the Middle East.”
“American publication,” wrote Datus Smith in 1953, “would be overwhelmingly gratifying to this influential publicist who is newly discovering virtues in America.”98
Franklin also made an effort to reach out to elements in classically-educated and usually conservative circles. In a rather surprising turn of events (even to Franklin), the former leader of the “extremist right-wing” Egyptian Muslim Brothers and then minister of wakfs99 sheikh Ahmed Hassan el-Bakuri contributed the foreword to Abraham Cressy
Morrison’s Man Does Not Stand Alone (1954). “The striking instance” even resulted in a favorable review of the book in the Muslim Brothers’ El-Dawer magazine.100 In FBP’s cover design contest organized in collaboration with the Cairo College of Applied Arts in 1953, one of the three art critics who supervised the contest and “gave it good publicity” was a sheikh-graduate of the conservative Al-Azhar University.101
97 Letter, Datus C. Smith to Richard A. Humphrey, June 24, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 66, folder 15, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 98 Ibid, p. 1. 99 A ministry in charge of religious institutions such as mosques, schools, charities, etc. 100 Memorandum, “Special Committee of the Board of Directors,” August 15, 1954, p. 21, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 101 Ibid, p. 21.
164 Franklin was of the opinion that anti-Americanism did not necessarily stem from anti-
Western sentiment but rather from a lack of proper American cultural representation, a situation that further fed into prevailing notions of American materialism and cultural paucity. Writing to Franklin’s Malcolm Johnson in 1955, Congressman Barratt O’Hara102 complained that America was known abroad “mainly for autos and tractors, for riches and technology.” “Not widely known,” he wrote, were “American political philosophy and the fundamental ideas of political and social democracy.”103 In 1956, Datus Smith lamented:
There is almost unbelievable ignorance, throughout the Middle East, of
American books, even on the part of intelligent Western-educated
specialists who have a good acquaintance with British and French books.
The surgeon-general of a Middle East air force does not know US books in
aviation medicine; a student of nationalism does not know the writings of
Hans Kohn; a professor of English literature has never heard of Emily
Dickinson; a philosopher of religion does not know Paul Tillich. Middle
Easterners cannot be expected to want American books if they don’t even
know of their existence. (Smith 1956:60)
One of these “intelligent Western-educated specialists” with considerable knowledge of the history, culture and literature of Western Europe was the Sorbonne graduate and leading man of letters in Arabic Taha Hussein. Hussein, who supervised, edited and
102 A 1955 letter (Donald S. Cameron to Malcolm Johnson) describes O’Hara as one of the individuals “on the hill that has personally gone to bat for us … and knows our story well” (Box 16, Folder 9). 103 Letter, Barratt O’Hara to Malcolm Johnson, December 12, 1955, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
165 introduced several FBP books, was—in the words of Datus Smith—“until recently essentially anti-American.” Hussein, whose anti-American views may have been colored by common notions of America’s lack of culture, turned his foreword to Franklin’s anthology Studies in American Literature into “a defense of America against the charge of materialism.”104
5.2.5.3 Supporters’ Views of Franklin
For most of its proponents, Franklin was viewed as an intercultural organization, on a purely cultural and bridge-building mission. This sense of Franklin’s vital cultural contributions is reflected in FBP local correspondence and many contemporary writings by intellectuals who did and did not work with it. Franklin commanded respect not only through the recommendations of the leading intellectuals with whom it associated, but also by the quality of the works it published. Franklin’s publications were admired by friends and foes alike, although the latter often questioned its motives. A 1954 FBP memorandum contained twelve quotes from government officials, influential intellectuals and publishers in support of FBP’s cultural activities.105
This view was also shared by Franklin’s local management. In a 1971 report, Riad
Abaza described Franklin’s mission as one of “promoting and fostering culture and knowledge in the developing world.” “We are a cultural organization,” he stressed,
“aimed at providing cultural services of all sorts.”106 In a 1961 meeting of FBP local
104 Report, Datus C. Smith to State Department’s Claude E. Hawley, April 11, 1955, p. 10, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 105 Memorandum, “Special Committee of the Board of Directors,” August 15, 1954, p. 22-23, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 106 Report, Riad Abaza, October 14, 1971, pp. 1-4, FBP Records (MC057), box 91, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
166 managers, Franklin’s managers emphasized that their “sole and basic object is to publish books that should benefit their countries and countrymen and serve no other purpose.”
“[FBP’s] pioneering work,” they explained, was “intended to make Western culture accessible to those looking for it in various fields of learning.” Likely responding to accusations from leftist factions in the region, the managers insisted that “the men in control of the offices are known to be impartial and above propagandizing.”107
In an article published in the daily Cairo magazine Sowt al-Orouba in 1955, prolific
Egyptian author and Franklin translator Wadi Falastine praised FBP’s cultural achievements. “Franklin Publications,” he wrote, “has translated a valuable collection of books … which show[s] how far we are becoming influenced by the culture of the New
World.” Citing changing times, he called on fellow intellectuals to look to the cultural and scientific production of America. “We must understand,” urged Falastine, “that the real and highly developed sources of science, literature and philosophy have been shifted from their old home in Europe to their new home in the New World.”108
In its 1955 editorial, the Tunisian newspaper Al-Sabbah also lauded Franklin for making accessible “splendid streams of culture […] of that great nation which liberated
Europe in the last great war”, of which the region’s inhabitants were “until very recent times practically ignorant.” Commenting on Franklin’s newly released Studies in
American Literature, the editors applauded the anthology’s contributors for turning “the attention of all intellectual people in the East to a rich and unfailing source of high
107 Minutes, Directors of FBP Offices meeting, December 27, 1961, p. 1, FBP Records (MC057), box 96, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 108 Letter, Harold N. Munger, Jr. to Malcolm Johnson, June 28, 1955, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
167 culture.”109 Flattered by “the best compliment we have had,” Franklin translated and reported the editorial in full to its headquarters in New York.110
For most Franklin associates under investigation, the favorable views of the
Franklin appear to have largely been formed on the basis of its credentials as a non-profit, non-political organization. The records indicate that Franklin managed to successfully conceal its government connections, especially with the USIA. Early on, Franklin and the
USIA put in place a host of stringent security measures to prevent any sort of identification with US government agencies. In a 1958 letter “of more than usual importance” to Franklin’s board, William Spaulding warned that “if emphasized, our government connections would be harmful in our relations abroad.”111 “Public attention to our government connection,” he explained, “could be fatal to the program abroad … and destructive of the morale of our loyal staff and generous friends in other countries.”112 He advised fellow board members to “hold in confidence reports … so that there will be no chance, even indirectly” that they would get into the hands of “unfriendly people.”113
These extra precautionary measures even extended to certain branches of the US government. Concerned over “the danger involved” in identifying Franklin with the
USIA’s request for funds in published Congressional hearings, ICS’s deputy chief, Claude
E. Hawley, reassured Franklin’s directors that “every effort would be made to prevent
109 Ibid. 110 Letter, Datus C. Smith to Donald S. Cameron, June 21, 1955, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 111 Letter, William E. Spaulding to FBP Board, August 15, 1958, p. 1, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 16, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 112 Ibid, pp. 1-2. 113 Ibid, p. 2.
168 any allusions to Franklin, by actual name or otherwise, from appearing in print.”114
Writing to Malcolm Johnson in 1955, Donald S. Cameron cautioned against sending
Datus Smith, then on a survey mission in East Pakistan and Indonesia, a copy of Dan
Lacy’s memorandum “which so clearly points up our relationship with the USIA.”115 In another instance, Cameron implored Johnson to place “special emphasis” with
Congressman Barratt O’Hara “so he doesn’t go off to the floor waving a list of specific western classics that should be in every eastern language”116 because “a lot of the titles are now on Franklin’s list.”117 In a 1955 confidential letter, ICS head Burdette Franklin issued a set of classification guidelines on in-and-out communication between FBP and the USIA. “Under no circumstances,” he stressed, “will the Agency’s name appear on the outer envelopes,” including both “classified and unclassified” communication.118 That same year, Hawley authorized Datus Smith to classify “any communication referring to the fact that Franklin publications publishes books in a specific country in such a manner as to conform to general themes of the Agency’s information program”, even those rejected because they “fail to follow a specific information objective.”119
Although the records suggest that, at least in two cases, Riad Abaza knew of the
USIA connection, he may have thought of it as another US government donor agency
114 Minutes, Board of Directors meeting, December 9, 1954, p. 6, FBP Records (MC057), box 1, folder 5, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 115 Letter, Donald S. Cameron to Malcolm Johnson, November 29, 1955, p. 1, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 116 Three years later (1958), Datus C. Smith urged that “all discussion of Franklin in appropriations hearings be off the record” (Letter to James J. Halsema of the State Department, September 16, 1958, box 65, folder 16). 117 Ibid, pp. 1-2. 118 Confidential letter, ICS’s Franklin Burdette to FBP, November 3, 1955, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 16, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 119 Confidential letter, ICS’s Claude E. Hawley to Datus C. Smith, May 11, 1955, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 16, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
169 among the constellation of other agencies—US and foreign—working with Franklin.120
This is substantiated by a 1970 letter in which FBP’s Harold N. Munger informed ICS head, Lou Fanget, of the need to retype the contract for the 50 Books Program so that “the offending sentence: ‘which would advance US government informational objectives’” could be omitted.121 Once modified, FBP would have no “objection to a copy being handed to Riad.”122
This view of Franklin as an apolitical cultural organization was shared by other local managerial staff and translators. In a 1966 joint letter to Datus Smith, both Soheir el-
Kalamawy and Zaki Naguib Mahmoud commended “the useful work Franklin is doing in the world of culture.”123 This perception of Franklin as a cultural organization divorced from politics can be measured in the way several Franklin associates distanced themselves from similar—but “suspicious”—US cultural platforms (Chreih 2011:23). For instance, Muhammad Najm (manager of Beirut office), Ihsan Abbas, Salma el-Jayyousi,
Ahmed Abu Hakimah, Mahmoud Zayid, Jabra Ibrahim Jabra and Samira Azzam all expressed concerns to fellow Franklin translator Tawfiq Sayegh over possible political connections between his inchoate CCF-sponsored Arabic magazine Hiwar and the US government. Abu Hakimah reproached Sayegh for his willingness to risk his reputation by “collaborating with these spies” (ibid 87). Najm and Abbas even led a campaign
120 In a 1974 letter, Abaza refers to the USIA as a supplier of paper, given the rise in paper prices due to shortages. Co- sharing of shipping costs and paper contributions from surplus stocks of US publishers were a routine practice of US aid agencies working with Franklin in the 1970s (See Abaza’s 1974 letter in Box 97, Folder 2 & John H. Kyle’s 1976 letter to the Advisory Committee on Voluntary Foreign Aid in Box 65, Folder 18). 121 Letter, Harold N. Munger, Jr. to Files, July 8, 1970, FBP Records (MC057), box 93, folder 11, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 122 Ibid. 123 Letter, Soheir el-Kalamawy and Zaki Naguib Mahmoud to Datus C. Smith, July 13, 1966, FBP Records (MC057), box 95, folder 7, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
170 against the magazine, citing the “air of mystery” around it as well as possible “rumored” ties to Zionism (ibid 23). El-Jayyousi hesitated to contribute to the magazine due to what she anticipated to be politically motivated anti-Soviet biases and “editorial restrictions” from Paris (ibid 29 & 33).
That said, the literature shows that at least one Franklin translator, Tawfiq Sayegh, clearly understood the organization (i.e., FBP) as aiding in the US fight against
Communism. In refutation of Muhammad Najm’s reservations about Hiwar’s foreign sponsorship and the CCF’s political and “anti-Communist” policies, Sayegh protested:
Isn’t Franklin a pure American organization whereas we are international?
Isn’t its ultimate goal to combat Communism as is ours? How come no one
accuses Franklin, whose authors are all American, but everybody finds us
culpable even though we are Arab! (Chreih 30)
5.2.6 Anti-Franklin Attacks124
Franklin suffered a series of sustained attacks from different factions in the region. The records show that Franklin generally thought of these attacks as mainly inspired by leftist-socialist groups with possible ideological and financial ties to the USSR. Even those clearly not motivated by communist thinking were thought of as serving—indirectly—
Soviet agendas. While some of the politically motivated attacks were indeed launched by self-declared communists, neutralist thinking—rather than plain anti-American biases— seemed to have prompted others. For this reason, those criticisms that do not clearly fit
124 Franklin closely monitored the local press as a way of measuring local reception and impact. Among the “immediate benefits” was revealing “communist-line” publications whose “attacks would indicate the program is considered dangerous by anti-Western factions” as well as “give good evidence that Franklin is getting somewhere” (Board meeting minutes, December 9, 1954, Box 1, Folder 5 and Datus C. Smith’s letter to Franklin Burdette, May 23, 1955, Box 16, Folder 10).
171 Franklin’s definition of a “party line” smear campaign will be reported as such. A third category is dedicated to religiously motivated attacks which were apparently fueled by an admixture of extreme religiosity and anti-Western, particularly anti-American, political views.
5.2.6.1 Leftist attacks
According to FBP records, the first public attack appeared in the Rose El-Yousuf magazine in 1954. In a series of articles, the magazine leveled several accusations at FBP; these included what the paper described as Franklin’s “imperialist effort to poison Arab minds,” its attempts at “cultural colonization” and its “bribery” of Arab scholars through sponsorship, grants, and visits to America. Datus Smith, who reported the attacks to the
ICS chief, labeled the magazine—which “has been so vigorous and so persistently extreme in its anti-American line”—as a party-line paper.125 Another 1954 attack was published in the “generally anti-American” Al-Misry newspaper. Smith did not elaborate on the nature of the attack but rejoiced in reporting the arrest of the paper’s editor-in- chief, who reminded him of “W. R. Hearst in his yellowest rabble-rousing days.”126
Another anti-Franklin attack was published in the Beirut-based literary magazine
Al-Adab in May of 1955. The article equally inveighed against the “parasitic invaders”
(i.e., FBP) and their “insincere pedants and posers” (i.e., Arab intellectuals and publishers). “Franklin,” the paper protested, “[seeks] to tempt and persuade Egyptians in high cultural positions to carry out their set plans,” which were “intended to blindfold
125 Memorandum, “Special Committee of the Board of Directors,” August 15, 1954, p. 23-25, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 126 Letter, “Excerpt from Datus C. Smith’s No. 29,” May 9, 1954, FBP Records (MC057), box 92, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
172 the struggling citizens and lead them astray from spotting the source of bullets aimed at their chests.” The paper particularly called on FBP’s prefacers to beware of Franklin’s
“deliberate” attempts at creating “a special intellectual and sentimental atmosphere in favor of American trends in politics and thought.” It also warned of American influence on young readers, given that the majority of Franklin’s readers were university students in whose hands lay “the future trends of life and culture in Egypt.”127 Al-Adab’s assault was reported alongside another ‘not coincidental’ attack in an unidentified Baghdad daily which Franklin also labeled as “left-wing.”128
5.2.6.2 Communist attacks
Arab communists viewed Franklin as an extension of the US government. Whatever doubts they had as to the nature, origin and goals of Franklin seemed to have been dispelled by later defections by some of their fellow communists. To them, Franklin was the latest cultural front in the ongoing ideological war between the United States and the
Soviet Union. This is evident in the 1968 fiery exchange between Omar Mustafa Makki of the Sudanese Communist Party and his former comrade Salah Ahmed Ibrahim. Ibrahim, a poet and former ambassador, had an “intellectual crisis” which led him to question the party’s activities. The situation escalated to a confrontation with the party’s secretary general which eventually led him to publicly denounce the party in the late 50s. Over the years, Ibrahim would become the target of a party-line smear campaign orchestrated by
Makki, who accused him of abetting the “American imperialists.” Like his fellow poet
127 Letter, Datus C. Smith to Franklin L. Burdette, May 23, 1955, pp. 1-8 (attached article), FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 128 Ibid.
173 and ex-communist el-Sayyab, Ibrahim would later receive a commission to translate for
Franklin. His translation of William van O’Conner’s An Age of Criticism, of which copies were sent by the Rockefeller Foundation to the University of Khartoum’s library, would be cited by Makki as an example of America’s growing influence in Arab educational institutions (Makki 1968).
5.2.6.3 Neutralist attacks
The 1960s saw the start of a series of neutralist attacks against Franklin. At a 1960 meeting of the Cultural Committee of the National Union, Egyptian writer Bent el-Shattie stressed the principle of “positive neutralism” in politics and culture. “As a nation,” she emphasized, “we have won the reputation here and elsewhere that we are a positively neutral people with no leanings towards either the Eastern or Western Bloc.”129 She viewed foreign cultural institutions, including Franklin, as essentially driven by Cold
War politics:
Some of the institutions, that have established themselves among us as
cultural and not commercial institutions, really belong to one of the two
opposing camps. They publish a variety of books of excellent make-up and
cheap in price.130 By these means they manage to influence the minds and
hearts of our young men for the interest of the block to which they belong.
129 Letter, Hassan el-Aroussy to Datus C. Smith, July 25, 1960, pp. 1-2 (attached article), FBP Records (MC057), box 92, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 130 A 1968 USIA memo to Franklin stated that to “insure the widest possible readership,” inexpensive paper and soft bindings should be used “in the interest of keeping retail prices within the purchasing power of the local populace” (Box 66, Folder 7).
174 To my mind, any departure from the principle of positive neutrality, to East
or West, is the thing we object to.131
While she welcomed openness and “intellectual contact” with foreign cultures, she denounced what she termed the “dual intellectual aggression” by the two superpowers which “subtly aims at propagating principles in which we do not believe.”132 El-Shattie’s remarks also appeared in a lengthy article by Egyptian writer Saleh Gawdat in Al-
Kawakeb magazine, where critiques of Franklin and other cultural institutions were justified on similar grounds.133
In May of 1967, Al-Musawwar magazine published a piece entitled “Our Attitude
Towards American Culture” by Egyptian writer Rajaa el-Nakkash. Critical of the UAR
Ministry of Culture’s decision to ban American films in the wake of the Six-Day War, el-
Nakkash condemned the “grossly absurd and erroneous” overall ban on American culture. While some works “represent American imperialistic policy,” the humane trend in American culture “does not frighten us, because it merely appeared in America.”
While welcoming—“with open hearts”—the humanitarian trends in intellect and culture as epitomized in the works of Mark Twain, Thoreau, Fitzgerald and Hemingway, el-
Nakkash warned of falling prey to the disguised “neo-colonialism and its adverse ways and means” as represented by Franklin and other “secretly financed” cultural organizations. He called for boycotting trends in American culture which followed “the same course of psychological warfare” and revolved “in a vicious circle of anti-Socialist
131 Ibid. 132 Ibid. 133 Article, Al-Kawakib Magazine, July 19, 1960, FBP Records (MC057), box 92, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
175 propaganda.” “It is essential,” he stressed, “that this institute be finally liquidated now and for good.” El-Nakkash also berated Arab intellectuals who collaborated with
Franklin. “We must boycott [and] fight the secret and open agents in their service, and if they are well-meaning, to call upon them to leave their posts in the service of American cultural institutions and organizations,” he concluded.134
5.2.6.4 Right-wing attacks
In 1955, a “significant attack” by Egyptian conservative writer Sayyid Qutb appeared in a Muslim Brothers-affiliated paper. The report did not provide further details as to the nature of the attack but dedicated much of its analysis to how attacks by fanatical right- wing groups played into the hands of the Soviets. “Because of extreme anti-Westernism,” the report explained, “[the Muslim Brothers have] often unwittingly served the purposes of the Communists.” They were “regularly used as a catspaw by Communist groups which realize that a movement embracing piety and nationalism may in the Near East do the work which in other countries is assigned to Marxist indoctrination.” However, FBP was delighted to report that all attacks had failed to dissuade “the best people in the Arab countries from participating fully in the program.”135
Another religiously motivated attack not reported by Franklin appeared in a 1957 series of essays by al-Azhar University professor Muhammad M. Hussein. The essays
ﺣﺼﻮﻧﻨﺎ ﻣﮭﺪدة serialized by the al-Azhar magazine reappeared in book form under the title
Threats from Within] in 1971. In his scathing report, Hussein refers to Franklin] ﻣﻦ داﺧﻠﮭﺎ
134 Article, Al-Musawwar Magazine, August 4, 1967, pp. 1-7, FBP Records (MC057), box 65, folder 16, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 135 Memorandum, “Special Committee of the Board of Directors,” August 15, 1954, p. 24-25, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
176 within a broader discussion on rising American cultural influence in the region. For him,
Franklin was nothing but a propaganda arm of the US government. He, however, appears more concerned with exposing the “westernizing” ideology of intellectuals who collaborated with US cultural programs in general, including Franklin. Among Franklin translators, his targets included Zaki Naguib Mahmoud, Taha Hussein and Abdulaziz el-
Koussy. In addition to cooperating with Franklin, all were members of the Arab League’s
Committee on Translation, Writing and Publishing. On multiple occasions, the committee both sought and acted upon recommendations from the US Embassy in Cairo on which American titles to translate. That the committee would—at times—freely choose to seek assistance from the US Embassy in suggesting titles was attributed to the members’ vested interest in passing on Western ideas and influences which, in turn, were passed to them by way of their western education. (Hussein 1971)
5.3 Set II: FBP Books, Translators and Reviewers
The Library of Congress (LOC) records show that out of 3,451 Franklin titles divided across eleven languages,136 a total of 1277 books were translated into Arabic (37.32%).
After consulting Arabic bibliographical sources, the researcher was able to locate ten more translated titles not included in either of the two lists provided by LOC, bringing the total number of Franklin’s Arabic translations to 1287.
136 Persian (850), Urdu (448), Bengali (331), Indonesian (221), Spanish (103), Malay (94), Portuguese (42), Chinese (39), Turkish (26), Pushto (Afghanistan; 20)
177
1% 3% 6% 10% 37%
13%
25%
Arabic Persian Urdu Bengali Indonesian
Spanish Malay Portuguese Chinese Turkish
Figure 2: percentages of translated titles for each language
The data obtained from the above-mentioned sources were then manually transcribed into a 199-page detailed spreadsheet consisting of the following eight columns
(headings): translator’s name, author’s name, prefacer’s name, Arabic title, original title, category, publisher’s name and publishing year as well as brief biographies of translators and prefacers. Organizing the collected data in this fashion helped determine the number of times a single translator translated for Franklin, the category in which they most translated and who wrote the prefaces to their translations. The same applies to publishers, prefacers and original authors. According to the table, a total of 688 translators and 57 publishing houses worked with Franklin in the Arab region. This indicates that Franklin worked with the same group of translators and publishers repeatedly during its 28 years of operation. In other words, some translators were rehired by Franklin, with some translating up to 24 titles.
178 Similarly, Franklin appeared to favor certain publishers over others. The liberal-leaning
Anglo-Egyptian publishing house published a total of 163 translations, followed by the
Renaissance Publishing (129), The Dar al-Maaref (106) and The Nahdat Arabiya [Arab
Renaissance Publishing] (96). Other publishers published up to 53 times, with quite a sizable number publishing up to 10 titles, and a handful publishing only one.
Production-wise, Franklin invested heavily in the format and design of its books.
It applied advanced printing techniques imported from the US publishing industry to ensure its books were visually appealing in comparison with locally produced ones. In cooperation with local artists, Franklin produced books that were beautifully illustrated with exceptionally attractive cover designs, a feat in which FBP personnel took great pride. Impressed by the high printing quality of Franklin’s Arabic edition of Louisa May
Alcott’s Little Women, the editors of the leftist Al-Misry newspaper admitted that “for the first time, Arabic books look like European books in their printing and production.”
Below are some examples:
179
Figure 3: front covers (Franklin Book Program Collection, Rare Book and Special Collections, Library of Congress)
180
Figure 4: illustrations
181 5.3.1 Categories Franklin’s book genres include a total of 32 categories: Juvenile Science (JS), Education (ED), Family Life, Guidance & General Health (FH), History (H), Fiction (F), Criticism & Essays (C), Juvenile Literature (JL), Law & Political Science (L), Philosophy (PH), Social Studies (S), Drama (D), General Science (GS), Vocational & Technical Education; Career Information (VE), Economics & Development (E), Juvenile General (JG), Juvenile History (JH), Biography & Autobiography (B), Psychology (PY), Astronomy & Physics (AS), Biological (BS), Business Administration (BA), Art & Architecture (A), Juvenile Psychology (JP), Juvenile Biography (JB), Agriculture (AG), Chemistry (CH), Reference & General Information (RF), Engineering (EN), Mathematics (M), Poetry (P), Religion (R) and American Civilization (AC). Unlike Franklin’s original classification (in alphabetical order), the categories for this study are organized in descending order based on the number of titles translated in each field. For perspective, the numbers and percentages of translated books in each category are given in the table below:
Figure 5: numbers and percentages of Franklin translated titles in each category
182 As can be seen from the above, the most translated FBP genre was intended for young audiences, with a total of 312 titles (24.22%) across the J categories shown above.
Excluding the 18 pamphlets on adult education, a case can be made for the inclusion of the remaining 94 titles found in Category (ED) under the J categories, since most were targeting a younger readership (i.e., elementary, secondary and college-level students), thus bringing the total to 406 translated titles (31.52%). For the same analytical purposes, a similar case can be made for the titles in categories (B) and (JB), since most of them deal with biographies of mostly Western figures (intellectuals, writers, scientists and statesmen). For example, Thomas Jefferson featured in both categories. With the exception of a few non-Western figures, most of the biographies in Category (B) are about famous Western—mostly American—figures, including George Washington, Benjamin
Franklin (twice), William James, Henry David Thoreau, Martin Luther King, Christopher
Columbus, Thomas Paine, Herman Melville, Eugene O’Neill, to name a few.
This emphasis on the US and—to a lesser degree—the West is shared across all the categories whether in the topics discussed or the authors translated. Except for a handful of titles by French and Arab writers, the majority of books were penned by American authors. Almost all titles in Category (C) are dedicated to discussions of American literature, with multi-volume books critiquing and introducing the works of writers such as Mark Twain, Edith Wharton, Walt Whitman, William Faulkner, F. Scott Fitzgerald,
Robert Frost, Wallace Stevens, and Ernest Hemingway. The same is true across most categories. While Category (F), for example, consists of mostly American classics, such as
Moby Dick and Gone with The Wind, Category (PH) introduces major works by influential
183 American philosophers, such as John Dewey, Will Durant and Alfred North Whitehead.
Numerous, often multi-volume works on Western and American political systems and laws are introduced in Category (L). These include John Dewey’s The Living Thoughts of
Thomas Jefferson, Robert Bowie’s three-volume Studies in Federalism, Harold J. Berman’s
Talks on American Law, George H. Sabine’s five-volume A History of Political Theory and
Cushman David Coyle’s US Political System & How It Works. A significant number of titles is dedicated to successful democracies in kindred post-war countries, such as the UK,
Switzerland, Norway, Germany and Japan.
5.3.2 Peritexts: Introductions, Prefaces, Forewords
For this section, more than 200 peritexts are surveyed. These were mostly written by influential Arab intellectuals to introduce Franklin books to a local readership in the form of prefaces and forewords. Generally, Franklin would publish two introductory pieces— one (a preface) written by the translator and the other (a foreword) written by a prominent local authority on the topic at hand. On the rare occasion when a Franklin book would appear without a locally written preface or foreword, the original author’s introduction would serve as the only introductory material. In the overwhelming majority of the books, both the translator and foreword-writer’s pieces would be featured alongside the original author’s introduction. In many cases, Arabic editions would maintain the introductions in successive editions beside the locally authored ones.
For most books, an excerpt from the introduction would appear on the back cover followed by the phrase: “from the preface/foreword of so and so.” In exceptional cases, the back cover would feature the publisher’s own promotional notes instead. In most
184 books, Franklin’s seal/emblem, depicting a world map crested with books and emblazoned with the Arabic phrase “a must-read book,” is displayed on the back cover as well. Below are examples:
Figure 6: back covers of Hannah Arendt’s Between Past and Future (left) & Will Durant’s Pleasures of Philosophy (right)
Analyzing the peritexts reveals a host of intriguing patterns. Regardless of the subject, the developmental model of Western modernity appears to be the dominant framing mechanism. Notions such as democracy, intellectual freedom, social reform, and religious tolerance are recurring themes across most of the introductory materials under investigation. There is a general tendency on the part of the foreword-writers and translators to present the Western model of politics, economic, science and thought as an example to be emulated in order to effect change in the Arab world. While some prefacers candidly cite “backwardness” and “ignorance” as impediments to change in the region, others resort to drawing parallels between the Arab region and the West to drive the
185 point home. These thinly veiled symbolisms and analogies are evident, for example, in works that discuss Western history, especially the West’s struggle against despotism and archaic religious and social norms as represented by monarchies, on the one hand, and the Catholic Church, on the other. Sixteenth-century events such as the Protestant
Reformation and the Scientific Revolution are stressed as catalysts for enlightenment and sweeping change in Western society and thinking. “Anti-progress,” “anti- enlightenment,” “dark” and “regressive” forces are often lambasted as obstacles to urgently needed change in the Arab region.
5.3.2.1 Literature (C, D, F/JL)
5.3.2.1.1 Criticism and Essays (C)
In his lengthy foreword to Franklin’s 1955 anthology Studies in American Literature, Taha
Hussein starts by criticizing the “heinous monopoly” imposed by the French and British colonial powers over Western culture in the Arab region. “The cultural dominance of these two powers,” he writes, “has stood between us and other Western cultures.” While
Arabs only knew of Belgian and Swiss cultural works through the eyes of French authors,
“American literature—until recently—was only encountered through books written by the British.” Despite the presence of American cultural institutions in Cairo and Beirut, knowledge of American culture was “almost nonexistent.” For a long time, America was only known for “its materialistic civilization … for its autos, tractors and mighty machines.” Imprinted in the Arab mind was the notion that “America was totally bereft of any trace of cultural and artistic life.” (11–12)
186 Hussein then goes on to explain that America “rather enjoys a high moral and spiritual life,” one that prompted Americans to participate in WWI “with no expedient goal other than to protect the values of civilized humanity” (12). If it had been driven only by
“materialism and not high ideals,” America would have never stood up to fascism and liberated Western Europe in WWII (12). After dissecting the causes for the prevailing stereotypes about America in the Arab mind, Hussein notes that:
There is a much brighter aspect of American life … a most wondrous side—
abundant in literature and art, science and philosophy, virtue and
compassion—that urges fulfilment and promotes human dignity. We must
acquaint ourselves with this aspect of American life for the benefits that lie
therein outweigh and will outlast the material side. (15)
Throughout the rest of the foreword, Hussein stresses the appealing aspects of the US, such as its struggle against “injustice, oppression and persecution” and its fight for political independence. “In its tumultuous quest for freedom,” he writes, “America survived unfathomable calamities before becoming the strong and independent nation of today.” Only in “the most wonderful experiment man has ever seen” could people of differing and sometimes opposing racial, religious and cultural backgrounds have come together and built a first-world nation out of nothing. For Hussein, America’s strength lies in its diversity and its openness to the cultures of the world. America’s pluralistic makeup and unique experience made possible “the implementation—for the first time in modern history—of long sought-after ideals such as freedom and democracy.” (17–18)
187 In his closing remarks, Hussein strongly encourages the dissemination of knowledge about American culture and literature “on the widest possible scale.” And, he claims,
“this book which I introduce today to readers should serve as one means of arousing interest” in American literature. (19–20)
In his foreword to the 1962 fifth volume of the Columbia Broadcasting System’s
Invitation to Learning Reader series, which featured seven American writers, el-Akkad speaks highly of the “humanism” of the works, which transcend “generations and geography.” Especially important to el-Akkad is the role literature plays in addressing social ills and generally the problems of man; so, while Eugene O’Neill captures “man in his blood and flesh, soul and conscience,” Ellen Glasgow “rips off the mask of social hypocrisy [only] to reveal the human weaknesses that lie underneath.” (8)
Writing at a time when the conflict between traditionalists and modernists was in full swing, el-Akkad would often resort to euphemisms instead of direct criticism of Arab society. Thus, in five other issues of the same series, he discusses how the European
Renaissance and the Scientific Revolution enabled Western thinkers to break free from
“blind and uncritical adherence” to tradition. After centuries of being denigrated in the name of religion and superstition, “man has taken his rightful place as the object of study”
(series 5). In an implied self-criticism, el-Akkad—in his commentary on French novelist
Marcel Proust’s Remembrance of Things Past—stresses that the lesson is to “invoke the past to inspire the present not to live in a bygone distant era” (series 2). (7–9)
In his foreword to the series’ inaugural issue (1961), Hassan el-Aroussy accentuates the importance of critical thinking. He commends the works of American
188 writer Oliver Holmes, especially his Breakfast-Table series, as a means of promoting principles of dialog. He also lauds American TV stations’ practice of inviting leading scholars to engage in dialog and exchange of ideas before publishing the discussions in written form to the public. “It just happened,” el-Aroussy explained, “that the work of the Columbia Broadcasting Company met an unfulfilled desire in my heart to have these cultural gems transmitted to Arabic readers.” Except for one issue, all issues in the series are on various trends in Western culture and thought, including subjects such as intellectual freedom (Series 1). (8)
In their brief preface to Stanley E. Hyman’s The Armed Vision: A Study in The
Methods of Modern Literary Criticism (1958), Palestinian critic Ihsan Abbas and Lebanese professor of Arabic literature [and head of Franklin’s Beirut office] Muhammad Yusuf
Najm bemoan the “indolent” state of modern literary criticism in Arabic. Except for “a handful of Western-educated critics,” they assert, “most critical studies still orbit the old and the outdated.” At a time when New Criticism is steadily moving toward “more depth and specialization,” critical trends in Arabic literature “remain largely stalled.” The preface is followed by a full translation of the original introduction, which discussed the historical evolution of New Criticism in the West, including its initial clash with traditionalist views on criticism and the social role of literature. An interesting word
أﻋﺪاء choice is the occasional rendition of the author’s term obstructionists into the Arabic
.(enemies of enlightenment], a common invective in modernist Arabic discourse (5] اﻟﺘﻨﻮﯾﺮ
Similar points are raised in Ihsan Abbas’s preface to F. O. Matthiessen’s The
Achievement of T. S. Eliot (1965). He highlights the importance of Eliot’s poetry given its
189 impact on modern Arabic poetry as well as the extent to which it “suits our way of life, worldview and our stance on civilization and poetry.” Abbas welcomes renewal in
Arabic poetry as long as it is “done on a correct basis.”
In his introduction to Human Dignity and Freedom (1959), author Zaki Abdulqadir explains that the book traces manifestations of the concept of freedom across different traditions, starting with ancient Greece to modern times. However, the introduction is peppered with references to mainly Western political events, such as the French and
American revolutions. The same applies to figures, with many quotes attributed to
Socrates, Charles Bradlaugh and Thomas Jefferson. After discussing in length the direct correlation between freedom and prosperity, the author turns to the role of education in spreading awareness about the importance of freedom. “Ignorance,” he argues “is a major contributor to the erosion of freedom because it clears the way to enslaving people and driving them around like sheep” (8). In a clear refutation of some radical Islamic notions on the irreconcilability between Islam and modern Western concepts, Abdulqadir emphasizes that “our own [tradition] has proudly advocated and defended human dignity and freedom” (13). “Freedom,” he goes on to argue, “is not a Western or Eastern commodity but a human one” (13). The book, according to him, is meant to “prepare minds to ponder the words of freedom’s greatest champions across time and cultures”
(12).
Leading American Literary Figures] appeared] أﻋﻼم اﻷدب اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ A series entitled mostly under the (C) category. Obtained materials include: 1) Leon Edel’s Henry James
(1961), 2) William Van O’Connor’s William Faulkner (1961), 3) Frederick J. Hoffman’s
190 Gertrude Stein (1962), 4) Richard Chase’s Walt Whitman (1962), 5) Louis Auchicloss’s Edith
Wharton (1962) and 6) Frederick J. Hoffman’s Gertrude Stein (1962). Except for the introduction to (1), the rest are back cover excerpts (mostly passages from introductions).
A common theme in the packaging of all the peritexts is the excessive use of hyperbolisms, such as “the greatest of all American writers” (Henry James), “America’s greatest poet” (Walt Whitman), “revolutionary genius in the fullest sense of the word”
(William Faulkner), “one of America’s biggest novelists” (John Steinbeck), “intellectually deep and far-sighted” (Edith Wharton), and “matriarch of letters and arts” (Gertrude
Stein). The preface to Henry James, as is often the case with most works on American personalities, features comparisons with other intellectual figures and writers (in this case, Herman Melville). Leon Howard’s Herman Melville (1963) appears in the same series but is classified under the (B) category, as will be shown below.
Other peritexts on works not included in the above series include Carlos Baker’s
Hemingway: The Writer as Artist (1961) and Barrett H. Clark’s Eugene O’Neill: The Man and
His Plays (1965). While the former’s back cover presents Hemingway as “America’s best writer,” the latter contains a brief introduction where some of O’Neill’s most successful plays are discussed. This, however, is part of a larger focus on O’Neill’s works, as will be shown later. The blurb of the anthology The Writer and His Craft (1962) lists ten prominent
American literary figures (poets, critics, novelists, etc.)137 whose contributions include topics such as the role of literature in the age of science, literature and public opinion, modern literary trends, and the writer and critic’s duties/responsibilities. The back cover
137 Robert Morss Lovett, Max Eastman, Henry Hazlitt, John Crowe Ransom, Struthers Burt, J. Donald Adams, F. O. Matheissen, Mark Van Doren and Horace Gregory.
191 of Horace Knowles’ Gentlemen, Scholars and Scoundrels (1965) includes an excerpt by
Hassan el-Aroussy in which he commends the philosophical depth of the essays. The book, as its subtitle suggests, chronicles the “best of Harper’s Magazine” from the year
1850 onward.
The back covers of the first and second volumes of Norman Foester and Robert
Falk’s American Poetry and Prose (1965, 1966) state that the books contain “undying examples of a great literary tradition” which illuminates the “development of a new human conscience over three centuries,” one that overcame the barriers of tradition and withered repeated failures and shocks. They are a testament to the birth of a new world— independent, full of hope, of ambition and dreams, yet free of any historical bigotry or hyper nationalism. “With this new nation of no history and forefathers,” the covers go on, “came a new meaning of man, his freedom, duties and obligations.” Toward the end, the cover stresses that the included personalities should serve as examples of
“determination whenever we face a crisis of our own.” The table of contents includes topics on the American Revolution, the Declaration of Independence, slavery, etc. as well as biographies of political personalities such as Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Paine and
Abraham Lincoln.
The preface to Gustave von Grunebaum’s Selections of Arabic Literature (1959) discusses commonalities between Arabic and Western literatures. These were the result of millennia of cross-cultural fertilization, such as Hellenistic influences on Arabic literature and Arabic influences on Western literatures. The author is praised for his
“even-handed and unbiased approach” (1). The latter point is a common occurrence in
192 prefaces to Westerners’ works on the region published by Franklin. This speaks to
Franklin’s attempts to draw an image of itself as a neutral cultural organization.
5.3.2.1.2 Drama (D)
For this category, the peritexts introduce major American playwrights, some of whom have already been discussed above. Numerous others, including prominent African-
American playwrights, are also introduced as part of discussing the history of American drama, as in Akram el-Meidani’s preface to Alan S. Downer’s Fifty Years of American
Drama (1966). In two cases, advances in American playwriting occur alongside criticisms of Arabic drama. The inspirational message behind the authors as well as the characters is also another common theme, as is clearly expressed in Anis Mansour’s introduction to
Tennessee Williams’ The Night of the Iguana (1966).
Kamal el-Mallakh, in his preface to Eugene O’Neill’s Ah, Wilderness! (1959), praises
O’Neill as the second greatest dramatist after William Shakespeare. His preface is dotted with brief accounts of other famous contemporaries whose works had a profound impact on American drama or were playwrights themselves. The names include Nobel laureates such as Ernest Hemingway. O’Neill’s life as well as his characters are celebrated as inspirational. The author then turns to discussing scenes from the play, touching on some of its themes such as freedom, equality and American independence.
In the foreword to Hassan Mahmoud’s Four American Plays (1954), the prominent novelist and dramatist Tawfiq el-Hakim lauds American drama as an example of “such
He then attributes the “backwardness” of Arabic .(د) ”a level worthy of looking up to
,He, however .(ھـ) ”drama to “delayed reforms in the Arab intellectual and literary scenes
193 expresses his optimism that in opening up to other traditions such as American drama, new insights can be gained.138 Similar juxtapositions between American and Arabic dramas appear in Drini Khashabah’s preface to Lajos Egri’s The Art of Dramatic Writing
(1960).
A brief history of post-independence America appears in Mustafa Taha Habib’s preface to Herman Melville’s Billy Budd (1964). Habib’s account contains several quotes from Melville, including his novel Moby Dick, in praise of the American spirit and determination as well as democratic ideals.
In many respects, this is kindred to US cultural mobilization in Europe, following
WWII. According to Saunders (2013), the full arsenal of “contemporary American achievement was shipped to Europe and showcased in Berlin.” In the theater field, a massive program was launched, featuring plays by America’s top playwrights, such as
Lillian Hellman, Eugene O’Neill, Tennessee Williams, and many others. The plays, which were offered to “enthusiastic audiences,” were grouped under general themes to emphasize what the organizers hoped to be “desirable moral lessons.” The motifs included titles such as “Liberty and Democracy,” “Power of Faith,” “Equality of Man,”
“War and Peace,” “Pursuit of Happiness,” “Crime Does Not Pay,” and “Exposure of
Nazism.” (48–50)
5.3.2.1.3 Fiction (F)
In his introduction to American Short Stories (1954), el-Akkad offers a brief history of the
United States, citing the quest for “a spiritual utopia free from religious persecution” as
138 The plays are by Thornton Wilder, Eugene O’Neill, George S. Kaufman, Moss Hart and Sydney Howard.
194 one major drive behind European migration to the New World. Another drive was the
“ambitious and bold undertaking on the part of early migrants to carve out an existence by conquering the unknown.” He then goes on to describe the impact of major historical events on the evolution of American psyche and culture. “Modern American literature,” he explains, “is reflective of the pragmatism of American society … its resilience, its self- reliance and its love for adventure.” (8–9)
Resilience is also the subject of the back cover of Walter D. Edmonds’ Drums Along the Mohawk (1959). The book is promoted as telling the “story of a people revolting against colonial tyranny” as well as the “complete story” of America’s fight for independence
(i.e., the American Revolution). The story of America’s westward expansion is discussed in Muhammad Awad Muhammad’s preface to Owen Wister’s The Virginian (1955) alongside scenes of nature conquering, land cultivation and economic development in which “unmatched bravery and audacity” were exhibited (7). If some states “strike you as more conservative and tradition-bound,” it only speaks to the period the novel discusses, because “life has drastically evolved now” (9–10). Muhammad states that his participation in the efforts made by Franklin is to “expose Arab readers to America’s intellectual and spiritual production” alongside its material production, with which
“they are already familiar” (5).
Spirituality in the New World is taken up in Tharwat Abaza and Abdullah el-
Bashir’s preface to Henry James The Turn of the Screw (1959). Henry James is presented as an embodiment of the “true American spirit”, whose spiritual values are “in stark contrast with materialism” (10). This is completely different from European philosophies
195 and part of “the uniquely American philosophy that has taken root in New England”
(10).
Fifteen other peritexts (8 short prefaces/forewords and 7 back covers) reiterate the same themes already encountered in terms of praising the quality of the works, the writers, as well as referencing many American writers. For instance, in Hassan el-
Aroussy’s foreword to Stegner Wallace’s anthology Ten American Short Stories (1960), laudatory statements about the writers frequently occur and are often supported by quotes from critics.139 The “genius” and “great” Mark Twain is representative of the
On the cover, an excerpt from translator .(ع) ”strength and width of the American spirit“
Farah Jibran’s preface describes the collection as a “model of the humanism of the
American spirit.” The cover of F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby (1962) praises the work as “one of the century’s best American stories in its poetical style.” Nathaniel
Hawthorne is greatly celebrated on the cover of his Tangewood Tales (1963).
Inspiration is also a common focus in many of the peritexts reviewed here. So, while the characters of the anthology Mark Twain: 10 Short Stories (1961) are bold and adventurous “in pursuit of happiness,” Kate D. Wiggin’s Rebecca of Sunnybrook Farm
(1964) is a purposeful novel that should be “read by every young man and woman.”
Another “ethically educational” novel is Frank L. Baum’s The Wizard of Oz, as stated on the back cover. In the foreword to Louisa May Alcott’s Little Women (1954), Hassan el-
Aroussy compares the author’s feminist advocacy with that of the translator, Amina el-
Said, a pioneer of the women’s rights movement in the Arab world. The back cover of
139 Similar approaches appear in Said Abdu’s introduction to O. Henry’s The Four Million (1954).
196 William Saroyan’s The Human Comedy (1959) states that the writer’s successful life should inspire Easterners due to his Armenian heritage. Thornton Wilder’s The Bridge of San Luis
Rey (1954), on the other hand, is a philosophically contemplative attempt to understand
“destiny and God’s will in its purest form.” Five short back covers offer suspenseful accounts of the works.140
An account of Western Nobel laureates appears in Abbas el-Akkad’s Selections from Jiménez (1960). The book, as Franklin’s list shows, was adaptation of an American version published by the University of Texas. In the introduction, he stresses the importance of the Nobel Prize as it provides a “wide picture of Western culture over the span of half a century” (8). He lauds the noble message of the prize as it “seeks to promote universal peace and harmony” (8). El-Akkad states that he chose the Spanish poet over another Russian Nobel laureate because “he passed away and thus less susceptible to be politicized” (9).
5.3.2.2 Biography and Autobiography (B & JB)141
On 17th of January 1956, FBP published el-Akkad’s Benjamin Franklin.142 The timing, according to el-Aroussy, was no coincidence since it marked the 250th anniversary of the birth of this “American genius.” “The world today,” he adds, “commemorates this great
140 Max Ehrlich’s First Train to Babylon (1966), Nathaniel Hawthorne’s House of the Seven Gables (1960) and The Scarlet Letter (1958), Sinclair Lewis’ Main Street (1967), and Arthur C. Clarke’s The Sands of Mars (1967). 141 Of the 41 (auto)biographies across the two categories, only four are about non-Western personalities (Ibn Khaldun & Tamerlane, Genghis Khan, Suleiman the Magnificent, and Mahatma Gandhi). Other materials on Americans obtained for this section are: 1) Doris Alexander’s Tempering of Eugene O’Neill (1961), 2) Catherine D. Bowen’s Adventures of a Biographer (1962), 3) Jean Gould’s Young Mariner Melville (1963), 4) Leon Howard’s Herman Melville (1963), 5) Ralph B. Perry’s Thought & Character of William James (1965), 6) Robert Russel’s To Catch an Angel (1964), 7) Coretta Scott King’s My Life With Martin Luther King, Jr. (1971), and 8) Shirley Chisholm’s Unbought and Unbossed (1973). 142 A review of Benjamin Franklin’s life also appears in the first volume of Norman Foester & Robert Falk’s American Poetry and Prose. FBP also published—in 1955—a work on George Washington by Ahmed Attietallah (material not obtained).
197 man by disseminating his humanist teachings and philosophy which advocated respect for human dignity, freedom, tolerance, anti-racism and equality.” He stresses that
Franklin’s teachings know no boundaries and should serve as inspiration for all. He then adds, “I see no more worthwhile activity for our youth in their formative years than to draw inspiration from the lives of great individuals.” He reserves a few thanks to FBP, reminding readers that it “itself is named after this great figure and strives to follow his example in [terms of] contributing to world peace and mutual understanding.” (7–8)
In the introduction, el-Akkad cites numerous quotes in praise of Benjamin Franklin by like-minded thinkers, from contemporaries such as enlightenment philosophers
Voltaire and David Hume to later writers, such as Lionel Elvin. The quotes mainly underscore progressive ideals which the writers believed were embodied in Franklin’s persona, conduct and worldview. Franklin is also greatly admired as an iconoclast, clashing with the mainstream beliefs of his time, such as his later anti-slavery stances.
In his preface to Vincent Sheean’s Thomas Jefferson (1962),143 Iraqi poet Badr Shaker el-Sayyab emphasizes the “universality” of Jefferson’s ideas and teachings (7). Coupled with his great admiration for Jefferson’s fight for democracy, equality and anti-racism, el-Sayyab is impressed by the United States’ struggle for independence. For instance, he includes excerpts from the Declaration of Independence (written by Jefferson), noting the great impact it had on seismic historical events in Western history such as the French
Revolution. Interestingly, el-Sayyab repeatedly refers to “similar revolutionary” moments in Arab history which taught similar “democratic” ideals (8). For instance,
143 Two more—unavailable—works published by FBP on Jefferson are: 1) John Dewey’s The Living Thoughts of Thomas Jefferson (1958) and 2) Bernard Mayo’s Jefferson Himself (1960).
198 Prophet Muhammad’s saying that “an Arab has no superiority over a non-Arab, nor a white over a black […]” is juxtaposed with Jefferson’s phrase that “all men are created equal.” Similarly, Jefferson’s anti-slavery stance and his despise for classism appear along scenes of Muhammad and his successors’ elevation of former slaves to positions of authority in the early Muslim community.144 By citing examples from the short-lived
Rashidun Caliphate (632–661AD)145 alongside Jefferson’s notion of “the consent of the governed,”146 el-Sayyab clearly attempts to reconcile Western democracy with the practically defunct shura [consultative/representative] principle in Islamic political thought.147 His views of Islam as a social and racial equalizer can also be seen in similar light—that is, a refutation of the proposition of Islam’s incompatibility with modern liberal democracy.
Toward the end of his foreword, el-Sayyab calls upon Arab readers to “look up, as we wake up from our centuries-long slumber and as we stand at this major crossroads, to the life of a man who is truly one of the pivots of democracy” (11). As el-Sayyab concludes, “Let us be guided by the lights of democracy on our long path to a better future.” (12). The emphasis on democracy is also reflected in the addition to the Arabic edition of the subtitle The Father of Democracy.
144 El-Sayyab specifies two of Muhammad’s non-Arab closest companions: Bilal el-Habashi and Suhaib ar-Rumi (the Roman). Bilal, a former Abyssinian slave whose early conversion to Islam resulted in severe public torture by his Meccan master, was bought and freed by Abu Bakr (Muhammad’s father-in-law, and later his successor). He assumed the positions of treasurer and muezzin (caller to prayer) under Muhammad and participated in the 636 conquest of Jerusalem under the second Caliph Umar bin el-Khattab. Umar is famously quoted as saying “Abu Bakr (1st caliph) was our sayyid (lord, master) who freed our sayyid (i.e. Bilal)”. Suhaib, a former Byzantine slave (thus, the epithet), rose to prominence in the early Muslim community and shortly acted as interim caliph following Umar’s death in 644. 145 A non-hereditary system in which the caliph was elected by majority consent. 146 Full quote: “Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.” 147 In the 14th century, Ibn Khaldun also equated early Roman republicanism with shura (see Volume Two of his Kitab al-Ibar pp. 139 and 233).
199 Five more peritexts, ranging between back convers and short prefaces, introduce five prominent intellectual, literary and political American personalities. The works featured include (auto)biographies of figures such as William James, Herman Melville, first
African-American congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, Martin Luther King and Robert
Russel. The two back covers introduce James and Melville as two of America’s greatest minds. While James speaks to a period of “fecund intellectual life in the US,” Melville’s philosophical acumen as reflected in his novel Moby Dick is more in line with “the spirit of this century” than the previous one. Chisholm’s book is promoted (back cover) as telling the story of a black woman who rose from humble beginnings to defeat “the most hardened men in politics.” The cover also touches on her participation in the feminist and youth reform movements in the 1960s. King is presented as one of humanity’s greatest individuals who left a profound mark on their societies and the periods in which they lived. The back cover of Robert’s book raises similar inspirational points. Inspiration and adventure are also the subject of Catherine D. Bowen’s introduction to Adventures of a
Biographer (1962). The author briefly discusses the fulfilling, rewarding and exciting career of a biography writer despite the usual pitfalls.
The foreword to Walter J. Fischel’s Ibn Khaldun and Tamerlane (1963) introduces one of the 14th century’s “Muslim geniuses,” i.e. Ibn Khaldun.148 Not only was he ahead of his time in terms of the political, social and historiographical theories he put forth, but his ideas went on to influence many modern sciences. The foreword hints at the little impact
Ibn Khaldun’s ideas had on the Muslim world as opposed to Westerners’ great interest
148 Foreword by Iraqi historian Mustafa Jawad (1904–1969)
200 in his works as reflected in their translation into many European languages. The foreword ends with extending thanks to Franklin for making the book available for Arabic readers.
5.3.2.3 Philosophy (PH)
In the peritexts analyzed in this category, the overriding focus is on active human agency, the elevation of both the human and his/her intellectual capabilities in relation to the world. In a long preface to John Dewey’s149 The Quest for Certainty (1957), philosophy professor Ahmed Fouad el-Ahwani praises Dewey’s action and process-oriented philosophy which puts man in charge. Instead of being “acted upon” and looked down upon as in theological philosophies, man—in Deweyan philosophy—initiates action and
“assumes a proactively positive role” (9). He also commends the rationalism and pragmatism of Dewey’s notions, citing their applicability to and significance for fields such as education, ethics, psychology and the study of religion. “Scholasticism,” he adds,
“corrupted the human intellect when it detached itself from lived reality” (15).
Writing the preface to Human Nature and Conduct (1963), Muhammad el-Nugeihi concurs with Dewey’s notions which prefer human adaptability to total submission. He criticizes the “stagnant and backward traditions” which, while seeking to control people to act a certain way, “are themselves impervious to change” (5-6). He goes on to explain that, although not all traditions are by default bad, most are fixed and lack flexibility. To effect reform, however, “old habits must be amenable to modification and renewal” (8).
He goes on to argue, “An advanced society is by its very nature an adaptive one … its
149 John Dewey is by far the most translated author across all categories. Other works whose peritexts were obtained but not mentioned so far are: 1) Art as Experience (A) (1963), 2) The School and Society (ED) (1964), 3) Reconstruction in Philosophy (PH) (1957), and 4) Ralph B. Winn’s John Dewey: Dictionary of Education (ED) (1964).
201 strength lies in its ability to constantly regenerate and create itself anew” (8). A traditional society, on the other hand, is unresponsive to external stimuli, lacks in preparation and adaptation and consequently “only produces defeatist individuals, blindly and uncritically submissive to established tradition” (15). Therefore, “education has a major responsibility in guiding the new generation … in liberating their minds from static traditions that pull them backwards and in prompting them to challenge their modes of thinking” (15). “[Independent] thinking,” he adds, “sharpens the mind, encourages innovation and provokes us out of herd mentality and eventually leads to real change”
(16)
Similar notions appear in the forewords to Alfred North Whitehead’s Adventures of
Ideas (1961) and Gilbert Highet’s Man’s Unconquerable Mind (1957). Abdulrahman el-
Qubaisi (Whitehead), for instance, cites “worship of the past” and “intellectual inertia” as antithetical to progress (10). Ahmed Zaki (Highet) also laments that “reason/intellect is an unexploited faculty for most people” (9). “The future of man,” he writes, “hinges on the mind alone … and until it is fully and unconditionally liberated, the mind cannot reach its climax” (10). The mind, as the highest and noblest human faculty, is also discussed in Hamed Abdulaziz el-Abd’s preface to Henry Hazlitt’s Thinking as a Science
(1975).
In his preface to John Herman Randall’s The Making of the Modern Mind (1957),
George Tumeh (Randall) criticizes what he views as the seclusion of Arabic culture.
“Cultures that keep to themselves on the assumption that they alone possess the absolute truth do, in reality, issue their own death verdict and are doomed to go extinct” (6). He
202 then asks, “if Europeans freely built on Arabic sciences during the renaissance, why can’t we do the same?”. In a long foreword to the same volume, prominent Egyptian writer
Muhammad Hussein Haykal stresses that science, rationality and the elevation of the human being (as in freedom and religious freedom) are the cornerstones of Western civilization. Haykel’s piece is replete with references to Arab and Muslim historical figures, including Golden Age polymaths such as Ibn Sina (Latinized: Avicenna), al-
Farabi (Latinized: Alpharabius), Ibn Rushd (Latinized: Averroes) and Ibn Khaldun.
While discussing the Darwinist-religious split on the origins of man, Haykal quotes a verse from the 10th-century skeptic philosopher and poet Abu al-Ala al-Ma’arri that mockingly challenges the Abrahamic narrative. The table of contents shows chapters dedicated to topics such as “medieval mindset,” “religious reformation,” “European renaissance,” and “discovery of Arabic sciences.” Chapter fourteen is devoted to modern democracy, with sections on Western enlightenment figures such as Thomas Jefferson and Jean-Jacques Rousseau.
Many of Haykal’s points are reiterated in Ahmed Fouad el-Ahwani’s foreword to
Walter Stace’s Time and Eternity: An Essay in the Philosophy of Religion (1968). After comparing Darwin’s theory of evolution with religion, he gives a lengthy description of the emergence and evolution of religiosity in human societies across time. According to him, the shift from pagan practices (moon, sun, fire worship, etc.) to what is beyond natural phenomena came as a result of man’s intellectual evolution. He then goes on to explain the philosophical approaches to “knowing the absolute truth, that is, God” in the three Abrahamic faiths: logical reasoning and mysticism. El-Ahwani then gives a lengthy
203 discussion of the Islamic schools of scholastic philosophy, reviewing the distinctions between Kalamist (rationality-based/logic) and Sufi (mystical) traditions. Among the names praised for reconciling Greek philosophy with Islam are Aristotelians such as Al-
Kindi (Latinized: Alkindus), Alpharabius, Avicenna and Averroes. El-Ahwani’s introduction also refers to modern American philosophers such as Alfred Whitehead150 and Paul Tillich. The book, according to the author, is an attempt to address the conflict between religion and science, the biggest spiritual dilemma in the modern world. The erosion of spiritual values in the modern world is also the subject of Charles Frankel’s
The Case for the Modern Man (1959), as the back cover shows.
Another book on spirituality in the modern world is Will Durant’s The Pleasures of
Philosophy (1956). In the foreword, Ibrahim Bayoumi Madkour appears to share the author’s views on the rise of corporeal pursuits at the expense of spirituality. Madkour also discusses how philosophy was underestimated and “fought against” in medieval
He criticizes the modern “ivory tower” philosophers, calling for more .(ھـ) times
He also thanks Franklin for “enriching the Arabic .(ھـ) democratization” of the field“
The book discusses topics ranging from progress and religion to political .(ز) ”library philosophy, including two chapters entitled “In Praise of Freedom” and “Is Democracy a Failure?”.
Ihsan Abbas’s preface to Ernest Cassirer’s An Essay on Man (1961) deals with similar notions. For instance, he discusses how logical reasoning receded under theological pressure in Europe. This was to change with the Copernicus revolution when a more
150 Quotes by Whitehead appear in numerous introductions.
204 scientifically and rationally oriented mindset began to flourish. Darwinism also had an impact on the increase of skepticism.
Science and philosophy are also discussed at length in Zaki Naguib Mahmoud’s preface to John Dewey’s Logic: The Theory of Inquiry (1960). Mahmoud harshly criticizes the modern philosophical stance on science which he sees as grossly backward. Modern science, according to him, is based on a completely different logical basis than that of
Greek times. He then praises the American pragmatic school of philosophy because it is the “closest of all philosophical traditions to science” (12). “Pragmatic logic,” he continues, “is an expression of the modern world” (28). In what appears as a criticism of fellow Arab philosophers, Mahmoud stresses that “it is incumbent upon us, if we are to establish a cultural unity, to revisit logical matters and methodological approaches on a basis compatible with modern scientific inquiries” (11).
American pragmatism also appears in another piece by Mahmoud. In the introduction to his own book Life Story of Thinking in the New World (1957), Mahmoud reviews the notions put forth by major American pragmatists such as Charles Pierce,
William James and John Dewey. The introduction as a whole is a tribute to concepts such as liberty, freedom, democracy and individualism. Individualism is lauded by the author as a sign of American exceptionalism in terms of not being an imitator of Europe. “To live and work a free man,” Mahmoud goes on, “is in lockstep with the enlightenment’s stance on the innateness of human freedom” (9). He also discusses American pragmatism, with similar takes, in his foreword to William James’ Pragmatism (1965). Analytical philosophy as the dominant trend in American academic circles is discussed in Fouad Zakariyya’s
205 preface to Hunter Mead’s Types and Problems of Philosophy (1969). Zakariyya commends the work’s educational value, reminding the “young Arab reader of its applicability to various modern environments” regardless of the book’s locale (2).
In the introductions to the first and second volumes of Edward R. Murrow’s This I
Believe (1953,1955), Ahmed Amin and Taha Hussein laud the books’ inspirational and peaceful message. In the introduction to the former, Amin commends the book, as it
“affirms belief in the human being, promotes true democracy and optimism” (10). He also thinks that the book offers a window into the differences between American and
Eastern thinking. “You will notice,” he says, “that the Americans are more pro-life and believe in human capabilities,” as opposed to Easterners who are “more melancholic and less prone to have faith in the individual” (11). “The American spirit,” he goes on, “is more in line with true democracy,” as in having a less known writer next to a famous one, a driver next to the president and a woman next to a man (12). Likewise, Hussein praises the work for bringing different peoples closer for the sake of the “ultimate goal of living a happy life in peace” (11). In addition to the views’ compatibility with the modern spirit, they also aim to “spread goodness and open up new horizons” (10).
The books are adaptions of the American version with equal contributions from
Arab writers. Among the Western figures featured (accounts written by others) are
Benjamin Franklin and Abraham Lincoln. Will Durant and Adlai Stevenson contributed pieces on freedom. In addition to their own contributions, Taha Hussein, Mahmoud el-
Akkad and Ibrahim Madkour wrote on famous Arab and Muslim historical figures, such
206 as Abdulrahman I of Spain (el-Akkad),151 Avicenna (Madkour), Ibn Khaldun (Hussein) and Abu al-Ala al-Ma’arri (Hussein).152 Ali Abdulrazzak contributed a piece on the 19th- century Islamic scholar and reformist Muhammad Abduh and another on religious reformation.153 Except for two writers, all Arab contributors were Franklin associates.154
On the back covers of John Dewey’s Reconstruction in Philosophy (1957) and
Individualism: Old and New (1960), similar takes on Deweyan philosophy are reiterated (cf. categories A and ED). On the former, Muhammad Awad Muhammad explains that
Dewey’s notions intensely focus on the human being as the standard to which every other thing is measured. “We do not need” he continues, “miracles or extraordinary help to explain human behavior.” He also notes that Dewey “is greatly influenced by Darwin’s theory of evolution.” The excerpt on the cover is taken from Muhammad’s piece on
Dewey in the already discussed volume Studies in American Literature (1955). On the cover to the latter, Dewey is hailed as “the champion of individualism.” The book discusses challenges facing individualism in modern times and is highly regarded as a genius work
“ahead of its time.”
151 Abdulrahman I (731-788), an Umayyad prince who escaped the Abbasid onslaught on Damascus following the collapse of the empire in 750, reestablished Umayyad rule in Spain six years later. 152 Hussein was a fond admirer of Al-Ma’arri. He wrote three works on him, including a Ph.D. dissertation. Like Al- Ma’arri, Hussein was a spirited freethinker. Both also lost their eyesight at a very young age (3 for Hussein and 4 for Al-Ma’arri). Interestingly, like Hussein, 17th-century French writer Barthélemy d’Herbelot used Al-Ma’arri’s poetry to voice “some liberal thoughts.” His book Bibliothèque Orientale was dedicated to the “Most Christian King” Louis XIV (Alexander Bevilacqua’s The Republic of Arabic Letters; 2018, p. 117). 153 In 1929, Ali Abdulrazzak (1888-1966) lost his teaching post at the esteemed religious institution, al-Azhar, for expressing some “unconventional religious opinions” (Gudrun Krämer’s Democracy in Islam: 2015, p. 129). Another Franklin associate whose opinions agitated traditionalists was Muhammad Khalafallah (ibid). 154 Abdulrazzak el-Sanhouri, Charles Malik, Abbas Mahmoud el-Akkad, Tawfiq el-Hakim, Ahmed Zaki, Hafiz Wahbah, Muhammad Safiq Ghurbal, Ibrahim Bayoumi Madkour, Salama Musa, Muhammad Awad Muhammad, Taha Hussein, Muhammad Khalafallah Ahmed, Ahmed Hassan el-Zayyat, George Haddad, Muhammad Zaki Abdulqadir, Ali Abdulrazzak and Sami el-Kayyali.
207 5.3.2.4 Law and Political Science (L)
In his foreword to Harold J. Berman’s Talks on American Law (1964), Hassan el-Aroussy wonders if he has done his fellow lawyers a disservice by not publishing in Arabic
Western and “particularly American” works on law. He laments the scarcity in Arabic of books dealing with “American law and the Anglo-Saxon judicial system.” “My only solace,” he adds, “is that most of the books published by this corporation [so far] fall within the scope of legal-related matters and can be of use to serious readers even if indirectly” (1). The book, originally delivered in a series of broadcasts by the State
Department-affiliated the Voice of America, was intended for foreign audiences. Of the fourteen chapters, two are dedicated to constitution-protected rights such as freedom of expression and minority rights. Similar favorable views on American law are also reiterated in el-Aroussy’s foreword to William H. Davenport’s Voices in Court (1964).
In the foreword to David Coyle’s The US Political System and How It Works (1963),
Aly Maher lauds the “enlightened US constitution”, its “greatness and ingenuity.” Most exemplary are the enshrinement and protection of basic human rights such as equality, individual liberty, free speech and freedom of assembly. After praising the principle of checks and balances in the US political system, he equally admires the role of free press and enlightened citizenry in guarding democratic rule. Pointing out the lack of proper
Arabic sources on the US political/constitutional system, Maher expresses his appreciation for the timely publication of the book, since “we, in the Middle East, are in desperate need of understanding the systems of a country that is truly at the vanguard of
208 free democracies.” The foreword concludes with the supplication: “May God facilitate, for [our] homeland, the means of freedom, dignity and glory.” (10–15)
Aly Maher’s foreword is followed by a twenty-page “analytical piece” by the translator. Tawfiq Habib discusses, in considerable detail, the various aspects of the US political system, dedicating much space to the separation of powers among the different branches of the US government. He praises the US political system for protecting political and human rights, reiterating many of Maher’s points on constitution-protected rights.
Habib also notes the constitutional limits on the presidency in terms of both presidential terms and the president’s executive powers, commending at the same time the peaceful transition of power in full democracies, of which the United States is a quintessential example. The alternative is “dictators declaring themselves presidents for life and much political upheaval … as in South America.” (20)
In his preface to Robert MacIver’s The Web of Government (1966), translator Hassan
Saab expresses appreciation for the publication of “one of the soundest studies on government.” He lauds the author’s championing of fundamental rights such as freedom and peace. Equally admired is the author’s analysis of “Machiavellian totalitarian phenomena” as they seek to “enslave man” and block peoples’ aspirations to a “brighter political future.” Although the book discusses political development from a Western perspective, “its generalizations can be of some application and use in our Arab region.”
Saab then goes on to criticize the dearth in Arabic of critical scientific studies on political thinking. “My hope is that this book will help arouse Arab interest in the methodological study of political phenomena,” he concludes. (9–10)
209 In a special introduction to the Arabic edition, the author argues that unlike some newly independent countries in Asia and Africa which never practiced self-rule, the Arab region
“had established functional political systems and contributed greatly to human civilization.” Therefore, it is poised to assume its “rightful place” among world nations
“if run by wise and balanced leaders.” (12)
Another impressive Franklin project of “particular relevance to the Near East” is
George H. Sabine’s five-part A History of Political Theory (qtd on cover). The first volume, published in 1954, features three long introductory materials by Hassan el-Aroussy
(translator), Abdulrazzak Ahmed el-Sanhouri (reviewer) and Uthman Khalil Uthman.
The second volume, published in 1964, also has an introductory piece by the same translator and another by reviewer Muhammad Fatallah el-Khatib.
In the first volume, the introducers partake in lengthy discussions on the historical evolution of Western political thought, from the Greek period onward, reviewing debates on the rule of law with respect to democracy and absolute dictatorial/authoritarian rule.
Early manifestations of equality, individual freedom, etc. are discussed in the light of
Socratic, Aristotelian and Platonic philosophies. El-Sanhouri sees the book as a significant and opportune contribution since “it comes at a time when Egypt is breaking away from an old regime [i.e., the monarchy] that showed no respect to either the constitution or the rule of law … and therefore, the country needs to learn new concepts on which its new constitution could be based” (12). The second volume traces Western political philosophy from the Roman period to the late medieval period. In the preface to the first volume, el-
Aroussy notes that the books comes at a time when “minds, in Egypt and the Arab world,
210 are contemplating different systems of government, especially those worthy [of emulation] and most expressive of the spirit of the constructive, sane and rational revival of the Arab world” (8).
The back cover of the second volume features an excerpt from Abbas Mahmoud el-
Akkad’s review of the book in which he stresses that “enlightened rule is not predicated on absolute rule but rather on the rule of law.” The back covers of the third, fourth and fifth volumes promote the book as discussing the major political ideas that impacted the evolution of human history. These include the Protestant Reformation (Vol. 3), the advent of liberalism (Vol. 4) and advances in political philosophy (Vol. 5). Enlightenment liberal thinkers such as John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau also appear on the third volume’s cover. Generally, the introductory materials present the work as an example of cross- cultural fertilization, citing the author’s inclusion of Arab-Muslim contributions to world civilization. El-Aroussy enthusiastically notes Western celebration of Muslim scholars, as in the mural dedicated to Persian polymath Muhammad al-Razi (Latinized: Rhazes) in the Princeton University Chapel.
In the foreword to Walter Lippmann’s The Public Philosophy (1960), Merit Ghali laments the poor status of democracy in many countries. He notes the importance of the book, as it discusses a “system [of government] that is respected by many peoples and nations” (1). He lauds the author for his clear and strong arguments in support of democratic principles such as private ownership and freedom of speech. He concludes with a plea to “every Arab reader to comprehend and judge logically and reasonably [the author’s notions] for the sake of building the society to which we all look forward” (3–4).
211 Another book that Arabic readers are urged to contemplate is Hanna Arendt’s Between
Past and Future (1974). The back cover states that the book explores “modern challenges” resulting from the collapse of traditions in the West. Issues of authority, freedom and education are discussed as well.
The only exceptions to the titles above in terms of the general focus on modern
Western political concepts are the introductions to Edward M. Earle’s three-volume
Makers of Modern Strategy (1953/1959/1962) and Majid Khadduri’s Modern Libya (1966).
For the former, aside from a few references to militaries as guarantors of peace
(deterrence) and guardians of freedom, the introductions are mainly a chronology of military planning from the fifteenth century onward. It must be noted, however, that the books deal only with Western political and military strategists from Niccolo Machiavelli to Adolf Hitler.
Khadduri’s introduction gives a succinct overview of Libya’s political development post-independence. In addition to being a recipient of US economic aid (Point Four), monarchic Libya—under Idris I—was home to the Wheelus Air Base, the largest of all US bases overseas. The strategically located installation hosted up to 15,000 US military personnel and played a significant role during the Cold War. The base was dissolved following the king’s overthrow in 1969, three years after the book’s publication. Although the kingdom had diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, it was vehemently opposed to communist ideology, as supported by its rejection of Soviet offers of economic aid.
Franklin’s translation of the book can be taken as showing a model of close US-Arab alliance.
212 5.3.2.5 American Civilization (AC)
The most impressive introductory material on the US political system is Jamal
Muhammad Ahmed’s preface to The Federalist (1960).155 In 41 pages, Ahmed reviews the historical factors that led to the declaration of independence from Britain and the formation of the United States as a political entity. What is of interest here are his closing remarks in which he makes clear the two main reasons behind undertaking “such an arduous, long project.” Protesting “flooding the Arabic book market with translations that only add to our inherited traditions,” Ahmed calls for a return to early twentieth- century translation projects of “transmitting the most foundational texts of positive law upon which [modern] Western culture is built” (48-9). He ends with his “first”—and seemingly most important—goal, pointing out:
The similarities between what we are currently going through in our
countries vis-à-vis the problems of governance and administration and
what transpired in the United States following independence. It would not
be an exaggeration to say that each chapter will evoke thoughts of one of
the dilemmas on our minds today; and introduce a new opinion on the
political ideals and principles which have occupied man since the dawn of
civil society as well as a model of honest thinking and impartiality. If
education were up to me, I would make these papers mandatory for every
political major at universities across our countries. (49)
155 Another notable Franklin publication on federalism is Robert R. Bowie & Carl J. Friedrich’s three-volume work Studies in Federalism. As the 3rd volume’s back cover shows, the book compares western federal systems as practiced in the United States, Canada, West Germany, Switzerland and Australia with an overview of their respective constitutions. The back cover is an excerpt of Walid el-Khalidi’s preface, a co-translator of the book.
213 Another tribute to America is Henry S. Commager’s introduction to James Bryce’s voluminous Reflections on American Institutions (1964). He starts by recounting early
European stereotypes of America. The US, according to him, was troublesome to
Europeans. While it was an extension of Europe, America was not exactly Europe. In every aspect, the US “has insistently refused to be a mere copy of Europe.” Europeans mocked the idea of the American as a “new man” as well as the American land’s feasibility for living. Whatever this “new man” turns out to be, he will “inevitably be an inferior copy of his European counterpart” or worse native Americans. Americans tenaciously stood their ground, refusing to succumb to the European hetero-images of them as “little, helpless, backward and retrograde.” They went on to create an advanced society, where self-rule and classlessness survived against all odds. Their “freedom” did not turn into “decadence” as the Europeans had predicted, nor their “democracy into chaos.” (9-10)
Commager dedicates the remaining parts to highlighting the works of the few
Europeans who believed in America and did not exhibit the “prejudice and closemindedness” of their European predecessors (11). Their prescience was realized in the total transformation and mass-scale urbanization of the US in later periods.
5.3.2.6 Psychology (PY, JP & FH)156
Ralph Linton’s The Cultural Background of Personality (1964)—which features only the original author’s introduction—entertains theories developed in psychology, sociology
156 For categories (JP) and (FH), only the front covers of nine books were obtained. Although appearing under two different categories, all are part of a multi-part series entitled Understanding Children: Psychological Studies. Egyptian psychologist Abdulaziz el-Koussy’s 1957 foreword to William E. Henry’s Exploring Your Personality (Series ‘16’) was
214 and anthropology, with the aim of exploring the effect of cultural environments on personality formation.
In the introduction, Linton discusses the interrelations of the individual, society and culture. For him, cultural progress is predicated on the introduction of new ideas and concepts. For instance, he asserts that there can be no “lasting modifications in culture without the acceptance of new ideas by a society’s members.” He then goes on to discuss the cultural dynamics which prompt a certain society to either accept or reject innovation.
Dismissing the argument of “historic accident,” he sees the duality of acceptance and rejection in a society as essentially related to “the congeniality of the new thing with the personality norm of the society’s members.” Concerning the effects of environmental factors on the socio-cultural configuration of a society, Linton states that “the structure of any society is itself a part of the society’s culture and many of its features cannot be understood except in relation to the organization of that culture as a whole.” In other parts, Linton argues that the differences in social and cultural norms may be attributed to the “particular directions which various cultures have taken in their development.”
Linton’s notions of the non-accidental nature of socio-cultural change may explain why the book was considered to be of relevance to the Arab region. (13–16)
5.3.2.7 History and Juvenile History (H & JH)
In September 1953, the US government—in cooperation with the Library of Congress and
Princeton University—held its first conference on the Muslim world. The proceedings of the Colloquium on Islamic Culture were published by Franklin in 1956 under the title
obtained. In passing, he refers to the impact of the rearing/social environment on personality formation. The foreword seems to be in line with the work’s general spirit as a simplified psychological guide for young readers.
215 Islamic Culture and the Modern World. The records show a high level of coordination between Franklin and the USIA in terms of reaching out to potential participants and co- sharing of publishing costs. The literature also indicates that US government agencies such as the USIA and the IIA went to great lengths to publicize the conference. Many of the leading attendees were on extended visit grants which included nationwide tours and visits to the White House. The conference, whose unannounced objective was to highlight
“the plight of Muslims in the USSR,” was promoted to Muslim scholars as an intercultural platform aimed at facilitating mutual understanding between the United States and
Muslim nations (Muehlenbeck 127).157 As the IIA administrator put it, the conference was intended to look:
on the surface … like an exercise in pure learning. This in effect is the
impression that we desire to give. IIA promoted the colloquium along these
lines and has given it financial and other assistance because we consider
that this psychological approach is an important contribution at this time to
both short and long term United States political objectives in the Moslem
[sic] area. (Muehlenbeck: 127)
A look at the Arabic edition’s introductory materials shows that the conference succeeded in achieving its primary objective. In his preface to the volume, translator and dean of
Alexandria University’s College of Arts, Muhammad Khalafallah disparages
“Communist materialism” and “atheist pseudoscientists” (13). He also devotes a full
157 In a declassified IIA document labeled “Confidential—Security Information,” another goal was to “bring together persons exerting great influence in formulating Muslim opinion in fields such as education, science, law and philosophy and inevitably, therefore, on politics … among the various results expected from the colloquium are the impetus and direction that may be given to the Renaissance movement within Islam itself” (Massad 2015:78).
216 paragraph to commenting on conference papers that “trace Communist influences on
Islamic thought.” In one case, he states that he decided to exclude one conference paper on Muslim ambivalence toward Communism because “it was not in line with the spirit of the book” (13). Other parts of the introduction discuss ideas on social reform, intellectual renewal movements in the Muslim world, the impact of “Western social and political theories” on Islam, Islam’s stance on modernity, and the “emerging trends in
Muslim countries to look up to Western civilization” (11). He also seizes the opportunity to thank Princeton University, citing its sponsorship of the conference as indicative of growing American interest in Muslim culture.158
In his foreword, former AUB president Bayard Dodge discusses the “rapid changes” the world is going through. Due to global interconnectedness, “the desire to travel and exchange ideas has superseded seclusion and proud adherence to one’s own environment and [familiar] ways of thinking.” Thanks to the spread of modern scientific educational methods, religious rote learning “has been displaced by methods that encourage independent thinking and experimentative knowledge acquisition.” In a statement that must have appealed to his Arab readership, he cites past glorious periods in Muslim history as precedents in which science “occupied a most dignified place” (15).
On the positive changes ushered in by modernity, Dodge notes the introduction of concepts such as gender and race equality. In what seems like an implied reference to
Communism, Dodge expresses concern over the “materialistic forces that seek to destroy our spiritual values.” (16)
158 Khalafallah frequently refers to renewed Western—especially American—interest in Islamic culture.
217 Worth mentioning is the non-patronizing and appealing tone of Dodge’s preface.159 For instance, he does not present the challenges of modernity as a uniquely Arab issue but as a universal phenomenon that extends to Western societies as well. This is reflected in his repeated use of phrases like the collective “we,” “both Christians and Muslims,” “all of us,” “East and West,” and “common humanity.” He even makes the humble—but unsubstantiated—assertion that the conference provided an opportunity for American scholars to “benefit from the wisdom and experience of the East” (14–16).
Some of Dodge’s views are echoed in the forewords to three more books on the history of Muslim-Arab civilization. For example, the forewords to Franz Rosenthal’s A
History of Muslim Historiography (1964) and The Technique and Approach of Muslim
Scholarship (1962) point up instances of Muslim and Arab distinction in terms of thought, philosophy and scholarship. In the introduction to the latter, Rosenthal attempts a refutation of long-standing Western stereotypes about the “inertia,” “fanaticism” and
“puritanism” of Muslim culture, noting the existence of rational Muslim schools of thought throughout Islamic history (14).
In the translator’s preface to the former work, Saleh Ahmed el-Ali similarly draws attention to the intellectual dynamism of Muslim scholarship. However, he limits his discussion to Arabs as a “major driving force behind the intellectual movement in the
159 Dodge was a member of a well-known wealthy American missionary family whose presence and interest in the Arab region dates back to the 1860s. His great uncle Reverend David Stuart Dodge was among the first professors to teach at the Syrian Protestant College (later AUB). His father Cleveland Dodge was Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Robert College in Istanbul and a frequent financer of American educational institutions in the region. Bayard Dodge was trained as a Presbyterian clergyman before joining YMCA operations in Syria. In 1923, he succeeded his father-in-law as head of the AUB, and his appointment was met with warm approval in some of the Arab press, including the widely-circulated Cairo paper al-Muqqattam. See Chapter Three (Section 3.3.1.1) for a fuller account of his views on the cultural role of US educational institutions in the Arab region.
218 He does not view the “stagnancy of intellectual activity” in the Arab .(ب) ”Muslim world region as internally inflicted but rather as a direct result of “the domination by non-Arab
After noting the influence of Arab sciences on .(ج) elements” (i.e., the Ottoman Turks)160 the intellectual renaissance in Europe, he commends the renewed Western interest in
Muslim and Arab culture. Likewise, in their current “pursuit of truth” and because of their “age-old intellectual flexibility and openness,” Arabs “have looked to the West,
161.(د) ”finding no humiliation in doing so
Muslim contributions to human civilization also appear in the peritexts (back covers) to Gustave von Grunebaum’s Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization (1966),
Gaston Wiet’s Cairo: City of Art and Commerce (1968) and Hamilton Gibb’s Studies on the
Civilization of Islam (1964). The three other books on Islamic history are Harold Lamb’s
The Crusades: the Flame of Islam (1967), Harry W. Hazard’s Atlas of Islamic History (1956) and Daniel C. Dennett’s Conversion and the Poll Tax in Early Islam (1960). A recurring theme in all the peritexts is the emphasis on the authors’ fair-mindedness. Franklin is repeatedly commended for publishing the works, which the prefacers interpret as a sign of increasing US academic interest in Arab and Muslim culture.
Nabih Amin Faris’s preface to George Antonius’s162 The Arab Awakening (1962) devotes much analysis to the history and origins of Arab nationalism. Faris credits the emergence of a national Arab conscience to the “intellectual awakening that followed the establishment of Western—particularly American—missionary educational institutions”
160 Taha Hussein concurs. See his 1938 The Future of Culture in Egypt, pp. 31 & 37. .as they appear in the Arabic edition, corresponding to B, C and D, respectively د، ج، ب Arabic letters 161 162 George Antonius (1891-1942) was a Lebanese-Egyptian nahda figure and a noted historian of Arab nationalism. His tombstone/epitaph—on Mount Zion in Jerusalem—reads “Heed and awaken, O Arabs.”
219 (13). For instance, he notes American missionaries’ role in the establishment of the first
(of its kind) scientific and literary society in the modern Arab world in collaboration with pioneers of Arab nationalism. The United States is also cited as an example of a nation established on a patriotism that rose above religious denominationalism and sectarianism.163 Conversely, Faris’s rosy account is interspersed with incendiary anti-
Ottoman/Turkish remarks by late nineteenth century Arab nationalists, which, at times, verge on racism.164 Western imperial powers are also subjected to a great deal of moral scrutiny and ascriptions of culpability in terms of post-WWII broken promises, the
Balfour Declaration, Zionism and the partition of Palestine.
In the preface to Will Durant’s The Story of Civilization (1959; Part I, Vol. V), translator Muhammad Badran explains that the volume discusses the Renaissance, the most important era in all of history. As the start of the modern age, the Renaissance lifted the West from the darkness of medieval times and set it on a path of great political, social, economic and scientific transformation. Badran states that the volume addresses “topics
The back cover to the third part of the .(ح) ”in various fields that are mostly new to us same volume, published the same year, celebrates the massive jumps humanity made in a number of fields such as the triumph of reason over “sterile metaphysics,” science and technology, as well as the establishment of “just systems of government.”
Abbas el-Akkad’s introduction to The Twentieth Century (1959) is mostly devoted to the century’s massive technological, scientific and industrial leaps. For him, the historic
163 Arab nationalism was initially met with suspicion by Muslim Arabs, as it contradicted the Islamic tenet of the non- superiority of one race over another. Arab nationalists—Christian and Muslim—saw religion as a divisive factor, hindering Arab unity, given the inter-religious and intra-sectarian divisions between and among both communities. .ilj], a derogatory term for a non-Arab] ﻋﻠﺞ In reference to Turks, Faris frequently uses the Arabic pejorative 164
220 achievements are a testament to man’s intellectual prowess. “That history is made by men and women,” agrees Sidney Hook, “is no longer denied except by some theologians and mystical metaphysicians” (9). His book—The Hero in History (1959)—is an exposition of hero worship, a phenomenon with which he clearly disagrees. While el-Akkad’s volume falls within Franklin’s efforts to stimulate interest in science, Hook’s book can be interpreted as an attempt at fighting political demagoguery in the Arab world.
Demagoguery is taken up in a chapter dedicated to democracy.
A concise history of Brazil is discussed in Izziddin Farid’s preface to Rose Brown’s
The Land and People of Brazil (1969). The discussion includes a review of both Brazil’s colonial past as well as later political developments that led to the establishment of the republic. The translator notes the presence of a large Arab émigré community which, according to him, has greatly contributed to the development of Brazil. The book is one of an eight-part Franklin series with the same title. Except for two non-Western nations
(India and Indonesia), all titles are on Western countries (England, France, Austria, Spain and Greece). An interesting observation is that Farid’s account is full of references to atrocities against the indigenous population, something completely sidestepped in other peritexts on North American history.165
The last peritexts for this category are the introduction to Louis Gottschalk’s
Understanding History: A Primer of Historical Method (1966) and the front covers of George
Lenczowski’s two-volume The Middle East in World Affairs (1962 & 1965). The former,
165 Cf. Mahmoud el-Akkad’s introduction to the anthology American Short Stories (1954) and Muhammad Awad Muhammad’s introduction to Owen Wister’s The Virginian (1955) in the (F) Category. In these and a couple more, native Americans make a few cameo appearances.
221 according to the author, is a textbook aimed at equipping college students with the necessary tools for historical writing. The latter, according to Khalil (2016), came a result of the growing importance of the Middle East in America’s Cold War planning. An
émigré from Poland and former Polish Foreign Service officer in Mandate Palestine,
Lenczowski advised Western countries to “pursue a policy of firmness with persuasion, use skillful manipulation of personalities and indicate a willingness, at least, to make a show of force” (158). He also warned that Lebanon was bustling with communist activists, considering Soviet aspirations in the Middle East as deeply rooted in its expansionist policy, a holdover inherited from its tsarist past. In a 1951 meeting,
Lenczowski stressed that Anglo-American cooperation combined with “respect for the legitimate aspirations of the native peoples would secure this vital area for the Free
World” (158). The book was completed after major political events in Egypt and Iran.
5.3.2.8 Economics and Development (E)
One of the most celebrated books translated by Franklin was Walt W. Rostow’s Stages of
Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (1961). Rostow, a prominent economist and once a deputy national security advisor under President John F. Kennedy, was a champion of modernization in the developing world. His theories on development held sway in Washington and were often implemented by US aid agencies. Like the ideas of other modernization theorists at the time, Rostow’s notions on socio-economic change were largely shaped by the Cold War and were tied to US foreign policy objectives.166
166 Shortly after assuming office, Rostow wrote to Kennedy detailing changes in US foreign aid policy. He proposed a policy geared toward “sustained economic growth.” The new plan, dubbed “The New Look,” would involve “coordinated Free World effort with enough resources to move forward those nations prepared to mobilize their own resources for development purposes.” While the US government should still maintain military aid for countries in need of “shoring up,” it could “shift rapidly out of defense support and special assistance into long-term development
222 Franklin understood the book’s value along similar lines as its records suggest. In a 1960 letter to Rostow’s English publisher, Donald S. Cameron considered the book “an important element in [Franklin’s] program” since it was suited to parts of the world that
“need stimulation of ideas from the West.”167 The Arabic edition appeared in 1961 under the imprint of al-Ahliya publishing house without, notably, the subtitle. The book featured an eight-page foreword by leading Egyptian economist Said el-Najjar.
In the preface, el-Najjar entertains modernization theorists’ notions of the transitional nature of economic growth for the developing world. Following prevailing social science theories at the time, he sees a direct relation between low living standards and a society’s mindset. “It is evident,” he explains, “that our social ills stem one way or another from economic considerations” (1).168 El-Najjar then goes on to outline the differences between the two contending models of economic development as represented by the United States and the Soviet Union. It can be argued that his wording reflects a personal predilection for the former as the excerpt below shows:
There are those who favor the methods of Soviet Russia where the state is
everything, the individual nothing, and the supreme word lies with the
lending in places where there appears to be a basis for turn-around.” While Rostow identified potential candidates for aid, he stressed that support from the United States should not be unconditional. In an October 1961 memo, Rostow argued that aid should be tied to long-term US strategic objectives, which included the viability and independence of the recipient states, their increased attention to domestic issues, and “long-term dependence on the West.” He also advocated using aid for “serious long-run American objectives with respect to neutrals and also, occasionally and sparingly to yield a minor tactical gain.” “Long-term dependence on American or Communist aid,” Rostow explained, “may be one significant factor in determining how neutrals align themselves on the major world issues.” (Khalil 2016:196–7) 167 Letter, Donald S. Cameron to R. W. David, April 28, 1960, FBP Records (MC057), box 236, folder 4, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 168 El-Najjar’s Introduction to Rostow’s “The Stages of Economic Growth,” November 7, 1960, pp. 1-8, FBP Records (MC057), box 236, folder 4, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
223 dictatorship of the proletariat or rather with those who pose as its
spokesmen. On the other hand, there are those who favor development
within a framework of individual freedom and class harmony combined
with varying degrees of planning and state intervention. This divergence of
views … [extends] to such vital questions as social values, political
institutions and individual dignity.169 (1–2)
In the following paragraphs, el-Najjar comments on the major themes of the book, which posit, among other things, that economic growth in a society goes through the three main stages of “traditionalism,” “pre-take-off”, and “take-off.” “The traditional society,” he notes, “[is] characterized by a pre-Newtonian outlook, a rigid value system and class stratification which permits no vertical mobility.” He then enumerates the traits found in traditional societies. These include “narrow horizons,” “tribalism and regionalism,” and a prevailing atmosphere “dominated by traditionalism and fatalism.” By way of contact with foreign influences, the old value system “gives way to a new set of values favorable to modernization.” “A sense of inferiority” will propel social and economic forces to initiate change which will eventually lead to the disintegration of the “traditional class” and to the ascendancy of modernists. The final stage characterized by mass production and mass consumption will result in “durable consumers’ goods and services such as automobiles, suburban one-family houses, and innumerable house-hold gadgets.” In addition to Japan, el-Najjar points to four Western nations, including the United States,
169 Ibid.
224 as examples of successful economies that underwent similar economic growth processes170 (4–5).
In his preface to Raymond Aron’s Eighteen Lectures on Industrial Society (1968),
Egyptian economist Rashid el-Barawy171 also touches on some socio-economic factors that “limit economic growth” in developing countries, citing the society’s “makeup and
For an industrial .(ك) outlook” as two “decisive” contributors to economic decline mentality to prosper, societies must undergo structural modifications, including changes in regulation, ethics and policy-making. El-Barawy also reiterates the author’s comparisons between the capitalist and communist economic models. For instance, he reproduces the author’s refutation of the Marxist notion of the self-destruction of capitalism, which he dismisses as an “exaggeration.” The introduction also contains several criticisms of the Soviet model, whose dream of establishing “a fully regulated and state-run economy is unattainable … and [whose system] seems to be more based on
172.(ي) ”experimentation than calculated rational planning
In the preface to Frank Tannenbaum’s A Philosophy of Labor, el-Barawy discusses how the Industrial Revolution disrupted the age-old systems of livelihood, with far- reaching effects on the social coherence of communities worldwide. He argues that the book’s significance lies in inaugurating “new ways of achieving equilibrium and stability in modern society” (1). The book, according to one review, discusses the labor movement in “modern democratic society” where unionism “offers a real alternative to statism,
170 Ibid. 171 El-Barawy translated four more Franklin books on economics. They are: 1) George Soule’s The Ideas of the Great Economists, 2) Frank Tannenbaum’s A Philosophy of Labor, 3) Robert B. Hall’s Japan: Industrial Power of Asia, and 4) Peter F. Drucker’s The New Society: The Anatomy of Industrial Order. .as they appear in the Arabic edition, corresponding to K and Y, respectively ي، ك Arabic letters 172
225 whether in its Soviet-totalitarian or British-‘democratic’ form.”173 In the introduction to his popular translation of George Soule’s Ideas of the Great Economists (1953), el-Barawy lauds the author’s neutrality in discussing the various economic doctrines, as evident in his “review of for and against views of each” (12). El-Barawy, however, stresses that “for a certain economic doctrine to win and not another is due to its responsiveness to the forces of progress” in a way that is analogous to biological evolution (13).
5.3.2.9 Education (ED)174
In the three introductory materials accompanying John Dewey’s The School and Society
(1964), the foreword-writers praise the revolutionary ideas of Dewey’s educational philosophy. Muhammad Hussein Al-Yasin starts by criticizing traditional pedagogical methods, declaring the “bankruptcy and inefficiency of rote-based learning” in the modern age (9). Instead of “stuffing the learner’s mind with information,” Deweyan notions prioritize critical thinking through which received truths are constantly challenged, examined and scrutinized (11). Muhammad Nasser also stresses the
“progressivism” of Dewey’s pragmatic ideas, noting the impact they had on ridding the
“political and intellectual life in the US of ideas inherited from the old world” (13). Nasser sees the significance of Dewey’s approach to education as primarily lying in: 1) altering individuals’ ethical and intellectual views; 2) passing down cultural heritage “after it has been cleansed of age-old impurities”; and 3) constant renewal of society (16). Of special significance to the prefacers are Dewey’s ideas that a democratic and liberal educational
173 https://bit.ly/2TyPNzo 174 The only other peritexts obtained for this category are the front covers of 14 textbooks. Those were published in association with the ministry of education of the then United Arab Republic (Egypt & Syria) as part of Franklin’s Arabic Educational Program.
226 environment is essential, stressing progressive notions such as an absence of discrimination, equality of opportunity and freedom of belief. In his closing remarks,
Nasser laments the slow pace of educational improvement across the Arab world, citing the need for implementing modern educational methods:
Modern educators strive to spread the democratic spirit in our Arab society,
in general, and in our schools, in particular. The school, upon which the
making of the new Arab society rests, must be built on principles of equality
and indiscrimination … it must be tailored to society’s needs so that it
becomes a factor of stability, change and progress. I call upon our educators
to acquaint themselves with the ideas put forth by Dewey and other
American and European educators so that our culture and civilization can
benefit from the cultures and civilizations of other nations. (22–23)
Similarly, in a lengthy preface to Philip H. Phenix’s Philosophy of Education (1965),
Muhammad Labib el-Nugeihi stresses the “democratic principle” of the universal right to education and equality of opportunity (4). Echoing the prefacers above, he views education as a tool of renewal, stating that the “preservation of tradition must not be a stumbling stone in the face of societal change and improvement” (6). El-Nugeihi repeatedly refers to democratic society in which a primary goal of education is to promote liberal education where principles such as freedom and free choice are upheld. The foreword also features references to the role of education in promoting individualism without undermining social coherence in capitalist society. El-Nugeihi concludes with
227 thanking Franklin for publishing a work which he hopes “will be an intellectual contribution to an important field at this stage of our society’s development” (14).
In his preface to Ralph B. Winn’s John Dewey: Dictionary of Education, translator
Muhammad Ali el-Erian anticipates that “Dewey’s ideas will undoubtedly clash with our thinking, beliefs and opinions” (6). He, however, calls for “approaching these notions with an open mind and an objective frame of mind,” citing the famous quote by Alfred
North Whitehead that “a clash of doctrines is not a disaster—it is an opportunity” (6).
Backwardness and totalitarianism are lambasted as impediments to revolutionizing education. In the foreword, Abdulaziz Salama stresses that the book is an intellectual revolution especially, as “we reassess our educational institutions and establish them on a democratic basis […] at this critical stage of our social, economic and scientific development” (3).
5.3.2.10 Religion (R)
Thematically, titles in this category can be divided into: 1) books that emphasize the centrality and spiritual value of religion in human societies; 2) those which seek to reconcile religion with the discoveries of modern science; and 3) those which show US academic interest in the civilization, scholarship and religion of Islam. The first is represented by Joseph Gaer’s The Wisdom of The Living Religions (1964); the second by John
C. Monsma’s Evidence of God in An Expanding Universe (1960) and Abraham Cressy
Morrison’s Man Does Not Stand Alone (1954);175 and the third by Kenneth W. Morgan’s
175 The book is a rebuttal of British evolutionary scientist Julian Huxley’s famous work Man Stands Alone (1941). Morrison was a leading American chemist and a former president of the New York Academy of Sciences.
228 Islam The Straight Path (1962/1964) and Nicola Ziadeh’s anthology American Writings on
Islam (1960).
In his review of world religions, Gaer stresses that all are worthy of study, since each “is built upon a heuristic principle of its own.” Yet, all religions are unanimous in encouraging traits such as “peace-making, perseverance and charitable acts” as opposed to “warmongering, aggression, indolence and greed.” (13)
In the preface to Evidence of God in An Expanding Universe, Dimirdash Abdulmajid
Sirhan starts with the age-old philosophical question: Is there a God? He finds the traditional religious answers insufficient because, when asked, “men of religion will most likely respond by quoting verses from scripture or citing the prophets, going around in circles.” Worse, religious leaders tend to “downplay scientific breakthroughs as well as discourage the use of scientific methods” in pursuit of answers. To disprove the view on the irreconcilability of faith and science, Sirhan cites the author’s findings in which a group of scientists present their scientific reasons for believing in a higher, divine power.
“When the twentieth-century learned individual asks, the answer should be in line with the methods and findings of modern science so that his belief in God is based on reason and conviction rather than on mere submission,” he adds. (8)
In the introduction to the anthology American Writings on Islam (1960), Nicola
Ziadeh notes the biased nature of many previous Western writings on Islam. Focusing mainly on the political, these “destructive” writings were written for “special purposes”
(3). Fortunately, things began to change as the focus on the economic, social, intellectual, literary and philosophical aspects of Muslim civilization increased. Although he does not
229 directly say it, Ziadeh is clearly hinting at the anthology’s American writers’ more respectful and fair-minded treatment of Islam. The book features a contribution by John
Badeau, former head of the AUC and later ambassador to Egypt.176
Respect for Islam is also evident in Franklin’s translation of Kenneth W. Morgan’s two-volume Islam The Straight Path (1966). The book was a collection of essays written by distinguished Muslim scholars in nine different languages. Although the book was originally published to present Islam to Western readers, the contents may explain
Franklin’s decision to publish it in Arabic. Commonalities such as the right to freedom, private ownership, individualism (Bedouin society), and equality (Prophet Muhammad’s saying: people are equal like the teeth of a comb) are underscored. The book also features strong anti-communist views, with accounts of communist persecution of Muslims written mainly by refugee scholars from China.
5.3.2.11 Social Studies (S)
The titles in this category reflect a general focus on human evolution (in both the sociocultural and scientific senses), continuity and change. This is reflected in titles such as Carleton S. Coon’s The Story of Man (1965), William Howells’ Back of History: The Story of Our Origins (1965), Robert Lehrman’s The Long Road to Man (1964) and Ralph Linton’s three-volume Tree of Culture (1959/1961). A number of books are on societal changes ushered in by the modern age, as in Peter F. Drucker’s The New Society: The Anatomy of
Industrial Order (1967) and Morroe Berger’s Bureaucracy and Society in Modern Egypt (1960).
The category also contains practical social guides, such as George Beal’s Leadership and
176 For an account of Badeau’s role in the missionary cultural/educational institutions in the Arab region, see Chapter Three, Section 3.3.1.
230 Dynamic Group Action (1969) and Dorothy M. Roberts’ Leadership of Teenage Groups (1964), as well as developmental works such as Warren S. Thompson’s Population Problems
(1969).
In the closing lines of the preface to Ralph Linton’s The Tree of Culture, archaeologist
Ahmed Fakhry believes that the book is especially suited to those “bigoted ignoramuses who think they are better than others just because they belong to a specific race, geographic area or religion.” (17) Fakhry repeatedly refers to the evolution theory.
Darwinism is also discussed in the preface to Carleton S. Coon’s The Living Races of Man
(1975), although the translator does not fully agree with Coon’s notion of the different origins of the human species.
For other titles, the aim seems to be to provide the Arab reader a window into the cultural and social experiences and transformations of other, mostly Western, societies while presenting, at the same time, a model for Arab society in terms of navigating the modern world. In the foreword to Frederick Lewis Allen’s The Big Change: America
Transforms Itself 1900-1950 (1955), for instance, Hussein Kamil Selim states that he agreed
“without hesitation” to Franklin’s request to supervise the translation project, because
“there is no denying the fact that the Arab world is currently undergoing phases similar, in some ways, to the ones the United States went through at the turn of this century” (5).
He then goes on to argue, “To study the means that enabled the United States to overcome
[those] enormous challenges and become the unrivaled leader of the Western bloc should help enlighten the Arab public, especially the intellectuals and those in positions of leadership” (5). He presents the United States as a country on a continuous self-correcting
231 mission. “The reader,” he writes, “cannot but marvel at how backward the United States was as compared to now,” from the “near primitive” state of its infrastructure to the
“most stifling social restrictions” such as those imposed on women (8–9).
Also, Selim frequently reproduces the author’s refutations of “Anti-American
Communist propaganda” which, in pointing out “Wall Street control and the miserable living conditions of black Americans,” seeks to dismiss the United States’ claims to “a stable democracy built on principles of freedom and equality” (6). “With indisputable evidence,” he goes on, “the author proves that these [claims] are mere anachronisms, no longer reflective of the present time” (6). In pages 12 through 13, Selim returns to “the
African-American issue” because of the “enormous bad effects it has had on US reputation abroad.” In support of the author’s reassurances of the “steadily improving conditions of black Americans,” he recounts his personal observations in Baton Rouge in
1952, followed by a review of eventful US Supreme Court cases which “ruled in favor of
African-Americans.” Toward the end, Selim touches once more on the “rising threat of
Communism” as a major concern of US foreign policy (14). However, the US is expected to do more and on a broader global scale so as to “prevent Soviet Russia from presenting itself as a friend and champion of freedom and a leader of national movements when, in fact, it does not uphold freedom at home nor does it tolerate any changes in its dictatorial systems” (14).
Indeed, the records compellingly demonstrate that Franklin was attentive to the impact domestic racial tensions had on the reputation of the US in the Arab world, where racial strife in the US was constantly exploited by the Soviets and Arab Communists.
232 Writing to the ICS chief in 1955, Datus C. Smith inveighed against Lebanese Munir el-
Baalabaky who was the publisher “not only of a number of Party-line books, but also of the famous Arabic translation of Uncle Tom’s Cabin.” The book was accepted in parts of the Arab world as showing the “plight of Negroes in the US today.”177 Franklin’s response, like other Cold War US cultural organizations, was to highlight the lives of successful African Americans whose stories, though not always flattering, were a testament to the United States itself, its democratic system, values and ideals. Coretta
Scott King’s My Life with Martin Luther King, Jr. (1971) and Shirley Chisholm’s Unbought and Unbossed (1973) are examples.178
5.3.2.12 Science (GS & JS)179
In the preface to James B. Conant’s Science and Common Sense (1954), Ahmed Zaki starts by stressing the centrality of science in the modern age. He then goes on to discuss the major turning points in the history of science, citing the sacrifices scientists had to make for the sake of free scientific inquiry. He also shows how breakthroughs in science coincided with catalytic events in human history. So, while the Chemical Revolution came at a time “when people’s eyes were starting to open onto the meaning of liberty,” other scientific advances coincided with the “birth of democracy” in other parts of the world. (3–4) The foreword takes subtle aims at the lack of interest in scientific books in
177 Letter, Datus C. Smith to Franklin L. Burdette, May 23, 1955, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 178 Race relations were a worldwide reputational nightmare for the US in the post-WWII period and for most of the Cold War. In Europe, Saunders (2013) notes that the issue of racial inequality “left many Europeans uneasy about America’s ability to practice the democracy she now claimed to be offering the world” (18). By parading African American artists across Europe, Americans hoped to silence critics and sway waverers in their favor (Saunders 2013). In the developing world, the USIA grappled with similar issues, especially in Africa (see Cull 2008). 179 Statistically, the most recurring topic in GS is on the objective and rational nature of science as evidenced by James B. Conant’s Science and Common Sense, Jacob Bronowski’s Common Sense of Science and Rene Dubos’s Dreams of Reason. In JS, the most translated author is Bertha Morris Parker (Basic Science Education Series).
233 the region.180 In yet another reference to Darwinism, Zaki stresses that the survival or extinction of a people in today’s world is contingent on their stance on science. The back cover states that the book aims to “revive scientific spirit in the Arab world.” Another
Franklin publication aimed at reviving interest in science is Isaac Asimov’s Fact and Fancy
(1965). The book is a science fiction novel, as indicated on the back cover.
In his foreword to George and Eunice Bischof’s Sun, Earth and Man (1960),
Mahmoud el-Amin discusses how modern scientific discoveries continue to challenge old perceptions about natural phenomena. Thanks to science, previously incontestable beliefs such as the flatness of the earth are now easily refuted. El-Amin also stresses the role of modern knowledge in elevating humans who, by using scientific reasoning, have conquered nature and harnessed it to the benefit of humanity.
The only peritexts obtained for Category (JS) are the front cover and two illustrated pages from Peter Farb’s The Story of Dams (1964). The illustrations depict three modern dam structures, along with their hydroelectric-power plants. Except for the
Roselend Dam in France, two are located in the US (Hoover and Wilson).
5.3.2.13 Art and Architecture (A)
The six titles obtained for this category include three prefaces and three front and back covers. Except for one title on Islamic arts (Maurice S. Dimand’s Handbook of Muhammad
Art (1955)) and two general books on the fundamentals of design and pottery, the overall trajectory of the titles in this category is to introduce Western arts. These include titles on architecture (e.g., Muhammad Tawfiq’s Frank Lloyd Wright (1967) and Thea Bergere’s
180 “This book has sold more than 150.000 copies in America, i.e. one copy for every thousand. If circumstances were identical, it should sell 40.000 copies in Egypt and the Arab world” (2).
234 From Stones to Skyscrapers (1963)), surreal art (e.g., Wallace Fowlie’s Age of Surrealism
(1966)), modern and classical music (e.g., Aaron Copland’s What to Listen For in Music
(1960); Curt Sachs’s Our Musical Heritage (1964) and Irene Gass’s Through an Opera Glass
(1963), and the modern arts (e.g., George A. Flanagan’s How to Understand Modern Art
(1962) and Bernard S. Myers’ Understanding The Arts (1966)). Three more works deal with
Western aesthetic philosophies, as in John Dewey’s Art as Experience (1963), George
Santayana’s Sense of Beauty (1960) and Jean Berthelemy’s Traité d’esthetique (1970).
In his forewords to Dewey’s Art as Experience and Santayana’s Sense of Beauty, Zaki
Naguib Mahmoud discusses in some length the conflict between spirit and matter. In one instance, he disparages the reliance on metaphysics to explain natural phenomena, stressing that “we do not need what is beyond nature to explain nature.” On Dewey’s philosophical approach to art education, Mahmoud emphasizes the need for learner- centeredness in education. He also talks about traditional educational environments as obstacles to revisiting educational methods. Similarly, Abdulmunim Haykal—in his preface to Fundamental Designs—stresses the educational value of the book to the Arab region, especially as it introduces new and contemporary approaches to art and design.
The obtained copy of Berthelemy’s Traité d’esthetique has no locally authored prefaces.
The original introduction gives a synoptic outline of Western philosophical (and religious) notions of beauty, from ancient Greece to modern times. These are expanded upon in the book, as reflected in the table of contents.
In the foreword to Copland’s book, renowned Egyptian musician Muhammad
Abdulwahhab relays the eye-opening experience of being introduced to the book.
235 “Having read the book of this great American musician, I can’t help but envy the next generation as well as feel sorry for past lost years,” he writes. “In those old days,” he continues, “the opportunity to listen to fine Western music was limited.” He then concludes, “Nowadays, taste for Western music—like Eastern music—is becoming a part of our heritage, waiting only for songwriters and composers [to cultivate it]” (1–4).
Another great book written by an American is A Handbook of Muhammadan Art
(1955; first published in 1930). The back cover introduces the author as an authority on
Islamic art. The only reference book on Islamic arts written in English, it “has familiarized the English-speaking reader with the value and importance of Muslim arts” for decades
(back cover).
5.3.2.14 Mathematics (M)
In the preface to G. Polya’s How to Solve It (1960), translator Ahmed Selim Su’aidan expresses dissatisfaction over the “sterile, outdated and fossilized” pedagogical approaches to teaching arithmetic (11). In addition to being the source of the “widespread contempt for mathematics,” traditional approaches “overlook the student, his interests and intellectual independence” (11). He sees a despise of mathematics as an indicator of
“hatred for all science,” and “if adopted collectively, as a harbinger of backwardness in a rapidly forward-moving world” (11). He calls for innovative approaches to teaching mathematics and to education in general so as to “keep abreast with the expanding horizons of science.” Su’aidan often refers to the British and American campaigns against traditional pedagogical methods as examples of successful educational reforms. “It is inevitable,” he writes, “that, as a shortcut, we look to the experiences of nations that have
236 outpaced us [in this domain]” (28). Toward the end, Su’aidan directs some incisive criticisms toward common “traditional—and almost official—convictions” about education. A few more are reserved for the lack of “interest in and awareness of” the importance of original authorship in the Arab region, especially of reference and textbooks. (11–28)
5.3.2.15 Reference and General Information (RF)
The only three introductory materials obtained for this category are: 1) an excerpt of
Muhammad Zaki Abdulqadir’s preface to Stanley Johnson and Julian Harriss’s The
Complete Reporter (1961) and 2) two forewords to the Arabic version of the Columbia Viking
Desk Encyclopedia. The latter appeared under the Arabic title The Simplified Arabic
Encyclopedia in 1965.
Abdulqadir’s excerpt, which appeared on the book’s back cover, offers practical and professional advice for both expert and novice journalists in the art of modern journalism as practiced in the United States. The prefacer asserts that “despite the book’s material being derived from the American journalistic tradition,” its insights are
“perfectly suited” to Arab journalists.
In the first foreword to The Simplified Arabic Encyclopedia, Hassan el-Aroussy sees the publication of the encyclopedia as serving “a dire cultural and educational need” in the region, “especially when our Arab homeland is struggling to catch up to the civilization of the modern world” (18). If not participated in seriously, “this revolutionary new era” will only widen the gap between the developed and undeveloped, with the feared outcome of “adding to the backwardness of those already lagging behind” (18).
237 After extending thanks to the Ford Foundation for “fully covering the costs” and
Columbia Viking for their support, el-Aroussy expresses his hopes that the newly released encyclopedia will contribute to the development of “our great Arab nation at this stage of its new revival” (20).
In a foreword written jointly, Zaki Naguib Mahmoud, Ibrahim Madkour and
Soheir el-Kalamawy repeat some of el-Aroussy’s points on the need to “keep abreast with the modern world” (21). “The emergence of encyclopedic writing,” they assert, “is indicative of the nation’s willingness to live in accordance with the modern age, its principles and values” (21). “It is inevitable for a nation to embrace science if it wishes to progress and contribute to human civilization,” they add (22).
5.3.2.16 Agriculture (AG)
As the title suggests, all books in this category deal with agriculture. Some offer practical advice on farming, such as David L. Kelsey’s Cooperative Extension Work (1958) and
Raymond Beneke’s Managing the Farm Business (1963). Others are on scientific advances in agriculture, such as Harry Buckman’s Nature and Properties of Soils (1965) and Howard
F. McColly and J. W. Martin’s Introduction to Agricultural Engineering (1963). Some are meant as textbooks, as stated in the original introduction to John Weaver and F. E.
Clements’s Plant Ecology (1962).
Works on agriculture were an integral part of FBP’s development program. As early as 1952, Franklin reached out to US government developmental programs such as
Point Four and the Department of Agriculture.181 Of Franklin’s private partners, the Ford
181 Minutes, Executive Committee Agenda, September 4, 1952, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
238 Foundation was actively engaged in agriculture-related development projects, most notably its sponsorship of textbooks on general agriculture as part of its ALAD project.182
5.3.2.17 Juvenile General (JG)
The only peritext obtained for this category is the back cover of Hyman Ruchlis’ Clear
Thinking: A Practical Introduction (1968). The cover promotes the book as an essential read for developing an “enlightened” way of thinking as well as distinguishing science from superstition. A comparison with the original revealed that the American edition had no introduction. The table of contents shows a focus on scientific logical reasoning, a dominant theme across most categories.
5.3.2.18 Poetry (P)
In his short preface to 50 Poems from American Poetry (1963), translator Tawfiq Sayegh lauds the collection as the first of its kind to appear in Arabic. Included in the text are biographies of the thirty-six American poets, ranging from one paragraph to three pages in length. Most of the poets are celebrated as champions of modern poetry and the New
Criticism. Some of the names already encountered include Robert Frost, Wallace Stevens and John Crowe Ransom, with similar quotes from critics and usage of superlatives in praise of the poets. So, while Wallace is dubbed the “poet of poets” (17), Frost receives the Arabic honorific “Sheikh of all American poets” (22). Archibald MacLeish is a committed defender of Western values as well as the US’s role in the world. He is also critical of neutralist intellectuals, because their “neutrality can be used as a weapon
182 Letter, John H. Kyle to Riad Abaza, August 17, 1971, FBP Records (MC057), box 90, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. —See also: Bruce Wilcox letter to Riad Abaza (August 13, 1974), box 94, folder 5 & Michigan State professor Roy L. Donahue’s letter to John H. Kyle (August 26, 1971), box 94, folder 5.
239 against democracy” (147). Peter Viereck’s poetry is commended as dedicated to exposing the “Fascist communist lies” (315). Many are depicted as social revolutionaries, rebelling against established social and religious norms.
In the preface, Sayegh claims that the decision as to the choice of poets resided entirely with him and reflected his “own personal leanings” (16). The repeated references to drug usage (e.g., hashish, heroin, opium), sexual relations, as well as the inclusion of several women poets are in tune with his unconventionally progressive views at the time, as can be seen in his other writings. This is most visible in his decision to translate Jose
Garcia Villa’s poem I’ll Break God’s Seamless Skull, which some might find as containing blasphemously violent and lewd references to God,183 not to mention revered Quranic and Biblical figures such as Eve.
5.3.2.19 Unclassified titles
The two unclassified titles included here are T. Timoshenko’s Advanced Dynamics (1975) and Walter Sorrel’s The Dance Has Many Faces (1974). For the former, no introduction could be located but, as shown in the table of contents, the book may have been meant as a reference book for university-level students. The back cover to the latter promotes the book as introducing dance traditions from different cultures. Except for British dancer
Frederick Ashton, all names appearing on the cover are of American modern choreographers, i.e. Isadora Duncan, Martha Graham and George Balanchine. The titles
183 In tricky situations like this, Arab translators would usually resort to a pre-Islamic/Christian pagan variation such Allah], the Arabic name for monotheistic Arabs. A less daring translator] ﷲ the gods] instead of] اﻵﻟﮭﺔ as the generic ﺣواء would have opted for the former which, of course, would have meant coming up with a symbolic alternative to [Eve] since all other Arabic alternatives are also specific to her.
240 are later Franklin publications, appearing only in the uncategorized list of the LOC. Apart from the peritexts discussed here, online searches yielded no major results.
5.4 Franklin’s contributors
The collected data reveals a few intriguing patterns in Franklin’s selection of translators.
Most are highly educated and highly respected individuals. Most are professional specialists, often with the highest academic degrees in their respective fields. Their professional backgrounds are as varied as the titles they translated. This includes high- ranking military officers, seasoned government ministers, ambassadors, influential intellectual figures, engineers, philosophers and scientists. As far as their ideological and political philosophies are concerned, they can be loosely divided into two main categories: 1) the liberal and western-educated intellectuals and 2) modernists with moderate Islamic leanings. Another thing is clear: most were at the vanguard of the Arab
Renaissance movement of the first half of the twentieth century as well as committed champions of the modernist reform movement that came with it.
A representative of the first category is Taha Hussein (1889–1973), 184 a former minister of education in Egypt and a leading literary figure, whose liberal views and criticism of some aspects of Islam inspired antagonism from Muslim conservative opponents (al-Mahmoud 2014). Other translators that can be cited here include pioneers of the Arab feminist movement such as Nawal al-Sadawi (b. 1931) and Amina al-Said
(1914–1995). The second category is represented by the prolific literary writer and poet
Abbas el-Akkad (1889–1964) who saw in Islam a civilizing force capable of emancipating
184 In his The Future of Culture in Egypt (1938), Hussein controversially argues that “Egypt has always been part of Europe in all that relates to cultural and intellectual life” (29).
241 the region and its inhabitants.185 His Democracy in Islam (1952) and Thinking: An Islamic
Obligation (1962) mark attempts to reconcile Islam with the newly introduced Western ideas. These views align Akkad with the kind of ideas put forth by reformist Muslim scholars such as Muhammad Abduh (1849–1905) and Jamal Eddin al-Afghani (1839–
1897) in the second half of the 19th century. Generally, Muslim modernists saw—and still do—no conflict between Islam and modernity. The argument goes that whatever ailments have plagued Islam over the last few centuries, they are not the fault of Islam as a religion but rather the actions of its followers who have deviated from the Islamic principles of tolerance, scientific inquiry, thinking and sharing in the universal human knowledge and experience (el-Arawi 1995:39–42/54). This humanistic view of the world is clearly expressed in Akkad’s introduction to Franklin’s anthology Ten American Short
Stories as well as other volumes he helped edit and translate.186
Another common characteristic among the translators reviewed so far is a firm belief in ideal democratic values. Their shared hatred of totalitarian practices landed some of them in trouble at the hand of their local governments or external powers.
Akkad’s criticism of the Egyptian monarchy, for instance, resulted in his nine-month imprisonment in Egypt. His Hitler in the Balance (1940), in which he lambasted Nazism and its leader’s advances in North Africa, landed him on the Nazis’ list of most wanted individuals in the Middle East (Gershoni 2012). This caused him to flee to neighboring
185 Franklin contributors who shared Akkad’s reconciliatory stance on Islam and modernity were Ahmed Amin and Muhammad Khalafallah. For Ahmed Amin, see his article “World Unity” in Al-Rabita al-Sharqiya magazine, published 15 December 1928; for Muhammad Khalafallah, see his 1981 book Quran and the State. 186 Akkad’s own magazine carried the title Turath el-Insaniyya [Humanity’s Legacy].
242 Sudan where he kept a low profile until the defeat of Germany in WWII (Encyclopedia
Britannica, 2015).
Akkad was also a member of the influential Egyptian Wafd party which, despite struggling with British rule, envisioned an independent Egypt that was fully Westernized in terms of creating “a liberal, democratic political system and accept[ing] willingly the values of European culture” (Hourani 324). Aly Maher (1881–1960), a committed constitutionalist and four-time premier of Monarchic Egypt, was the head of the Wafd.
The following quote by Hourani (1983) on the principles adhered to by the Wafdists may explain why Franklin was eager to associate itself with figures such as Akkad and Maher:
Its vision of independent Egypt was conceived in terms of liberal thought:
an Egypt where Muslims and Copts were united in the sacred bond of
national loyalty, government was constitutional, individual rights
respected, where women were free, national education was universal, and
national industry raised the standard of living. (Hourani 325)
These Western-inspired secularist views were also espoused by several other intellectuals who worked with Franklin, most notably by Tawfiq el-Hakim (1898–1987), Muhammad
Hussein Haykal (1888–1956), Ahmed Zaki Abushadi (1892–1955), Salama Musa (1887–
1958), Louis Awad (1915–1990), Ahmed Hassan el-Zayyat (1885–1968), Ahmed Lutfi el-
Sayyid (1872–1963)187 and Ismail Mazhar (1891–1962). In his 1938 Tahta Shams al-Fiker
[Under the Sun of Thought], el-Hakim warns his fellow Arabs not “repeat the mistake of
(ﻟطﻔﻲ اﻟﺳﯾد أﺳﺗﺎذ اﻟﺟﯾل Lutfi el-Said is described as “the philosopher of democratic liberalism” (Hassan Najjar 1965:19 187
243 their Medieval forefathers” by borrowing selectively from Western civilization.188 “Let us put our hands [to it] unfettered by the chains of traditions, customs or beliefs! Let us take everything and digest everything!”, he wrote (107-110).189 In his The Future of Culture in
Egypt (1938), Taha Hussein states:
We must follow the example of the Europeans so that we can become their
equals and partners in civilization, its good and evil, sweetness and
bitterness, likes and dislikes, rights and wrongs! (Hussein 43)
In 1928, Haykal published his article “The Moribund State of Inertia and Chaos” in the
Cairo weekly al-Jadid [The New], in which critiques of Arab culture were presented against the backdrop of Western modernity. The following excerpt captures his views on the civilizing mission of Arab expatriates in London in 1926:
I was talking to our youth, who by their good fortune had been destined to
mix with Western civilization and . . . to drink from its wellsprings, about
the future duty that had been placed on their shoulders . . . : to strive to
culture the minds of the people of their nation and to struggle their
hardest . . . on behalf of freedom of thought. (Haykal 5)190
Freedom of thought and freedom of religion as embodied by Western liberal democracy were fiercely defended by Franklin contributors. In 1937, following Egypt’s Constitution
188 Both in their contributions to Franklin and in their own writings, Franklin collaborators keep citing early and medieval translation movements in the Muslim-Arab world as an example of cultural openness by early Arabs and Muslims. Taha Hussein, Hassan el-Aroussy (Part I of George Sabine’s A History of Political Thought). 189 Similar notions are reiterated in his 1952 article “Turath al-Hadarah” [The Legacy of Civilizations]. See his anthology Fann al-Adab [The Art of Literature]. (Enany) 190 Commenting on Haykal’s writings at the time, Tageldin (2011) states that Haykal “insists that Egyptians can only articulate what is most ‘intimate’—their Egyptianness, their nationhood—in the idiom of the foreign, that of their dominators. Indeed, he calls on Egyptians to remake themselves in forms of ‘civilization’ recognizable to the European and thus to re-recognize themselves in the mirror of European recognition.” (222)
244 Committee’s decision to institute Islam as the official state religion, Ahmed Zaki
Abushadi inveighed—in an article titled “The Nation and Playing with Fire” published in the journal Adabi—against what he believed to be a “dangerous” regression from the more liberal and inclusive constitution of 1923:
This pandering to the clergy has emboldened them to interfere with the
affairs of governance and the system of the state to the extent that we are
facing a theocratic dictatorship, threatening our modern democratic
system. What ought to be done is put the clergy back in their natural places.
This vulgar new raj’iya [backwardness] … has to be extirpated and the
notion of indulging the clergymen must be dropped from state policy. The
distant and recent past testifies that when religion and governance mix, the
latter always goes corrupt. (Abu Shadi 1937:6)191
A similar—and more radical—stance is taken by Salama Musa in his 1927 book Today and
Tomorrow. Not only was religion a hindrance, but the failure to adopt the Western dress code and the very presence of religious institutions in the state apparatus were also considered as antithetical to full westernization. In the introduction, he candidly expresses his contempt for the East and what it stands for:
The more I get to know the East, the more my hatred for it and my
estrangement from it. On the other hand, the more I know Europe, the more
my love for and attachment to it… I want a European education over which
191 Elsewhere in the article, Abu Shadi points to the successful westernizing efforts of Turkey’s Kamal Ataturk as a model to be replicated in the Arab region. In another 1937 article—“Language, Religion and Tradition”— he vehemently defends the separation of religion and state, calling upon the Western-educated youth to strive their best to reinforce the “spirit of civic governance” and spread scientific culture in the region.
245 religion has no authority … a European-like democratic parliamentary
state, not a theocratic one in the style of Haroun el-Rashid and el-Mamoun.
I want the Egyptian family to be like the European family … our literature
to be European. However, we must study the Eastern culture so that we can
avoid its [pernicious] influences in terms of enslavement, reliance on the
metaphysical and total submission to rulers, good or evil. (Musa 5–6)
In the editorial of the 1929 inaugural issue of his magazine el-Jadida, Salama Musa lists
“enlightenment” as one of the main objectives of the newly released magazine. In his closing remarks, he makes it clear that that the journal’s mission is to “bring us closer to the West and prevent obstacles hindering the spread of Western culture in our country” because “we believe that the success and wellbeing of our homeland are all predicated on our reorientation away from Asia toward Europe” (2). The second issue contained his article entitled “New World Civilization” in which he showcases advances in the US alongside pictures of high-rise structures such as the Empire State Building. In the same issue, Musa inveighs against traditionalism in a piece called “The Dens of Backwardness in Egypt.” Taha Hussein contributed his “Shackles and Chains” to the same volume which touched on similar issues. A regular el-Jadida contributor was another nahda figure and Franklin contributor Mahmoud Teymour (1894-1974). His Flying Sphinx (1946) allegorically contrasts the “death-oriented” culture of the East with that of the pro-life culture of the West (Enany 2006).
Another ardent advocate of modernity in Arabic literature and thought was
Palestinian-Iraqi poet, critic and novelist Jabra Ibrahim Jabra (1919–1994). A graduate of
246 both Cambridge and Harvard, Jabra was influenced by modernist poets such as T. S. Eliot and Ezra Pound and spearheaded attempts to break away from classical Arabic poetical forms in favor of the newly introduced Western poetical structures of free verse and prose poetry (Boullata 2002). Jabra saw the domination of classical Arabic poetry as indicative of Arab poets’ intellectual barrenness and blind imitation. What he wanted was “new forms of poetry … genuinely expressive of the present … so as to build a new civilization and new human beings” (ibid 32). In his 1967 el-Rihla el-Thamina [The Eighth Voyage],
Jabra states that he chose to write his early poems in English because its innovative forms allowed him “to create the strongest symbolisms in a few lines” (Jabra 1967:33). He went on to add, “I wanted the same for Arabic poetry but it took me years of going head to head with the deaf, the blind and the feeble-minded” (ibid 33).
Jabra also employed other literary forms such as novels, essays and criticism to address what he believed to be ‘defects’ in Arab society. Thus, his 1970 novella as-Safina
[The Ship] portrays a group of young Arab escapists, fleeing the pressures and restrictions of Arab society in search of “liberated love” (Boullata 56). On the ship, one of the main characters, Isam, proclaims: “yes, the sea is a new salvation … off to the West!
To the agate isles” (Allen 1995:183). In his In Search of Walid Masoud (1978), the narrator yearns for “freedom in an all-around repressive Arab society” (Boullata 63). Other critical stances on Arabic culture also appear in a number of non-fiction works, such as Yanabi el-
Ru’ya [Springs of Vision] (1979) and Ta’amulat fi Bunyan Marmari [Reflections on A Marble
Monument] (1989).
247 Franklin’s translators were not fans of communism either. In fact, Iraqi poet Badr Shakir el-Sayyab (1926–1964), pioneer of the Modern Arabic poetry movement, wrote his I Was a Communist only a few years before translating—for Franklin—Walter Farley’s The Black
Stallion and Virginia S. Eifert’s New Birth of Freedom and before writing the introduction to Franklin’s publication of Vincent Sheean’s Thomas Jefferson. What is interesting is that el-Sayyab had a friendly relationship with British poet Steven Spender, another fellow traveler who turned against communism (Boullata 1971). Moreover, el-Sayyab translated
Spender’s The God That Failed (1949), which featured, in addition to Spender’s own testimony, the testimonies of five ex-communists. In 1959, al-Huriyyah magazine published the book in serialized form along with el-Sayyab’s own book (ibid). As part of the United States’ Paris-based Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), Spender’s Encounter magazine (in London) helped build a reputation for America as well as combat neutralism among the intelligentsia in Europe during the Cold War. The CCF’s Arabic
Hiwar [Dialog] magazine was headed by Palestinian poet Tawfiq Sayegh (1923–1971), another vocal opponent of communism in the Arab region (Khalil 2016). His impressive translation of the anthology Fifty Poems from Contemporary American Poetry was commissioned and published by Franklin in 1963, as discussed earlier.192
The literature shows that many of Franklin’s contributors were involved to varying degrees with anti-Communist US cultural institutions. In a 1962 diary which chronicled preparations leading up to the launch of Hiwar, Sayegh mentions nineteen
Franklin associates as potential candidates for various positions in the magazine. Among
192 Another anti-communist intellectual was Ismail Mazhar (1891–1962). See his Religion Under Communism (1962) and Cooperative Socialism Not Communism (1961).
248 the prominent names who played a key part in setting up the magazine were Jamal
Muhammad Ahmed (1916–1986), Ibrahim Madkour (1902–1996), Louis Awad, Jabra
Ibrahim Jabra, Yousuf el-Khal (1917–1987),193 Badr Shakir el-Sayyab and Salma el-
Jayyousi (b. 1926). Many of these people would later assume positions on the magazine’s advisory board. Many also participated in a 1961 CCF-sponsored conference in Rome on modern trends in Arabic literature. The proceedings of the Roma Conference were co- published by Hiwar in book form under the title Modern Arabic Literature. The attendees’ calls for renewal in Arabic poetry and literature attracted vitriol from conservative circles, which accused the conference and its participants of advancing Westernizing agendas
(Hussein 1971).
The literature also demonstrates a significant overlap between Franklin’s translators and the CCF in terms of combating communism and promoting Americanism.
While the organization’s apolitical ethos of promoting intellectual freedom appealed to the modernizing agendas of some Franklin associates, other “inner circle”194 intellectuals appeared to have been politically conscious of the organization’s anti-Communist, pro-
American mission. In the entry dated 14 March 1962, Sayegh lists “combating communism” as one of the main objectives of Hiwar’s mission in the Arab region (Chreih
2011:43). Of utmost importance was “preventing Communists from attracting Arab
193 In addition to placing his publishing house at the disposal of the CCF, el-Khal’s two magazines Shi’r [Poetry] and Adab [Literature] regularly featured pieces by Western-oriented modernists (Chreih 2011:3). Albert Hourani argues that 20th century liberal-leaning Arab periodical press had “the double purpose of revealing to the Arab mind the ideas and inventions of Europe and America, and showing how they could be written about in Arabic” (245). 194 In reference to one Iranian intellectual, FBP president, Carroll G. Bowen, stated that he “should be brought more and more into our inner circle.” (See—Letter, Carroll G. Bowen letter to Ali Asghar Mohajer, August 21, 1970, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library).
249 nationalists” (ibid 42). Another instance which reflects alignment with US foreign policy was Simon Jarji’s ascribing the selection of one Arab writer to the fact that he “is more moderate and has a less Nasserist frame of mind” (ibid 54).195
Interestingly, although Hiwar did not deny its relationship with the CCF, it did not seek to publicize it either. In a meeting with Sayegh, one potential magazine contributor advised “not attack communism right from the start” (ibid 69). On 19 June of the same year, Sayegh and John Hunt196 (head of CCF’s Paris office) agreed to “write, in a not so conspicuous part of the cover and in small font, that the magazine is published in association with the CCF” (ibid 106). Given his official status, Sudanese ambassador
Jamal Muhammad Ahmed agreed to contribute to the magazine provided that he could do so under a pseudonym. The pro-Western leanings of Franklin contributors who worked with Hiwar is also revealed in their choice of topics. While Ahmed Abu Hakima
(b. 1944) volunteered a piece on “the Arabs and Western civilization,” Simon Jarji recommended publishing “more Western writers” (ibid 92 & 109). Sayegh also showed great interest in Hunt’s suggestion to publish a CCF pre-prepared piece on “the role of the Western-educated in the Near East” (ibid 116).
Favorable depictions of the United States, in particular, appeared in two separate—and seemingly independent—works by two Franklin translators: 1) America
Under the Microscope (1954)197 by Egyptian bacteriologist Zaki Khalid198 and 2) My Days in
195 In other words, he did not hold the neutralist views of the Nasserist doctrine which culminated in the Non- Alignment Movement and arguably kept an equal distance from both the US and the USSR. 196 Of Franklin translators, Hunt had close personal relations with Ibrahim Madkour, Jamal Muhammad Ahmed and Badr Shaker el-Sayyab. Hunt also helped cover el-Sayyab’s medical treatment costs (in London) through CCF’s funds. 197 A Franklin publication. 198 Khalid was on a sponsored visit to the US, at the invitation of the State Department.
250 America (1955) by Zaki Naguib Mahmoud. Both recount the authors’ personal observations about American society, culture and institutions. The authors are generally open toward American culture and object to its “unfair” portrayal in the Arab world.
Khalid, for instance, deals with Arab stereotypes about American materialism. “Some people,” he writes, “fault Americans for their love of money and their desire to make it”
(qtd in Abdel-Malik 64). “But for God’s sake tell me where is this person who does not love making money?,” he adds (64). After admiring Americans’ love of hard work and lauding equality of opportunity as evidenced by America’s lack of a European-like aristocracy or a social cast system, Khalid speculates on the origins of the tendency in the
Arab region to portray anything that is “strange or peculiar” as American:
Most probably we have formed this opinion of America because it is so far
away from us and because most of our information about it derives not
from American but European sources, and these are not always fair. (ibid.
63)
Similarly, Mahmoud objects to the notion that “Americans live in a materialistic civilization that lacks human values … with little culture and lacking the humanitarian side of faith, art and so on” (74–76). Contrary to the accounts he read, he finds Americans approachable, helpful and humble. Also to his surprise also, Americans are spiritual, as exemplified by their respect “for their faith and its icons.” His account contains several sharp self-criticisms, from the “miserable” state of libraries in Egypt as compared with their counterparts in the US to the Arab press, which only spews “nonsense, boring repetition [and] empty droning” (75). Most importantly, Mahmoud is impressed by
251 America’s scientific supremacy, which made Americans “lead and us follow … produce and us consume.” He is pained by Easterners’ contentment and failure to grasp the
“tremendous difference” between East and West in terms of science, creativity and innovation:
We do not realize the great difference between him who researches,
innovates, and spreads the results, and he who comes after that to read
those results, to study and understand them … The first line that ought to
be written in the Book of Our Revolution, and read a thousand times each
day, is that we must decide for ourselves to believe in mankind’s power
and omnipotence, and erase from our minds the unceasing and
overpowering delusion that man is a weak and insignificant creature.199
(67-70)
Summary
This chapter has provided a detailed account of the FBP translation program in the Arab world. Over 2000 pages of primary source materials have been reported on. These are 1) the FBP archival records housed at the Princeton University Library’s Department of Rare
Books and Special Collections Department and 2) the peritexts accompanying FBP’s
Arabic-edition translations. Of the latter, around 110 peritexts have been obtained online, with the rest—roughly ninety-one—acquired through the Library of Congress’s Franklin
Book Program Collection. It has been decided at a later stage, as explained in Chapter
199 More than two decades earlier, Taha Hussein enjoined his fellow Egyptians to “erase from their hearts the delusion that they were created from a cloth different to the Europeans’, given a mind different to the European mind” (Hussein 1938:40).
252 Three, to include a brief survey of independently authored writings of Franklin associates to determine, first, if they espoused pro-Western, modernist agendas; and second, if so, whether their personal ideological leanings played a role in their association with FBP or in being sought after by FBP. With all of this in mind and in view of all of the above, this chapter has arrived at the following main conclusions:
1. FBP was a product of the Cold War, and as such, sought to influence Arab
populations by disseminating works of Western, mostly American, origin. This
was carried out in two ways:
a. By contributing to US image-building in the region through large-scale,
selective publication of works that highlighted and familiarized American
culture, way of life, economic and political systems as well as countered
prevailing misconceptions about the United States.
b. By securing greater allegiance and affinity to the West, particularly the
United States, through developmental projects/works that stressed the
supremacy of the capitalist-democratic model.
2. FBP relied on similarly inclined influential intellectuals and opinion-makers to
popularize its translations, on the one hand, and to guarantee a favorable
depiction of the United States, on the other.
3. Both in the records and the packaging of the Arabic translations, there is an effort
not to be overly propagandistic. This fits with the stated policy of FBP to avoid
anything too direct.
253 The findings as reported in this chapter will be further elaborated on in the final chapter
(Discussions and Conclusions). They will be discussed in light of the key theoretical concepts as proposed in previous sections of the study, namely the imagological notions of auto-image, hetero-image and mediator; Lefevere’s (1992) notion of translation as rewriting; Tymoczko’s (1999) concept of translation as metonymics; and Tageldin’s (2011) notion of translation as seduction.
254
CHAPTER 6: DISCUSSIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
Overview
In the aftermath of WWII, rivalry with the USSR caused the United States to rethink its prewar informational policies. In Europe, where the early manifestations of the Cold War took place, the United States struggled with long-held European perceptions of American materialism, lack of culture and racial prejudice. Many, especially in intellectual circles, questioned its ability to lead. In addition to Marxist influences, neutralist thinking began to take hold among a no small margin of the European intelligentsia. Through reconstruction campaigns and cultural projection programs, the United States hoped to dislodge prevailing European images and establish itself as a worthy and respected leader of the Western world.
In the Arab region, the United States grappled with similar reputational issues.
However, previously dormant images of US materialism and cultural unsophistication were greatly exacerbated by US support for the 1948 partition of Palestine. The United
States was now viewed as an extension of former colonial powers, seeking to exploit and destroy Arab lands. American imperialism became the default accusation by Arab nationalists and Communists alike. This major attitudinal shift also manifested itself in intellectual circles, where politically charged portrayals of the US began to appear in the works of influential Arab writers of the period. Determined to regain its prewar prestige
255 in a geopolitically—and now economically—vital area, the United States deployed a massive arsenal of both cultural and economic initiatives.
The combination of culture and aid programs were to serve two main purposes: 1) to fight the Arab hetero-images of the US as culturally backward, materialistic and imperialistic, by introducing, showcasing and disseminating US cultural products and 2) to modernize the region along the lines established by US foreign policy and, by extension, counter Soviet influences. Culture-wise, given the official links with wartime information programs, the US government required the assistance of non-profit—and ostensibly independent—cultural organizations. FBP was one of the major “private” cultural players in the Middle East whose unofficial status proved to be a potent means of mass-exporting officially sanitized and positivized self-images of the United States.
6.1 Translating images: auto-images and hetero-images
By engaging in large-scale translation, FBP hoped that Arab hetero-images of the United
States would gradually be displaced by a new set of unmediated and therefore undistorted self-images, which only an American-run translation program could foster.
In explaining the United States to Arab readers, FBP published a “great variety of
[American] books,” with the explicit aim of familiarizing the United States, its people, culture, values, policies and systems.200
The mass-translation of works on American life and culture, political and economic models not only helped FBP combat existing Arab hetero-images but also allowed it to challenge anti-American, Soviet-mediated hetero-images which sought to
200 Minutes, Board of Directors, December 9, 1954, p. 3, FBP Records (MC057), box 1, folder 5, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
256 otherize—and demonize—the US in the eyes of Arab populations. In a number of FBP publications (as well as its archival records), for instance, there is a tendency to recycle charges of imperialism, materialism and godlessness, already accorded to the US by
Soviet propagandists, as characteristic of USSR’s activities in the region. Propagating a positivized self-image of the US and a negative US hetero-image of the Soviet Union appeared to be a primary goal of FBP. In other words, FBP hoped to substitute the Arab hetero-image of Soviet communism as “remote and unfamiliar,” and therefore less dangerous, with the US hetero-image of it as the “implacable enemy” of both itself and the Arabs.201
By dedicating a whole category to religion and religion-related issues, FBP also adopted the same tool already utilized by official US cultural and translation programs in the region. The numerous works on the culture, scholarship and religion of Islam were designed to fulfill the dual purpose of 1) emphasizing the US democratic model’s tolerance toward and protection of religious freedoms as opposed to the Soviet model, and 2) highlighting US interest in and respect for Islam as a cultural and spiritual force as exemplified by American writings on Islam. Moreover, by giving prominence to more liberal periods of Islamic history which witnessed relative religious co-existence, FBP pushed the subtle message that the “American way” was not forbiddingly outlandish to the region. The same can be said about FBP’s works on the reconciliation of faith and science.202
201 Lacy, Dan. “Letter to Datus C. Smith, Jr.” National Security Archive, 1952, Web. 9 Apr. 2018. 202 This is also true for FBP’s Arab contributors. Commitment to modernity also meant commitment to scientific rationalism and critical thinking in general. Rekindling the “scientific spirit” in the Arab world was a long-cherished dream of Arab modernists of the nahda generation. In the prefaces to FBP Arabic publications, too, there is a strong emphasis on the importance of science in revolutionizing the region. While advancements in the West are presented as
257 6.2 Partial images
Following Tymoczko’s notion of translation as metonymics (1999), it can be argued that
FBP adopted a highly selective approach to introducing/translating the United States to local Arab readerships. This is attested in both FBP’s archival records and the prefatory materials accompanying its Arabic translations. Excluding books that were “harmful to
American interest” or those generally “harmful in any way” was a strict selection criterion adopted by the organization as early as 1955.203 Prior USIA screening and approval was a prerequisite for each translation into Arabic. This metonymic approach to selection can be measured, for example, in the absence of internal racial strife or US political conundrums in places like Vietnam, Iran and South America from either the titles or peritexts under investigation. Plentiful in both, however, are those which highlighted the superiority of the US model in all its aspects, from politics and economics to culture and science.
Moreover, metonymic translation was not limited to the export of endearing self- images but was also applied to rivals (e.g., Communists) of whom alienating depictions appear in several FBP books as demonstrated in the previous chapter. This closely meshes with the practice adopted by official US translation programs in the region (i.e. USIA,
USIS, VOA), albeit with less intensity (see Chapter Three). In the partial portrayals and representations of both the self (positive) and the other (negative), “parts,” as Tymoczko
a direct consequence of the West’s elevation of science as exemplified by the Scientific Revolution, negligence of science is cited as one of the major contributors to the region’s underdevelopment. 203 Report, “Background Information on Title Selection,” Datus C. Smith to State Department’s Claude E. Hawley, April 11, 1955, p. 5, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
258 puts it, were clearly designed to “stand for wholes” (57). These recreations of the self and other can also be elucidated by Lefevere’s concept of translation as rewriting (1992).
Lefevere acknowledges the power of translation in the rewriting and formation of images. He also recognizes the political role of rewriting in translation as something that is done “in the service, or under the constraints, of certain ideological […] currents” (5).
Another concept that can illuminate FBP ‘s translation objectives in the Arab region is Tageldin’s notion of translation as seduction (2011). She utilizes the term “loving translation” as an established practice of French and British translation efforts in the colonial period to seduce Arabs into “desiring the West” (14–15). By translating enticing images of the self, it can be argued that FBP employed a similar tactic in presenting the
US to Arab readers. A feature of ‘seductive’ translation, according to Tageldin, is the emphasis on the commonalities between the self (the US in this case) and the other (Arab region). Among other objectives, FBP was expressly tasked with establishing, in the Arab region, a “sense of communion” with Western, particularly American, thought. This is evident in the titles that discuss religion, the influence of Muslim-Arab civilization on the
European Renaissance and the resemblance between elements of early Islamic political structure and Western liberal democracy. This can also be seen in the prefaces that present modern Western ideals such as liberty and individualism as inherently characteristic of Bedouin Arab society as well as those which highlight a shared respect for God.
Extending Tageldin’s notion further, it can be said that FBP’s tempting representations of the self was paralleled by an otherizing translation strategy toward the
259 Soviet Other, and less conspicuously, anti-American nationalist tendencies in government (e.g., Nasserism, pan-Arabism) and other influential circles, secularist and conservative alike. One of the main goals of FBP, as shown in the previous chapter, was to “de-emphasize Egyptian [Nasser’s] dominance” and return the leading Arab republic to the more pro-Western and reconciliatory policies of his predecessor. Undermining
Nasser’s position meant the subversion, or at least the weakening, of the anti-American narrative on Palestine, arguably the source of all US reputational nightmares in the region.
The export of attractive auto-images through the mobilization of culture is also closely linked to the concept of cultural diplomacy. In FBP’s records, the intersection between translation, image formation and US Cold War soft power in the Middle East is well demonstrated. Franklin’s administrators viewed the organization’s cultural work as one of “long-range, indirect […] penetration” through large-scale translation of predominantly American books into Arabic. 204 FBP pinned high hopes on the mediating role of its translations as “the best cultural envoys”205 of the US. The diplomatic task of
FBP’s translations is also reflected in Franklin’s Curtis G. Benjamin’s reference to US books abroad as “ambassadors” of the United States (Benjamin 1984).
6.3 Translation as a modernizing tool
FBP’s developmental work in the Arab region intersected with the US modernizing mission in many important ways. Franklin’s translations were thought of as a key
204 Minutes, Executive Committee meeting, October 21, 1954, p. 2, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 205 Memorandum, “Special Committee of the Board of Directors,” August 15, 1954, p. 22, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
260 instrument for the promotion of long-range social and civic development. This was hoped to bring about change in the basic organization of Arab society and the restructuring of its human skills and attitudes (especially toward the US). In promoting the democratization of the economic, educational and governmental systems, FBP was also promoting a replica of the US capitalist-democratic model. This goes to the very heart of the Western historicist notion of development predicated on the assumption that non-
Western nations would produce “local versions” of the Western developmental model
(Chakrabarty 2000:7).206 Molding the newly-decolonized—and “still malleable”207—Arab states into the closest possible copy of the self not only would facilitate greater assimilation of the source culture’s values and visions but also would secure a strategically critical area of the world.
While FBP’s books sought to expose Arab readers to and better acquaint them with the virtues of the United States in a wide range of areas, its development projects served two key objectives: 1) showing American goodwill, and thus enhancing the US image in the region, on the one hand, and 2) improving the quality of life through the introduction of new ideas, techniques and skills, on the other. The latter aligned Franklin with US foreign aid programs which deemed the increased welfare of Arab populations as crucial to the region’s political stability. Franklin not only relied on financial support from official
US aid program (e.g., PL480, USAID, ACVA) for its various developmental projects but also implemented them in a fashion that resembled parallel US government projects. The
206 The Syrian thinker George Tarabichi (2000) expressed similar notions, stating that “the present of [the West] is but the future of the rest […] By inventing modernity, Europe charted a path for the other cultures of the world” (p. 39). 207 Siegfried Kracauer’s report for BASR. See Chapter Three, section 3.4.1.1.
261 aim, of course, was to establish reciprocal faith, which, in turn, was hoped to affect the current and future political orientation of the recipient countries.
Moreover, it can be argued that FBP’s modernization projects were a reflection of the same self-image that inspired the US modernizing mission in the developing world, which, in turn, evoked the historical, self-styled mission of the US as a civilizing force, harking back to its early founding days (see Chapter Three). While it was presumed that, in those early days, sympathy toward the US model would partly be secured on the basis of its appealing and universally applicable aspects, political challenges following
America’s later ascendancy on the world stage dictated the interventionist approach to development, as seen in the Arab world and elsewhere.
Going back to Tageldin (2011), it must be noted that, in both its developmental and cultural projects, the US often relied on its own colonial story to connect with the newly- decolonized Arab states. In other words, it presented itself as an anti-colonial, anti- imperial nation as another commonality. This is substantiated in US officials’ clear instructions to FBP to emphasize the independence of US economic development from imperialism. Other books sought by Franklin such as David Lilienthal’s TVA: Democracy on the March advanced similar notions, citing the underdevelopment of the American
South as an outcome of the domination of a powerful center. Other examples include the focus on publications that gave the most expression to US anti-colonial foreign policies such as Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points and the Monroe Doctrine. The emphasis on the US as a moral liberating force in Europe is another good example.
262 6.4 Mediators
Franklin’s cultivation of Arab intellectuals as translators, reviewers, prefacers, managers and advisors was based on: 1) social and intellectual status, 2) ideological proximity/openness to the West, in general, and the US, in particular, and 3) commitment to the reformist movement in the Arab region. Almost all of Franklin’s contributors under review fit, in varying degrees, the above criteria.
From FBP’s viewpoint, the benefits of associating with these intellectuals are many. First, there is the obvious PR advantage of harnessing their intellectual renown to aid in the wide-scale dissemination of Franklin’s works, not only in their home countries but also across the broader Arabic-speaking region. Figures such as Taha Hussein and
Abbas Mahmoud el-Akkad enjoyed a formidable intellectual presence and influence extending far beyond Egypt. To Franklin’s lucky surprise, many of its publications ended up in unlikely places as in the usually less penetrable and more traditional rural areas of the Arab region.208
Another advantage is Franklin’s cultivation of its associates’ cultural openness to the US Instructed to give voice to “reconciliatory, sane and progressive” elements in the
Arab intelligentsia as well as in “minority [renewal] movements within Islam itself,”
Franklin deliberately sought out certain intellectuals based on their proximity or openness to the West.209 Many of these individuals had long evinced uninhibited favorable attitudes toward Western civilization, as demonstrated in their own intellectual
208 Memorandum, “Special Committee of the Board of Directors,” August 15, 1954, p. 9, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 1, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. 209 Lacy, Dan. “Letter to Datus C. Smith, Jr.” National Security Archive, 1952, Web. 9 Apr. 2018.
263 output. Many were avowed champions of the Arab nahda movement who envisioned a future Arab region based on the Western model. Many held the conviction that to achieve a prosperous and modern Arab world, a path similar to that of the West had to be taken.
Particularly, this meant importing the same ideas that revolutionized the West in politics, economics, thought, science and society, and applying them to the Arab region. Proximity to the West as a criterion for selection is further supported by Franklin’s exclusion of equally-committed modernists with strong anti-American political views.
Following Lefevere’s notion of “trusted translators” (1992),210 it can be argued that the intellectuals’ ideological slant played a key role in Franklin’s association with them.
The pro-American positions of Franklin’s contributors qualified them as trustworthy mediators, capable of transmitting positive images of the US to the target culture. The notion can also be applied to the “trust” placed in them by local readerships by means of their elevated status. Excluding Franklin’s actual translations, Lefevere’s argument that trust or trusted mediators may be more important than quality also fits certain selection criteria for its associates. Franklin overlooked less than satisfactory qualities in its local associates (e.g., administrative skills) so long as they were outweighed by the individual’s influence, connections, respect and most importantly attitude toward the US. Given the significant shift in Arab perception and the general atmosphere of suspicion in which the
US was viewed at the time, the presence of trustworthy mediators equally trusted by both
Franklin and its audiences was doubly advantageous to the former.
210 Translation, History and Culture (1992).
264 Another notion argued elsewhere by Lefevere is that of patronage. 211 According to him, patronage operates on three basic levels: ideology, economics and status. While ideology certainly informed Franklin’s choice of titles as well as its selection of influential intellectuals, economic incentives and status-seeking may have influenced its younger associates. In other words, although there was a clear convergence of ideology between
Franklin and its most prominent Arab associates (i.e. managers, advisors, supervisors, prefacers), the same cannot be said with any degree of certainty of the hundreds of the lesser known translators who worked with it. It can be argued, however, that in relegating authority to ideologically predisposed supervisors, editors and reviewers,
Franklin ensured its translators were kept in check. This is supported by the decision of
Muhammad Khalafallah, the editor of Franklin’s Islamic Culture and the Modern World
(1956), to exclude an article on Muslim ambivalence toward communism. Khalafallah’s disparagement of communism in the preface reveals strong personal biases against the
USSR, thus his intolerance of grey areas.212
In addition to the economic factor, Lefevere also talks of the “element of status” as an important component of patronage in translation. “Acceptance of patronage,” he argues, “implies integration into a certain support group and its lifestyle” (16). Although an element of status-seeking cannot totally be ruled out in the case of Franklin’s distinguished intellectuals, their personal accomplishments—as in the senior
211 Translation, Rewriting and the Manipulation of Literary Fame (1992). 212 In The Meaning of Speech (1998), Anis Mansour recounts the story when Taha Hussein was commissioned by Franklin to oversee a project of translating some of Shakespeare’s plays. Hussein “assigned each of us a play to translate without asking whether we were happy with the choices,” he recalls. Although Mansour privately questioned the decision to translate Shakespeare in spite of available Arabic translations, he could not bring it up with the “great” Hussein. This, too, speaks to the power dynamics in Franklin’s translation projects where a prominent local figure is invested with the authority to make final decisions on behalf of Franklin.
265 governmental positions (e.g., premiers, ministers, deputy ministers, etc.) held before and during association with FBP—point more to personal intellectual commitment to and investment in Franklin’s projects that went beyond status and pecuniary motives. One translator recalls that, as supervisor, Taha Hussein had to renegotiate a Franklin offer due to lower translator fees. “Whatever they were offering me,” he said, “they were taking from you [translators]” (Mansour 1998). Given that Franklin entrusted much of its work to acclaimed individuals, the quote above applies more to Franklin’s younger contributors. Working under the editorship and supervision of local patrons/mentors not only meant admission to the high-brow and usually tight-knit intellectual and scholarly circles but also expanded professional and personal horizons. Access to the patrons’ exclusive literary salons and prestigious magazines is one example of the benefits that came with association with Franklin’s prominent intellectuals (Anis
Mansour 1983, 1998).213
6.5 Modernist Agendas
Ever since the first encounter with the modern West (i.e. Napoleon’s Egyptian campaign of 1799), Arab reformists have tried to fill the technological, scientific and cultural gap.
The encounter initiated what came to be known as the first wave of the Arab nahda
[renaissance, awakening] which resulted in the major translation movement of the early
19th century. While the act of translation from the West, at the time, was an implied admission of its supremacy, serious soul-searching became the norm as the region came
213 In his Days in el-Akkad’s Salon (1983), Anis Mansour—a Franklin translator—recounts how, as a young partisan, he used to frequent el-Akkad’s weekly literary salon. Due to his young age and the seating arrangement, it took him a while before establishing a close relationship with his “intellectual godfather.” Mansour also enjoyed close personal relations with another prominent Franklin associate, i.e. Taha Hussein. Hussein even entrusted Mansour with writing his obituary, which Hussein—interestingly—read shortly before his death in 1973 (Mansour 1998).
266 under prolonged Western occupation in later periods. Comparisons with Europe, characteristic of the period’s writings, came with a great deal of self-flagellation, which sometimes verged on belittlement and shaming.
Franklin’s modernist associates can be thought of as an extension to the previous generation of Arab reformists who believed only large-scale transfer of modern knowledge from the West could bridge the huge gap between the two cultures. In their outlook, too, they had their predecessors; so, while partialist modernists like Mahmoud el-Akkad and Ahmed Amin preferred selective borrowing from the West, wholists such as Taha Hussein and Salama Musa advocated total integration into it. Whereas unreservedly trenchant critiques of Arab society appear in the latter’s writings, the former adopted a more subtle and less antagonistic comparative approach. In either case, the aim was to galvanize Arab society into recognizing its shortcomings and ultimately self-correction.
It can also be argued that just like their predecessors, Franklin’s contributors internalized—to varying extents—the Western hetero-images of the Arab region as backward and reflected them in their own writings. In other words, their positions as either partialists or wholists were a direct consequence of partial or wholist internalizations of Western images of the Arab world. For the latter, wholist interiorization of Western notions of Arabs led them, as Tageldin (2011) argues, to seek full integration into the West based on a delusory equivalence or likeness (14). This is obvious in the notions expressed by Taha Hussein, Muhammad Hussein Haykal and Salama Musa as previously discussed.
267 6.6 Symbolism and Analogy
In the prefaces under investigation, there is a general tendency on the part of Franklin’s contributors to be less forthright in their criticisms of Arab society. Direct critiques are rare and far in between and seem to be supplanted by the desire to amplify the achievements of the US as a mirror in which the defects of the self can be revealed. The use of symbolism and analogy, as shown in the previous chapter, can be attributed to a number of factors. First, there is—as alluded to earlier—the personal ideological lens through which Franklin’s contributors looked at local issues. While there was an overlap in terms of the urgency to modernize, some did not buy into the argument that modernity entailed total disconnect with the past and complete effacement of the self, thus the categorization partialist and wholists. On the contrary, former periods of great Muslim and
Arab scholarly, scientific and intellectual achievements are regularly highlighted across the majority of peritexts under study.
Second, the theatrical self-aggrandizement and triumphalism that came with the spike in Arab nationalism following the independence of many Arab states meant that the self-deprecation of former colonial periods was not an option. The nationalist wave came with its own revivalist project which viewed the gap with the West as primarily technological and scientific and looked with pride on former periods of Arab history as self-sufficient sources of philosophical, cultural and spiritual fulfillment. Small wonder then that later independent writings of some Franklin’s contributors were less controversial as compared to their pre-independence antecedents.
268 Finally, there is the importance Franklin attached to diplomacy. Aware of the nationalistic atmosphere in which it operated, Franklin ensured that its works did not have “a tone of superiority to the Arab area.”214 Among the objectives of Franklin was to create “a comprehensive world-view in which Arabs see a secure and respected role for themselves, their countries and their future.”215 This fits into FBP’s overall policy—i.e. its poetics of propaganda—to uphold a veneer of neutrality in the region. This is most evidenced by the excision of the subtitle a Non-Communist Manifesto from the Arabic edition of Walt W. Rostow’s Stages of Economic Growth (1961). In so doing, Franklin presented it itself as a metonym of the West as opposed to the often-portrayed image of the Soviet Union as crudely propagandistic. This is supported by the fact that the full title appears only in correspondence to American personnel, the author or Cambridge
University Press (the rights holder).
It is not clear, however, if this “poetics of propaganda” inspired the symbolisms in the contributions by Arab writers. Given the lack of evidence—in FBP’s records and other sources under study—to suggest direct Franklin influence over its writers’ prefaces and introductions, the use of symbols can be attributed to the general political and social atmosphere of the Arab region at the time216 and, on a more profound level, the writers’
“poetics of modernity.” Taha Hussein, according to one letter, wrote his panegyrical piece
214 Lacy, Dan. “Letter to Datus C. Smith, Jr.” National Security Archive, 1952, Web. 9 Apr. 2018. 215 Ibid. 216 In one preface, Ahmed Amin, whose request for “full editorial freedom” was granted, stated that he omitted the barely existent “politically intentional and socially unsuitable phrases” (12). The same applies to Tawfiq Sayegh, as discussed in the previous chapter.
269 on the US “without any urging from us.”217 The symbolic language by Arab writers as found in FBP’s prefaces can be summed up in the following points:
§ Frequent invocations of the West’s model of development and progress (e.g., the Reformation, the Scientific Revolution, political revolutions, democratization, educational reform, etc.] § Use of key terms that have resonance: [enlightenment/rationalism] ﻋﻘﻼﻧﯾﺔ/ﺗﻧوﯾر § [enemies of enlightenment/dark forces] أﻋداء اﻟﺗﻧوﯾر/ظﻼﻣﯾﯾن § [backwardness/inertia/fossilization] رﺟﻌﯾﺔ/ﺟﻣود/ﺗﺣﺟر/ﺗﺧﻠف § [human dignity/liberty/freedom] ﺣرﯾﺔ/ﻛراﻣﺔ إﻧﺳﺎﻧﯾﺔ § [advancement/progress/change/civilization] ﺗﻘدم/رﻗﻲ/ﺗﻐﯾﯾر/ﺣﺿﺎرة § § Repeated juxtapositions with and references to Arab-Islamic history are used to stress common ideals and values, as well as to inspire.
6.7 Limitations
A major limitation of the research, encountered during the data collection phase, was the acquisition of Franklin titles. The 187 titles obtained produced 201 paratexts, including the front covers of 35 titles. Only 169 peritexts (introductions, forewords and back covers) were analyzed in full, however. Aside from limited statistical use and general references in the analysis, the 35 front covers offered very little. As explained previously, all paratextual materials pertaining to Franklin Arabic titles were obtained through: 1) online sources and 2) the LOC’s archives. The researcher hoped that access to the latter would result in a more comprehensive and representative list of Franklin’s Arabic titles.
217 Report, “Background Information on Title Selection,” Datus C. Smith to State Department’s Claude E. Hawley, April 11, 1955, p. 10, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
270 However, given that the entire Franklin collection was still not cataloged, the researcher ended up reviewing the limited collection available onsite. The fact that the researcher had no advance knowledge of the titles in the collection or the categories to which they belonged resulted in overrepresentation, underrepresentation and in some cases zero representation of some categories. Overrepresented categories are Criticism & Essays (C),
History (H), Philosophy (PH) and Law & Political Science (L), with 25, 23, 21 and 16 titles, respectively. Underrepresented categories include the top two Franklin categories in terms of the number of translations, i.e. Juvenile Science (JS) and Education (ED), with only three titles for each, out of a total of 150 and 112 titles, respectively. Unrepresented categories are Vocational & Technical Education (VE), Astronomy & Physics (AS), Biological
Science (BS) and Business Administration (BA).
The repeated use of a single writer to write prefaces to Franklin’s translations posed a similar problem. Out of the 169 peritexts, 42 are written by the same writers. Out of the 73 Arab writers, the most recurring names are Hassan el-Aroussy (12 contributions), Abbas el-Akkad (10), Zaki Naguib Mahmoud (6) and Ihsan Abbas (6). El-
Aroussy’s contributions, for instance, appear across most categories while el-Akkad appears mostly in Categories (F) and (C). Zaki Naguib Mahmoud has three contributions in Category (PH). Rashid el-Barawy is overrepresented in Category (E), with three introductions (out of four in total).
6.8 Future research
For future research, an interesting area would be to investigate Soviet translation programs into Arabic during the same period. A comparative study may provide a
271 window into how similar Soviet cultural programs differed from their US counterparts in terms of auto- and hetero-image construction, cultivation of translators as well as the mediating role of local contributors. Openly official US translation programs such as the
USIA are also promising venues for future research. Another would be to investigate how
Franklin’s translations were received in the Arab region by examining book reviews or the archives of specialized journals and magazines from the period.
On the discourse level, Franklin Arabic translations offer excellent research material for exploring the stylistic shifts in translations into Arabic over the last seventy years. Pre-1960 Franklin translations, for example, seem to be more classical in terms of their syntactic, stylistic and idiomatic structures. Sentences are longer and more complex as compared to post-1960 translations. This is also evident in the use of now-outdated
for ﺑﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﺔ ,for Roma روﻣﺔ ,for Baltimore ﺑﻠﻄﯿﻤﻮر ,for Washington واﺷﻨﺠﺘﻦ toponyms such as
which ,ھﻨﺎدﻛﺔ for Manchester. Another interesting name for Indians is ﻣﺎﻧﺠﺴﺘﺮ Britain and only appear in two classical Arabic dictionaries from the 13th and 15th centuries.
Lastly, there is the religious vs. secular language dimension. Franklin’s translations are a good source of investigating the discoursal differences between religious and secular modernists. While both shared a concern for the future, the former infused it with a missionary zeal, as attested by their regular use of opening and closing benedictions as well as repeated citations from Quranic and Prophetic sources in support of modernity.
272 6.9 Conclusions
This dissertation has addressed the role FBP played in creating a certain image of the US in the Arab world. Relying mainly on archival and other paratextual materials, the dissertation has determined that Franklin was informed by a certain poetics of propaganda, one that sought to project a positive image of the US while maintaining a facade of independence and neutrality. As amply demonstrated in both its selection of works for translation and the cultivation of local contributors, this dissertation has emphasized the interplay between soft diplomacy and the cultural politics of the Cold
War. By extending imagology to the politically and ideologically polarized context of the
Cold War, the dissertation has also bridged a gap in the field.
Regarding the paratexts accompanying Franklin’s translations, this dissertation has demonstrated the priming role played by Arab contributors in the packaging and presentation of the Arabic translations. Pro-Western modernist agendas have been shown to be the main driver behind local participation. This meshes with systems- oriented trends in TS where, as political and cultural agents, translations and translators are part of the competing polysystem of the TL. Following Itamar Even-Zohar’s categorization of the “innovatory” and “conservative” systems, both Franklin’s translations and its associates’ contributions can be viewed as introducing new poetics and techniques to the TL, one that is largely based on the Western model. This is supported by the frequent referencing of Western modernity, often realized through the use of symbols and analogy as the dominant framing mechanism.
273 Whether the use of symbolism was inspired by Franklin’s poetics of propaganda or more the result of the writers’ own conviction to be less direct to ensure better reception, this dissertation has established a common vested interest between FBP and its Arab associates to effect change in the region. For Arab reformists, commitment to modernity meant commitment to the spread of modern knowledge and technical know-how. In
1953, the prominent nahda figure, Ahmed Amin, hesitated to accept Franklin’s offer to edit and contribute to the first Arabic edition of Edward R. Murrow’s This I Believe on account of suspicions about Franklin’s ties to the US government. “I, for one,” remarked
Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayyid, “am willing to work with Shaytan [Satan] if it means spreading knowledge” (Jalal Amin 2015:102).218 But it sure helped, as Amin says in the preface, that
“the notions expressed herein are dear to me and fit my personal mood” (12).
Professor of the Generation/Father of Egyptian] أﺳﺗﺎذ اﻟﺟﯾل/أﺑو اﻟﻠﯾﺑراﻟﯾﺔ اﻟﻣﺻرﯾﺔ Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayyid—also known as 218 Liberalism] in Arabic—was another great nahda writer and philosopher. He also contributed to Franklin. Unlike Ahmed Amin, his “extremely” liberal and progressive views align him more with figures such as Taha Hussein and Salama Musa. He resigned from his position as director of Cairo University in protest of the dismissal of Taha Hussein following the publication of his controversial book On Pre-Islamic Poetry in 1932.
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288 Minutes, Board of Directors, September 24, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 1, folder 5, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Minutes, Directors of FBP Offices meeting, December 27, 1961, p. 1, FBP Records (MC057), box 96, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Minutes, Executive Committee Agenda, September 4, 1952, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Minutes, Executive Committee meeting, February 19, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library). Minutes, Executive Committee meeting, March 18, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Minutes, Executive Committee meeting, March 18, 1953, p. 2, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Minutes, Executive Committee meeting, March 18, 1953, p. 2, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Minutes, Executive Committee meeting, October 21, 1954, p. 2, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Minutes, Executive Committee, April 29, 1953, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Minutes, Executive Committee, December 1, 1954, FBP Records (MC057), box 2, folder 2, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Mock, James R. Words that Won the War: The Story of the Committee on Public Information, 1917-1919. Forgotten Books, 2015. .[Evidence of God in An Expanding Universe] ﷲ ﯾﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﻠﻢ .Monsma, John C Beirut: Dar el-Qalam, 1960. Moore, Sarah J. Empire on Display: San Francisco's Panama-Pacific International Exposition of 1915. Norman: U of Oklahoma, 2013. -Islam: The Straight Path]. Baghdad: Dar el] اﻹﺳﻼم: اﻟﺼﺮاط اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﯿﻢ .Morgan, Kenneth W Tadamun, 1961. (I) -Islam: The Straight Path]. Baghdad: Dar el] اﻹﺳﻼم: اﻟﺼﺮاط اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﯿﻢ .Morgan, Kenneth W Tadamun, 1964. (II) Man Does Not Stand Alone]. Cairo: el-Nahda] اﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﯾﺪﻋﻮ إﻟﻰ اﻹﯾﻤﺎن .Morrison, Abraham C el-Misriyya, 1954. .Teaching Arithmetic]. UAR Ministry of Education, 1963] ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﺤﺴﺎب .Morton, R. L (Textbook).
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290 Pirsein, Robert William. The Voice of America. New York: Arno Press, 1979. Policy Statement, “Statement of US Information Agency Policy for Franklin Publication, Inc.,” March 5, 1956, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Policy Statement, “Statement of US Information Agency Policy for Franklin Publication, Inc.,” March 5, 1956, p. 1, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Policy Statement, “Statement of US Information Agency Policy for Franklin Publication, Inc.,” March 5, 1956, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 9, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. .How to Solve It]. Beirut: Dar el-Hayat, 1960] اﻟﺑﺣث ﻋن اﻟﺣل .Polya, G Proposal, “Expanded Arabic Educational Project,” March 27, 1970, FBP Records (MC057), box 61, folder 3, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. The America I Saw: In The Scale of] "أﻣﺮﯾﻜﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ رأﯾﺖ: ﻓﻲ ﻣﯿﺰان اﻟﻘﯿﻢ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﯿﺔ".Qutb, Sayyid Human Values]. Risalah, vol. 19, no. 957, Nov. 5, 1951. ( https://goo.gl/q9nSz3 ) The America I Saw: In The Scale of] "أﻣﺮﯾﻜﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ رأﯾﺖ: ﻓﻲ ﻣﯿﺰان اﻟﻘﯿﻢ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﯿﺔ".Qutb, Sayyid Human Values]. Risalah, vol. 19, no. 959, Nov. 19, 1951. ( https://goo.gl/yi1B8C) The America I Saw: In The Scale of] "أﻣﺮﯾﻜﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ رأﯾﺖ: ﻓﻲ ﻣﯿﺰان اﻟﻘﯿﻢ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﯿﺔ".Qutb, Sayyid Human Values]. Risalah, vol. 19, no. 961, Dec. 3, 1951. ( https://goo.gl/wn1Bgx) The American Conscience and the Palestinian] "اﻟﻀﻤﯿﺮ اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ وﻗﻀﯿﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻦ".Qutb, Sayyid Issue]. Risalah, vol. 14, no. 694, Oct. 1946. (https://goo.gl/hrGRX5 ) -The Making of the Modern Mind]. Beirut: Dar el] ﺗﻜﻮﯾﻦ اﻟﻌﻘﻞ اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺚ .Randall, Herman J Thaqafa, 1957. (I) -The Making of the Modern Mind]. Beirut: Dar el] ﺗﻜﻮﯾﻦ اﻟﻌﻘﻞ اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺚ .Randall, Herman J Thaqafa, 1958. (II) DIX-HUIT LECONS SUR LA SOCIETE] ﺛﻤﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ درﺳﺎً ﻋﻦ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ .Raymond, Aron INDUSTRIELLE/Eighteen Lessons on Industrial Society]. Cairo: Aalam el-Kutu, 1968. Reid, Donald M. The Odyssey of Farah Antun: A Syrian Christian’s Quest for Secularism. Bibliotheca Islamic, 1975. Report, “Background Information on Title Selection,” Datus C. Smith to State Department’s Claude E. Hawley, April 11, 1955, p. 5, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Report, “Background Information on Title Selection,” Datus C. Smith to State Department’s Claude E. Hawley, April 11, 1955, p. 5, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Report, “Background Information on Title Selection,” Datus C. Smith to State Department’s Claude E. Hawley, April 11, 1955, p. 5, FBP Records (MC057), box 16, folder 10, Public Policy Papers, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library.
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295 APPENDICES
Appendix 1: Table of Analyzed Peritexts (124 introductions, 45 back covers & 32 front covers)
Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator
اﻟﻔﻨﻮن Handbook of Muhammadan 1. Art 1955 Back cover A LOC اﻹﺳﻼﻣﯿﺔ Maurice S. Dimand 6 titles Zaki Art as Experience Naguib 1963 ONLINE Introduction اﻟﻔﻦ ﺧﺒﺮة .2 John Dewey A Mahmoud Abdulmunim أﺳﺲ 3. Design Fundamentals 1968 ONLINE Introduction Haykal A اﻟﺘﺼﻤﯿﻢ Robert Gillam Scott Zaki اﻹﺣﺴﺎس The Sense of Beauty 4. Naguib 1960 Introduction A LOC ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻤﺎل George Santayana Mahmoud ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ TRAITE D’ESTHETIQUE 5. 1970 ONLINE Introduction A اﻟﺠﻤﺎل Jean Berthelemy ﻛﯿﻒ ﺗﺘﺬوق What to Listen for in Music 6. 1960 Introduction A LOC اﻟﻤﻮﺳﯿﻘﻰ Aaron Copland اﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت Reflections on American Henry S. AC واﻟﻨﻈﻢ 7. 1964 Introduction Commager LOC اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﯿﺔ: Institutions titles 2 ﻧﻈﺮات ﺗﺄﻣﻠﯿﺔ James Bryce ﻓﻲ طﺒﯿﻌﺘﮭﺎ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ Jamal اﻻﺗﺤﺎدﯾﺔ: The Federalist 8. Muhammad 1960 Introduction AC LOC أﺳﺴﮭﺎ Or The New Constitution Alexander Hamilton Ahmed ودﺳﺘﻮرھﺎ Original ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﺒﯿﺌﺔ Plant Ecology 9. 1962 ONLINE Introduction authors AG اﻟﻨﺒﺎﺗﯿﺔ John Weaver & F. E. Clements أﻋﻼم اﻷدب Herman Melville 10. 1963 Back cover B LOC اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ: Leon Howard
296 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator titles 8 ھﯿﺮﻣﻦ ﻣﻠﻔﯿﻞ (١٥) ﺣﯿﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻊ My Life with Martin Luther B LOC Back cover 1971 ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ ﻟﻮﺛﺮ .King, Jr .11 ﻛﻨﺞ Coretta S. King أﻓﻜﺎر The Thought & Character of B LOC Back cover 1965 وﺷﺨﺼﯿﺔ William James .12 وﻟﯿﺎم ﺟﯿﻤﺲ Ralph B. Perry Hassan ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﯿﻦ Benjamin Franklin el-Aroussy & Introduction ONLINE 1956 ﻓﺮاﻧﻜﻠﯿﻦ .13 Abbas Akkad Abbas el- B (2 pieces) ﻋﺒﺎس اﻟﻌﻘﺎد Akkad Introduction ﻣﻜﺎن ﻓﻲ To Catch An Angel 14. 1964 (B LOC (brief ﻋﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻨﻮر Robert Russel Introduction ﻻ أﺑﺎع وﻻ Unbought & Unbossed 15. 1973 (B LOC (brief أﺷﺘﺮى Shirley Chisholm ﻟﻘﺎء اﺑﻦ Ibn Khaldun & Tamerlane Mustafa ONLINE Introduction 1963 ﺧﻠﺪون .16 Walter J. Fischel Jawad B وﺗﯿﻤﻮرﻟﻨﻚ ﻣﻐﺎﻣﺮات Adventures of A Biographer Original 1962 ONLINE Introduction ﻣﺆرﺧﺔ ﻓﻲ .17 Catherine D. Bowen B أدب اﻟﺘﺮاﺟﻢ C ٣ ﻗﺮون ﻣﻦ American Poetry & Prose LOC Back cover 1966 اﻷدب (II) .18 25 titles (٢) Foester & Falk ﻣﻨﺎھﺞ اﻟﻨﻘﺪ Critical Approaches to اﻷدﺑﻲ: 19. Literature 1967 Back cover C LOC ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻨﻈﺮﯾﺔ David Daiches واﻟﺘﻄﺒﯿﻖ أﻋﻼم اﻷدب اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ: Edith Wharton 20. 1962 Back cover C LOC أدﯾﺚ Louis Auchincloss وارﺗﻮن
297 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator (١٤) أﻋﻼم اﻷدب اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ:ج Gertrude Stein Back cover 1962 رﺗﺮود .21 Ferderick J. Hoffman C LOC ﺷﺘﺎﯾﻦ (١٠) إرﻧﺴﺖ ھﻤﻨﻐﻮاي: Hemingway: The Writer as C LOC Back cover 1961 دراﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ Artist .22 ﻓﻨﮫ Carlos Baker اﻟﻘﺼﺼﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﺘﺎﯾﻨﺒﻚ اﻟﺮﺣﯿﺐ: The Wide World of C LOC Back cover 1961 دراﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ Steinbeck .23 ﻓﻨﮫ Peter Lisca اﻟﻘﺼﺼﻲ أﻋﻼم اﻷدب اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ: Walt Whitman 24. 1962 Back cover C LOC واﻟﺖ وﯾﺘﻤﺎن Richard Chase (١١) أﻋﻼم اﻷدب اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ: William Faulkner 25. 1961 Back cover C LOC وﻟﯿﻢ ﻓﻮﻛﻨﺮ William Van O’Conner (٥) Gentlemen, Scholars & Hassan Back cover اﻷدب 26. 1965 (el-Aroussy C LOC (excerpt from intro واﻟﻔﻜﺎھﺔ Scoundrels Horace Knowles ٣ ﻗﺮون ﻣﻦ American Poetry & Prose (I) Back cover 1965 اﻷدب .27 Foester & Falk C LOC (١) Blurb اﻷدﯾﺐ The Writer & His Craft 28. 1962 (C LOC (list of 10 writers وﺻﻨﺎﻋﺘﮫ Anthology Introduction ﯾﻮﺟﯿﻦ & Eugene O’Neill: The Man 29. 1965 ONLINE (C (brief أوﻧﯿﻞ: دراﺳﺔ His Plays
298 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator ﻓﻲ ﺣﯿﺎﺗﮫ وأدﺑﮫ Barrett H. Clark اﻟﻤﺴﺮﺣﻲ أﻋﻼم اﻷدب اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ: Henry James Mahmoud Introduction 1961 ھﻨﺮي .30 Leon Edel el-Samra C LOC (excerpt) ﺟﯿﻤﺲ (٢) Abbas ﺣﻮل ﻣﺎﺋﺪة 31. Invitation to Learning 1961 ONLINE Introduction el-Akkad C اﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ (١) -Abbas el ﺣﻮل ﻣﺎﺋﺪة 32. Invitation to Learning 1961 ONLINE Introduction Akkad C اﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ (٢) -Abbas el ﺣﻮل ﻣﺎﺋﺪة 33. Invitation to Learning 1961 ONLINE Introduction Akkad C اﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ (٣) -Abbas el ﺣﻮل ﻣﺎﺋﺪة 34. Invitation to Learning 1962 ONLINE Introduction Akkad C اﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ (٥) -Abbas el ﺣﻮل ﻣﺎﺋﺪة 35. Invitation to Learning 1962 ONLINE Introduction Akkad C اﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ (٧) ﺣﻮل ﻣﺎﺋﺪة Soheir el- ONLINE Introduction 1965 اﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ Invitation to Learning .36 Kalamawy C (١٠) اﻟﺤﺮﯾﺔ Human Dignity & Freedom Zaki Introduction 1959 واﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ .37 Zaki Abdulqadir Abdulqadir C LOC اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﯿﺔ Ihsan Abbas, Muhammad دراﺳﺎت ﻓﻲ Selections of Arabic Najm, Anis 1959 C LOC Introduction اﻷدب (Literature (II .38 & Freiha اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ Gustave von Grunebaum Kamal Yazji دراﺳﺎت ﻓﻲ Studies in American اﻷدب 39. Literature Taha Hussein 1955 ONLINE Introduction C اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ Taha Hussein طﮫ ﺣﺴﯿﻦ The Achievement of T. S. Ihsan ت. س. 40. 1965 Introduction Abbas C LOC إﻟﯿﻮت: Eliot F. O. Matthiessen
299 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator اﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮ اﻟﻨﺎﻗﺪ (ﻣﻘﺎل ﻓﻲ طﺒﯿﻌﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺮ) Ihsan Abbas اﻟﻨﻘﺪ اﻷدﺑﻲ The Armed Vision & ONLINE Introduction 1958 وﻣﺪارﺳﮫ .41 I Muhammad C اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺜﺔ (١) Stanley E. Hyman Najm Ihsan Abbas اﻟﻨﻘﺪ اﻷدﺑﻲ The Armed Vision & ONLINE Introduction 1960 وﻣﺪارﺳﮫ .42 II Muhammad C اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺜﺔ (٢) Stanley E. Hyman Najm ﺑﺘﺮول اﻟﺼﺤﺮاء 43. Desert Enterprise 1961 ONLINE Front cover CH ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮫ David H. Finnie ﺳﻌﻮدي Anis D Back cover إﺟﻮاﻧﺎ: ﻟﯿﻠﺔ The Night of the Iguana 44. 1966 LOC (Mansour 6 titles (excerpt اﻟﺴﺤﻠﯿﺔ Tennessee Williams 50 Years of American Akram Introduction 1966 اﻟﻤﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ .45 Drama el-Meidani D LOC Alan S. Downer Kamal اﻟﺘﯿﮫ !AH, Wilderness Introduction 1959 ﻣﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ٣ .46 Eugene O’Neil El-Mallakh D LOC ﻓﺼﻮل Drini ﻓﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ Art of Dramatic Writing 47. 1960 Introduction Khashabah D LOC اﻟﻤﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ Lajos Egri اﻟﺒﺤﺎر Billy Budd Mustafa T. Introduction 1964 اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻢ: ﺑﯿﻠﻲ .48 Herman Melville Habib D LOC ﺑَﺪ أرﺑﻊ Tawfiq ﻣﺴﺮﺣﯿﺎت Four American Plays 49. 1954 Introduction El-Hakim D LOC ﻣﻦ اﻷدب Hassan Mahmoud اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ
300 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator ﻧﻈﺮات ﻓﻲ Rashid E ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ A Philosophy of Labor 50. 1963 LOC Introduction el-Barawy 4 titles اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ Frank Tannenbaum اﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﯿﺔ DIX-HUIT LECONS SUR Rashid ١٨ ﻋﺸﺮ 51. LA SOCIETE 1968 E ONLINE Introduction el-Barawy درﺳﺎ ً INDUSTRIELLE Raymond Aron 1953 اﻟﻤﺬاھﺐ Ideas of the Great Rashid 1957 LOC Introduction اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﯾﺔ .52 ﻣﻜﺮر ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ Economists el-Barawy 1962 E اﻟﻜﻮﻧﻐﺮس اﻟﻜﺒﺮى George Soule 1965 Stages of Economic Growth: ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ اﻟﻨﻤﻮ A Non-Communist 53. Said el-Najjar 1961 E ONLINE Introduction اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي Manifesto W. W. Rostow ﺗﻜﻮﯾﻦ Building Children’s Science ED 1966 ﻣﺪرﻛﺎت 54. ONLINE Front cover Textbook اﻟﻄﻼب Concepts Mary Sheckles 3 titles اﻟﻌﻠﻤﯿﺔ ﺗﻨﻈﯿﻢ Class Organization for 1964 اﻟﻔﺼﻮل 55. Instruction ONLINE Front cover Textbook ED اﻟﺪراﺳﯿﺔ Wayne J. Wrightstone ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ 1964 ﺗﻘﻮﯾﻢ اﻟﺘﻠﻤﯿﺬ Evaluating & Reporting 56. Pupil Progress ONLINE Front cover Textbook ED وﺗﻘﺪﻣﮫ John Rothney اﻟﻄﻔﻞ Gifted Children in 1963 اﻟﻤﻮھﻮب 57. ONLINE Front cover Textbook ED ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ Elementary School James J. Gallagher اﻻﺑﺘﺪاﺋﯿﺔ 1964 اﻟﻮاﺟﺒﺎت 58. Guided Study & Homework ONLINE Front cover Textbook ED اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﯿﺔ Ruth Strang
301 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator واﻻﺳﺘﺬﻛﺎر اﻟﻤﻮﺟﮫ ﺗﺤﺴﯿﻦ ﻗﺪرة 1961 اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﻠﻰ Improving Children’s 59. Facilit y in Problem Solving ONLINE Front cover Textbook ED ﺣﻞ Alma Bingham اﻟﻤﺸﻜﻼت اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎت اﻵﺑﺎء Individual Parent-Teacher واﻟﻤﺪرﺳﯿﻦ: Conferences: A Manual for 1964 ONLINE Front cover دﻟﯿﻞ .60 Textbook ED ﻟﻤﺪرﺳﻲ Teachers of Young Children Katherine E. D’Evelyn اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﯿﻦ اﻟﺼﻐﺎر ﺗﻘﺪم اﻟﺘﻠﻤﯿﺬ Pupil Progress in the 1965 ONLINE Front cover ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ .61 Elementary School Textbook ED اﻻﺑﺘﺪاﺋﯿﺔ Willard S. Elsbree Teaching Arithmetic 1963 ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ 62. R. L. Morton ONLINE Front cover Textbook ED اﻟﺤﺴﺎب
ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ Teaching High School 1964 اﻟﻌﻠﻮم ﻓﻲ Science 63. ONLINE Front cover Textbook ED اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ J. Darrel Barnard اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﯾﺔ The Learning Process 1963 ONLINE Front cover ﻋﻤﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻢ .64 William C. Trow Textbook ED Abdulaziz ﻗﺎﻣﻮس ﺟﻮن John Dewey: Dictionary of Introduction دﯾﻮي ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺑﯿﺔ 65. Education Salamah & 1964 ONLINE (ED (2 pieces (ﻣﺨﺘﺎرات ﻣﻦ Ralph B. Winn M. el-Erian ﻣﺆﻟﻔﺎﺗﮫ) Muhammad /Nasser اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ The School & Society Muhammad Introduction ONLINE 1964 واﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ .66 John Dewey al- ED (3 pieces) ﺟﻮن دﯾﻮي Yasin/Ahmed Rahim
302 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator Philosophy of Education Muhammad Introduction 1965 ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﺑﯿﺔ .67 Philip H. Phenix el-Nugeihi ED LOC ﻓﺮاﻧﻚ ﻟﻮﯾﺪ Frank Lloyd Wright Back cover 1967 راﯾﺖ: ﺣﯿﺎﺗﮫ، .68 M. Mahmoud EN LOC أﻋﻤﺎﻟﮫ، آراؤه طﺒﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ F اﻟﻤﻮھﻮك Drums Along the Mohawk 1959 LOC Back cover (٢) (II) .69 titles 19 ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺼﺺ Walter D. Edmonds اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ (٦) اﻟﺒﯿﺖ ذو House of The 7 Gables Back cover 1960 اﻟﺴﻘﻮف .70 Nathaniel Hawthorne F LOC اﻟﺴﺒﻌﺔ اﻟﻜﻮﻣﯿﺪﯾﺎ Human Comedy 71. 1959 Back cover F LOC اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﯿﺔ William Saroyan رﺑﯿﻜﺎ ﻓﺘﺎة Rebecca of Sunnybrook F ONLINE Back cover 1964 ﻣﺰرﻋﺔ Farm .72 ﺻﻨﯿﺒﺮوك Kate D. Wiggin ﺟﺴﺮ ﺳﺎن The Bridge of San Luis Rey 73. 1954 Back cover F LOC ﻟﻮﯾﺲ ري Thorton Wilder ﻏﺎﺗﺴﺒﻲ The Great Gatsby 74. 1962 Back cover F LOC اﻟﻌﻈﯿﻢ F. Scott Fitzgerald Amina Back cover اﻟﺸﺎرع Main Street 75. 1967 (el-Said F LOC (excerpt اﻟﺮﺋﯿﺴﻲ Sinclair Lewis اﻟﺼﺨﺐ واﻟﻌﻨﻒ 76. The Sound & the Fury 1963 ONLINE Front cover F ﻋﻦ اﻟﺮق William Faulkner واﻟﺠﻨﻮب اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﺎرات Best Short Stories of Frank F LOC Front cover 1964 ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺼﺺ Stockton .77 اﻟﻘﺼﯿﺮة Frank Stockton Jazibiya Introduction اﻟﺸﺎرة The Scarlett Letter 78. Sidiqi 1958 (F LOC (2 pieces اﻟﻘﺮﻣﺰﯾﺔ Nathaniel Hawthorne +
303 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator original Muhammad ١٠ ﻗﺼﺺ Short Stories 10 79. 1961 Introduction A. Abdullah F LOC ﻟﻤﺎرك ﺗﻮﯾﻦ Mark Twain Hassan اﻟﻘﻄﺎر اﻷول 1st Train to Babylon 80. 1966 Introduction el-Aroussy F LOC إﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﯿﻠﻮن Max Ehrlich Anthology: 10 American Hassan ١٠ ﻗﺼﺺ 81. Short Stories 1960 Introduction el-Aroussy F LOC أﻣﺮﯾﻜﯿﺔ Stegner Wallace أﻟﻮان ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺼﺔ Colors of American Short Abbas M. Introduction 1954 اﻟﻘﺼﯿﺮة ﻓﻲ .82 Stories el-Akkad F LOC اﻷدب Abbas Akkad اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ .Abbas M أﻧﺪﻟﺴﻲ Selections from Jiminez 83. 1960 Introduction el-Akkad F LOC وﺟﺎﺋﺰة Abbas Akkad ﻋﺎﻟﻤﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻼﯾﯿﻦ The Four Million 84. Said Abdu 1954 Introduction F LOC اﻷرﺑﻌﺔ O. Henry ONLINE Introduction 1959 دورة اﻟﻠﻮﻟﺐ The Turn of the Screw .85 Henry James F Muhammad The Virginian Awad 1955 Introduction اﺑﻦ ﻓﺮﺟﯿﻨﯿﺎ .86 Owen Wister F LOC Muhammad
رﻣﺎل The Sands of Mars 87. 1967 ONLINE Back cover F اﻟﻤﺮﯾﺦ Arthur C. Clarke
أطﻔﺎﻟﻨﺎ اﻟﻤﻮھﻮﺑﻮن The Gifted Child ONLINE Front cover 1964 ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻛﯿﻒ .88 Paul Witty FH ﻧﻔﮭﻢ اﻷطﻔﺎل (٢٦) ﻛﯿﻒ ﯾﻨﻤﻮ Child Development 89. 1968 ONLINE Front cover FH اﻷطﻔﺎل Willard C. Olson
304 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ٢٥ ﺗﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﻮر Developing Responsibility FH ONLINE Front cover 1964 ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮﻟﯿﺔ in Children .90 ﻋﻨﺪ اﻷطﻔﺎل Constance J. Foster ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ٢٧ اﻟﻄﻔﻞ واﻟﻘﺮاءة Helping Children Read Better 91. 1960 ONLINE Front cover FH اﻟﺠﯿﺪة Paul Witty ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ (٣٢) ﻛﯿﻒ ﻧﻌﯿﺶ ONLINE Front cover 1960 ﻣﻊ اﻷطﻔﺎل How to Live with Children .92 Edith A. Neisser FH ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ٣١ GS اﻟﺤﻘﯿﻘﺔ Fact & Fancy 93. 1965 LOC Back cover titles 2 واﻟﺨﯿﺎل Isaac Asimov ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ Science & Common Sense Ahmed Zaki 1954 Introduction ﺣﺎﺳﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ .94 James B. Conant GS LOC ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ اﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﺳﻮرﯾﺔ History of Syria (I) H Back cover 1959 وﻟﺒﻨﺎن .95 Philip Hitti LOC titles 24 وﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻦ (١) ﻟﺒﻨﺎن ﻓﻲ Lebanon in History 96. 1960 Back cover H LOC اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺦ Philip Hitti Conversion & Poll Tax in Fawzi F. Back cover اﻟﺠﺰﯾﺔ 97. Early Islam 1960 (Jadallah H LOC (excerpt واﻹﺳﻼم Daniel C. Dennet اﻟﻮﺣﺪة
واﻟﺘﻨﻮع ﻓﻲ Unity & Variety in Muslim 98. 1966 Back cover H LOC اﻟﺤﻀﺎرة Civilization Gustave von Grunebaum اﻹﺳﻼﻣﯿﺔ
305 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator دراﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺦ H ONLINE Front cover 1963 وﻋﻼﻗﺘﮭﺎ SSRC .99 ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿﺔ اﻟﻌﺮب Arab Seafaring in the Indian واﻟﻤﻼﺣﺔ ﻓﻲ 100. Ocean in Ancient and Early 1959 H ONLINE Front cover اﻟﻤﺤﯿﻂ Medieval Times اﻟﮭﻨﺪي George F. Hourani اﻟﺸﺮق The Middle East in World Front cover اﻷوﺳﻂ ﻓﻲ 101. Affair 1962 H ONLINE اﻟﺸﺌﻮن (I) اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﯿﺔ (١) George Lenczowski اﻟﺸﺮق The Middle East in World اﻷوﺳﻂ ﻓﻲ 102. Affair 1962 H ONLINE Front cover اﻟﺸﺌﻮن (II) اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﯿﺔ (٢) George Lenczowski Muhammad أطﻠﺲ Awad & Introduction ONLINE 1956 اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺦ Atlas of Islamic History .103 Harry W. Hazard Hassan el- H (2 pieces) اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ Aroussy اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ Muhammad اﻹﺳﻼﻣﯿﺔ Islamic Culture & the Khalafallah & Introduction ONLINE 1956 واﻟﺤﯿﺎة .104 Modern World Bayard H (2 pieces) Muhammad Khalafallah Dodge اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻠﻒ ﷲ أﻧﻄﺎﻛﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ Antioch in The Age of Introduction ﻋﮭﺪ 105. Original 1968 ONLINE (H (brief ﺛﯿﻮدوﺳﯿﻮس Theodosius The Great Glanville Downey اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ The Arab Awakening Nabih Amin Introduction 1962 ﯾﻘﻈﺔ اﻟﻌﺮب .106 By Antonius Faris H LOC
306 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة: & Cairo: City of Art Original 1968 H ONLINE Introduction ﻣﺪﯾﻨﺔ اﻟﻔﻦ Commerce .107 واﻟﺘﺠﺎرة Gaston Wiet ﺷﻌﻠﺔ Jamaluddin اﻹﺳﻼم: The Flame of Islam el-Shayyal 1967 Introduction ﻗﺼﺔ .108 By H. Lamb H LOC اﻟﺤﺮوب اﻟﺼﻠﯿﺒﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺦ History of Muslim Saleh Ahmed ONLINE Introduction 1964 ﻋﻨﺪ .109 Historiography el-Ali H اﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ Franz Rosenthal Ihsan Abbas, Muhammad دراﺳﺎت ﻓﻲ Studies on the Civilization Najm & 1964 H ONLINE Introduction ﺣﻀﺎرة of Islam .110 Mahmoud اﻹﺳﻼم Hamilton Gibb Zayid ﻓﺠﺮ The Birth of Civilization in Henri اﻟﺤﻀﺎرة ﻓﻲ 111. 1960 ONLINE Introduction Frankfort H اﻟﺸﺮق the Near East Henri Frankfort اﻷدﻧﻰ اﻟﺒﻄﻞ ﻓﻲ The Hero in History 112. Original 1959 Introduction H LOC اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺦ By Sidney Hook ﻗﺼﺔ اﻟﺤﻀﺎرة: اﻟﻨﮭﻀﺔ The Story of Civilization Muhammad (١٨) 113. Part I, Vol. 5 1959 ONLINE Introduction Badran H اﻟﺠﺰء ١/ Will Durant اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺪ ٥ وﯾﻞ دﯾﻮراﻧﺖ ﻣﻨﺎھﺞ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء The Technique & Approach H ONLINE Introduction 1962 اﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ of Muslim Scholarship .114 اﻟﺒﺤﺚ Franz Rosenthal اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ
307 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﺸﺮون: ﻣﺎ The Twentieth Century Abbas M. ONLINE Introduction 1959 ﻛﺎن وﻣﺎ .115 Abbas Akkad el-Akkad H ﺳﯿﻜﻮن اﻟﻌﻘﺎد ﻛﯿﻒ ﻧﻔﮭﻢ اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺦ: Understanding History 116. 1966 ONLINE Introduction H ﻣﺪﺧﻞ إﻟﻰ Louis Gottschalk ﺗﻄﺒﯿﻖ اﻟﻤﻨﮭﺞ اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺨﻲ ﻗﺼﺔ اﻟﺤﻀﺎرة: The Story of Civilization 117. 1959 ONLINE Back cover H اﻟﻨﮭﻀﺔ Part III, Vol. 5 Will Durant (٢٠) ﻣﻠﻔﯿﻞ: اﻟﻤﻼح اﻟﺼﻐﯿﺮ Young Mariner: Melville 118. 1963 ONLINE Front cover JB (ﻗﺼﺔ ﺣﯿﺎة Jean Gould اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ ھﺮﻣﻦ ﻣﻠﻔﯿﻞ) ﺗﻮﻣﺎس Thomas Jefferson Badr el- Introduction 1962 ﺟﻔﺮﺳﻦ: أﺑﻮ .119 Vincent Sheean Sayyab JB LOC اﻟﺪﯾﻤﻘﺮاطﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻔﻜﯿﺮ Clear Thinking 120. 1968 Back cover JG LOC اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ Hyman Ruchlis اﻟﺒﺮازﯾﻞ: ﺷﻌﺒﮭﺎ Izziddin JH ONLINE Introduction 1969 وأرﺿﮭﺎ The Land & People of Brazil .121 Farid ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻓﻲ Rose Brown ﻛﺘﺐ (١٠) Hassan JL Back cover ﻗﺼﺺ Tanglewood Tales 122. 1963 LOC (el-Aroussy 3 titles (excerpt ﺗﺎﻧﺠﻠﻮود Nathaniel Hawthorne The Wizard of Oz Introduction 1965 ﺳﺎﺣﺮ أوز .123 Frank L. Baum JL LOC
308 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator (brief) ﻧﺴﺎء Little Women (II) Hassan Introduction 1954 ﺻﻐﯿﺮات .124 Mary Louisa Alcott el-Aroussy JL LOC (٢) اﻟﻄﺮﯾﻖ إﻟﻰ JP اﻟﺘﻔﻜﯿﺮ A Guide to Logical Thinking 125. 1961 ONLINE Front cover titles 4 اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﻲ: William M. Shanner ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ (٤٦) اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻟﻮﺟﺪاﻧﻲ Growing Up Emotionally 126. 1963 ONLINE Front cover JP واﻻﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻲ William C. Menninger ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ (٤٨) ﻛﯿﻒ ﻧﺘﻔﺎھﻢ ONLINE Front cover 1960 ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮاﻟﺪﯾﻦ How to Live with Parents .127 Gardner G. Jenkins, et al. JP ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ٣٥ اﺳﺘﻜﺸﻒ
-Abdulaziz el ﺷﺨﺼﯿﺘﻚ: Exploring Your Personality 128. 1957 ONLINE Introduction Koussy JP ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻛﯿﻒ William E. Henry ﻧﻔﮭﻢ اﻷطﻔﺎل (١٦) JS اﻟﺒﺮاﻛﯿﻦ & All About Volcanoes 129. 1962 ONLINE Back cover واﻟﺰﻻزل Earthquakes Frederick H. Pough 3 titles اﻟﺸﻤﺲ Mahmoud ONLINE Introduction 1960 واﻷرض Sun, Earth & Man .130 George & Eunice Bischof el-Amin JS واﻹﻧﺴﺎن
ONLINE Back cover 1964 ﻗﺼﺔ اﻟﺴﺪود The Story of Dams .131 Peter Farb JS
Merit L ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ اﻟﺤﯿﺎة The Public Philosophy 132. 1960 LOC Introduction Ghali 16 titles اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ Walter Lippmann ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ Between Past & Future 133. 1974 Back cover L LOC واﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ: Hannah Arendt
309 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator ﺑﺤﻮث ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﻜﺮ اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﻲ دراﺳﺎت ﻓﻲ
اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ Studies in Federalism 134. 1966 Back cover L LOC اﻻﺗﺤﺎدﯾﺔ III Bowie & Friedrich (٣) ﺗﻄﻮر اﻟﻔﻜﺮ History of Political Theory L ONLINE Back cover 1971 اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﻲ (IV) .135 (٤) By Sabine ﺗﻄﻮر اﻟﻔﻜﺮ History of Political Theory L ONLINE Back cover - اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﻲ (III) .136 (٣) George Sabine ﺗﻄﻮر اﻟﻔﻜﺮ History of Political Theory L ONLINE Back cover 1971 اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﻲ (V) .137 (٥) George Sabine Hassan el- ﺗﻄﻮر اﻟﻔﻜﺮ History of Political Theory Aroussy & Introduction 1964 اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﻲ .138 (II) Muhammad L LOC (2 pieces) (٢) George Sabine F. el-Khatib Hassan el- Aroussy, ﺗﻄﻮر اﻟﻔﻜﺮ History of Political Theory Abdulrazzak Introduction 1955 اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﻲ .139 (I) el-Sanhouri L LOC (3 pieces) (١) George Sabine & Uthman K. Uthman اﻟﻨﻈﺎم US Political System & How Aly Maher Introduction اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ 140. It Works 1963 (Tawfiq Habib L LOC (2 pieces اﻟﻮﻻﯾﺎت David Cushman Coyle اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة Muhammad رواد Makers of Modern Strategy Abdulfattah 1953 L ONLINE Introduction اﻻﺳﺘﺮاﺗﯿﺠﯿﺔ I .141 Ibrahim اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺜﺔ (١) .Edward M. Earle, et al رواد Makers of Modern Strategy Muhammad 1959 L ONLINE Introduction اﻻﺳﺘﺮاﺗﯿﺠﯿﺔ II .142 Abdulfattah اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺜﺔ (٢) .Edward M. Earle, et al
310 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator Ibrahim Muhammad رواد Makers of Modern Strategy Abdulfattah 1962 L ONLINE Introduction اﻻﺳﺘﺮاﺗﯿﺠﯿﺔ III .143 Ibrahim اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺜﺔ (٣) .Edward M. Earle, et al ﻟﯿﺒﯿﺎ اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺜﺔ: Modern Libya Majid ONLINE Introduction دراﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ .144 Khadduri 1966 L ﺗﻄﻮرھﺎ Majid Khadduri اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﻲ أﺣﺎدﯾﺚ ﻋﻦ Talks on American Law Hassan ONLINE introduction 1964 اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن .145 Harold J. Berman el-Aroussy L اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ
Hassan أﺻﺪاء ﻣﻦ Voices in Court 146. 1964 Introduction el-Aroussy L LOC اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ William H. Davenport
The Web of Government Introduction ONLINE 1966 ﺗﻜﻮﯾﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ .147 Robert MacIver L (2 pieces) اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ Ahmed Selim اﻟﺤﻞ: 148. How to Solve It 1960 ONLINE Introduction Su’aidan M اﻷﺳﻠﻮب G. Polya اﻟﺮﯾﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﻦ زاوﯾﺔ ﺟﺪﯾﺪة ٥٠ ﻗﺼﯿﺪة Poems from American 50 Tawfiq ONLINE Introduction 1963 ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﻌﺮ .149 Poetry Sayegh P اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ Tawfiq Sayegh PH اﻟﻔﯿﻠﺴﻮف A Philosopher Looks At 150. Science 1965 Back cover LOC واﻟﻌﻠﻢ John Kemeny 21 titles اﻟﻔﺮدﯾﺔ ﻗﺪﯾﻤﺎً Individualism 151. Old & New 1960 Back cover PH LOC وﺣﺪﯾﺜﺎ ً John Dewey أزﻣﺔ The Case for The Modern PH LOC Back cover 1959 اﻹﻧﺴﺎن Man .152 اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺚ Charles Frankel Muhammad Back cover ﺗﺠﺪﯾﺪ ﻓﻲ Reconstruction in 153. 1957 (Awad PH LOC (excerpt from prev. contribution اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ Philosophy
311 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator John Dewey Muhammad ﻗﺼﺔ اﻟﻔﻜﺮ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻲ Ideas & Men: The Story of 154. 1965 ONLINE Front cover PH (أﻓﻜﺎر Western Thought Crane Brinton ورﺟﺎل) George The Making of the Modern & Tumeh ﺗﻜﻮﯾﻦ اﻟﻌﻘﻞ Mind Introduction Muhammad 1957 ONLINE اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺚ .155 PH (2 pieces) .H (١) I John Herman Randall, Jr. Haykal ﻣﺒﺎھﺞ Pleasures of Philosophy (II) Ibrahim B. Introduction 1956 اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ .156 Will Durant Madkour PH LOC (excerpt) (٢) ﻣﻐﺎﻣﺮات Abdulrahman اﻷﻓﻜﺎر Adventures of Ideas K. 1961 ONLINE Introduction واﯾﺘﮭﯿﺪ: .157 Alfred N. Whitehead PH el-Qaisi ﻋﺮض ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ راﺋﻊ ﻟﻸﻓﻜﺎر واﻟﺤﻀﺎرات ﻣﺪﺧﻞ إﻟﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ Ihsan اﻟﺤﻀﺎرة An Essay on Man 158. 1961 ONLINE Introduction Abbas PH اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﯿﺔ Ernest Cassirer (أو ﻣﻘﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻹﻧﺴﺎن) ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ Before Philosophy: The Jabra اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ: Intellectual Adventure of Ibrahim 1961 PH ONLINE Introduction اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ .159 Jabra ﻣﻐﺎﻣﺮاﺗﮫ Ancient Man اﻟﻔﻜﺮﯾﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ .Henri Frankfort, et al اﻟﻄﺒﯿﻌﺔ Muhammad اﻟﺒﺸﺮﯾﺔ Human Nature & Conduct 160. 1963 Introduction el-Nugeihi PH LOC واﻟﺴﻠﻮك John Dewey اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ
312 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator ﺣﯿﺎة اﻟﻔﻜﺮ Life Story of Thinking in the Zaki N. Introduction 1957 ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ .161 New World Mahmoud PH LOC اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺪ Zaki Naguib Mahmoud اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻖ Logic: The Theory of .Zaki N ﻧﻈﺮﯾﺔ 162. 1960 ONLINE Introduction Mahmoud PH اﻟﺒﺤﺚ Inquiry John Dewey ﺟﻮن دﯾﻮي ﺟﺒﺮوت Man’s Unconquerable Mind 163. Ahmed Zaki 1957 ONLINE Introduction PH اﻟﻌﻘﻞ Gilbert Highet ﻣﺒﺎھﺞ Pleasures of Philosophy (I) Ibrahim B. ONLINE Introduction 1956 اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ .164 Will Durant Madkour PH (١) Pragmatism Zaki N. Introduction 1965 اﻟﺒﺮاﺟﻤﺎﺗﯿﺔ .165 William James Mahmoud PH LOC اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ Ahmed F. el- ONLINE Introduction 1957 اﻟﯿﻘﯿﻦ Quest for Certainty .166 John Dewey Ahwani PH ﺟﻮن دﯾﻮي ﻋﻠﻤﺘﻨﻲ This I Believe (I) Ahmed Introduction 1953 اﻟﺤﯿﺎة .167 Edward R. Murrow Amin PH LOC أﺣﻤﺪ أﻣﯿﻦ ھﺬا ﻣﺬھﺒﻲ Taha ﺑﺄﻗﻼم ﻧﺨﺒﺔ (This I Believe (II Introduction 1955 ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﺮق .168 Edward R. Murrow Hussein PH LOC واﻟﻐﺮب طﮫ ﺣﺴﯿﻦ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ: Types & Problems of Fouad 1969 ONLINE Introduction أﻧﻮاﻋﮭﺎ Philosophy .169 Zakariyya 1975 PH وﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﮭﺎ Hunter Mead Time & Eternity: An Essay Ahmed اﻟﺰﻣﺎن in the Philosophy of F. 1968 PH ONLINE Introduction واﻷزل: .170 el-Ahwani ﻣﻘﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ Religion اﻟﺪﯾﻦ Walter Stace
313 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator ﻛﯿﻒ ﻧﻔﮭﻢ How to Study the Behavior 1964 PY ONLINE Front cover ﺳﻠﻮك of Children .171 Textbook titles 2 اﻷطﻔﺎل Gertrude Driscoll اﻷﺻﻮل The Cultural Background of Ralph Linton 1964 PY ONLINE Introduction اﻟﺤﻀﺎرﯾﺔ Personality .172 ﻟﻠﺸﺨﺼﯿﺔ Ralph Linton Anthology: American Nicola R دراﺳﺎت 173. 1960 Introduction Ziadeh LOC إﺳﻼﻣﯿﺔ Writings on Islam Nicole Ziadeh 4 titles Dimirdash ﷲ ﯾﺘﺠﻠﻰ Evidence of God in An Abdulmajid 1960 R ONLINE Introduction ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ Expanding Universe .174 Sirhan اﻟﻌﻠﻢ John C. Monsma اﻹﺳﻼم اﻟﺼﺮاط Islam: The Straight Path 175. Original 1966 Introduction R LOC اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﯿﻢ I Kenneth W. Morgan (١) ﺣﻜﻤﺔ Wisdom of the Living 176. 1964 Introduction R LOC اﻷدﯾﺎن اﻟﺤﯿﺔ Religions Joseph Gaer Hassan el- Aroussy, .Zaki N اﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻋﺔ The Simplified Arabic RF Introduction Mahmoud, 1965 اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ .177 Encyclopedia LOC (2 pieces) Ibrahim M. & 2 titles اﻟﻤﯿﺴﺮة Columbia Viking Desk Encyclopedia Soheir el- Kalamawy Muhammad ﻓﻦ اﺳﺘﻘﺎء The Complete Reporter Introduction Z. 1961 اﻷﻧﺒﺎء: .178 Johnson & Harris RF LOC (excerpt) Abdulqadir ﺻﺤﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺨﺒﺮ S ﺷﺠﺮة The Tree of Culture ONLINE Front cover 1959 اﻟﺤﻀﺎرة II .179 6 titles (٢) Ralph Linton
314 Arabic Prefacer # English Title Year Category Source Peritext Type Title Translator ﺷﺠﺮة The Tree of Culture S ONLINE Front cover 1961 اﻟﺤﻀﺎرة III .180 (٣) Ralph Linton The Big Change: America Hussein اﻟﺘﻄﻮر 181. 1955 ONLINE Introduction Kamil Selim S اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ Transforms Itself 1900-1950 Frederick L. Allen اﻟﺴﻼﻻت The Living Races of Man Muhammad ONLINE Introduction 1975 اﻟﺒﺸﺮﯾﺔ .182 Carleton S. Coon Ghallab S اﻟﺤﺎﻟﯿﺔ ﺷﺠﺮة The Tree of Culture Ahmed ONLINE Introduction 1959 اﻟﺤﻀﺎرة .183 I Fakhry S (١) Ralph Linton ﻓﻦ ﻗﯿﺎدة اﻟﺸﺒﺎب: Leadership of Teenage S ONLINE Front cover 1964 اﻟﻤﺮاھﻘﻮن Groups .184 ﺑﺸﺮ ﻻ Dorothy M. Roberts ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﻟﺪﯾﻨﺎﻣﯿﻜﺎ Advanced Dynamics 185. 1970 Unknown ONLINE Back cover اﻟﻌﺎﻟﯿﺔ S. Timoshenko اﻷوﺟﮫ The Dance Has Many Faces Introduction Unknown 1974 اﻟﻌﺪﯾﺪة .186 Walter Sorrel LOC (brief) ﻟﻠﺮﻗﺺ اﻟﺘﻔﻜﯿﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ Thinking As A Science 187. 1975 Unknown Introduction LOC وﻓﻦ Henry Hazlitt
315 Appendix 2: Table of Total Number of Peritexts Obtained in Each Category
No. of Category No. of Titles Percentage Peritexts Juvenile Science (JS) 150 11.64% 3 Education (ED) 112 8.69% 3 + 11 front covers Family Life & General Health (FH) 105 8.15% 5 front covers History (H) 85 6.59% 23 Fiction (F) 71 5.51% 19 Criticism & Essays (C) 64 4.96% 25 Juvenile Literature (JL) 57 4.42% 3 Law & Political Science (L) 56 4.34% 16 Philosophy (PH) 50 3.88% 21 Social Studies (S) 48 3.72% 6 Drama (D) 45 3.49% 6 General Science (GS) 45 3.49% 2 Vocational & Technical Education (VE) 43 3.33% 0 Economics & Development (E) 41 3.18% 4 Juvenile General (JG) 35 2.71% 1 Juvenile History (JH) 33 2.56% 1 Biography & Autobiography (B) 32 2.48% 8 Psychology (PY) 30 2.32% 1 Astronomy & Physics (AS) 24 1.86% 0 Biological (BS) 24 1.86% 0 Business Administration (BA) 21 1.63% 0 Art & Architecture (A) 19 1.47% 6 Juvenile Psychology (JP) 19 1.47% 4 Juvenile Biography (JB) 18 1.39% 2 Agriculture (AG) 14 1.08% 1 Chemistry (CH) 11 0.85% 1 Reference & General Information (RF) 7 0.54% 2 Engineering (EN) 6 0.46% 1 Mathematics (M) 6 0.46% 1 Poetry (P) 6 0.46% 1 Religion (R) 6 0.46% 4 American Civilization (AC) 5 0.38% 2
316 Appendix 3: List of Arab Contributors
Contributor No. of Contributions Category 1. Abbas el-Akkad 10 B, C, F, H 2. Abdulaziz el-Koussy 1 JP 3. Abdulaziz Salamah 1 ED 4. Abdulmunim Haykal 1 A 5. Abdulrahman K. el-Qaisi 1 PH 6. Abdulrazzak el-Sanhouri 1 L 7. Ahmed Amin 1 PH 8. Ahmed F. el-Ahwani 2 PH 9. Ahmed Fakhry 1 S 10. Ahmed H. el-Rahim 1 ED 11. Ahmed Selim Su’aidan 1 M 12. Ahmed Zaki 2 GS, PH 13. Akram el-Meidani 1 D 14. Aly Maher 1 L 15. Amina el-Said 1 F 16. Anis Freiha 1 C 17. Anis Mansour 1 D 18. Badr el-Sayyab 1 JB 19. Dimirdash A. Sirhan 1 R 20. Drini Khashabah 1 D 21. Fawzi F. Jadallah 1 H 22. Fouad Zakariyya 1 PH 23. George Tumeh 1 PH 24. Hassan el-Aroussy 12 B, C, F, H, JL, L, RF 25. Hassan Saab 1 L 26. Hussein K. Selim 1 S 27. Ibrahim B. Madkour 2 PH, RF 28. Ihsan Abbas 6 C, H, PH 29. Izziddin Farid 1 JH 30. Jabra I. Jabra 1 PH 31. Jamal M. Ahmed 1 AC 32. Jamaluddin el-Shayyal 1 H 33. Jazibiya Sidqi 1 F 34. Kamal el-Mallakh 1 D 35. Kamal Yazji 1 C 36. Mahmoud el-Amin 1 JS 37. Mahmoud el-Hout 1 R
317 Contributor No. of Contributions Category 38. Mahmoud el-Samra 1 C 39. Mahmoud Zayid 1 H 40. Majid Khadduri 1 L 41. Merit Ghali 1 L 42. Muhammad A. Abdullah 1 F 43. Muhammad A. Ibrahim 1 L 44. Muhammad A. Muhammad 3 F, H, PH 45. Muhammad al-Yasin 1 ED 46. Muhammad Badran 1 H 47. Muhammad el-Erian 1 ED 48. Muhammad el-Nugeihi 2 ED, PH 49. Muhammad F. el-Khatib 1 L 50. Muhammad Ghallab 1 S 51. Muhammad H. Haykal 1 PH 52. Muhammad Khalafallah 1 H 53. Muhammad Najm 4 C, H 54. Muhammad Nasser 1 ED 55. Muhammad T. Hussein 1 R 56. Muhammad Z. Abdulqadir 1 RF 57. Mustafa Jawad 1 B 58. Mustafa T. Habib 1 D 59. Nabih A. Faris 1 H 60. Nicola Ziadeh 1 R 61. Rashid el-Barawy 3 E 62. Said Abdu 1 F 63. Said el-Najjar 1 E 64. Saleh A. el-Ali 1 H 65. Soheir el-Kalamawy 3 C, RF 66. Taha Hussein 2 C, PH 67. Tawfiq el-Hakim 1 D 68. Tawfiq Habib 1 L 69. Tawfiq Sayegh 1 P 70. Uthman K. Uthman 1 L 71. Walid el-Khalidi 1 L 72. Zaki Abdulqadir 1 C 73. Zaki N. Mahmoud 6 A, PH, RF
318 Appendix 4: Sample Page of a table containing all FBP’s Arabic titles and contributors
319 Appendix 5: Selected Samples of FBP’s Archival Records
Sample 1: Statement of USIA for FBP, 1956 Sample 2: Confidential USIA letter to FBP
320 Appendix 6: Sample of The LOC’s Arabic Title List (1)
321 Appendix 7: Sample of The LOC’s Arabic Title List (2)
322