COMMUNALISM in EGYPTIAN POLITICS: the Experience of the Copts,1918-1952

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COMMUNALISM in EGYPTIAN POLITICS: the Experience of the Copts,1918-1952 COMMUNALISM In EGYPTIAN POLITICS: The Experience of the Copts,1918-1952 BY Barbara Lynn Carter Thesis submitted in completion of requirements for the P hD degree in P o l it ic s, School of Oriental and African St u d ie s, University of London December 1382 ProQuest Number: 10672743 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10672743 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT This thesis explores a particular experiment in political accommodation between the Muslim majority and Coptic minority in Egypt between 1918 and 1952. The Egyptians then seized the opportunity presented by a changing political system to restructure the governing arrangements between Muslims and Copts and involve the latter more fully in the political process. Many hoped to see the collaboration of the 1919 revolution spur the creation of both a new collective Egyptian identity and a state without religious bias. Traditional ways of governing, however, were not so easily cast aside, and Islam continued to have a political role. Some Egyptians held tenaciously to the traditional arrangements which had both guaranteed Muslim primacy and served relatively well to protect the Copts and afford them some autonomy. Differences within the Coptic community over the wisdom of trusting the genuineness and durability of Muslim support for equality were accented by a protracted struggle between reforming laymen and conservative clergy for control of the community. The unwillingness of all parties to compromise hampered the ability of the community both to determine and defend its interests. The Copts met with modest success in their attempt to become full Egyptian citizens. As one example, their influence in the Wafd, the pre­ eminent political party, was very strong prior to and in the early years of the Constitutional Monarchy. As a second, their formal representation was generally adequate and, in some Parliaments, better than adequate. However, this very success produced a backlash which caused many Copts to believe, by the 19L0 s, that the experiment had failed: political activity had become fraught with risk for them. Coptic complaints about Muslim intolerance abounded and reflected the broad criticisms levelled at minority behaviour by Muslims. At the close of the monarchy, equality and shared power seemed notions as distant as in the disheartening years before the revolution. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION AND ABBREVIATIONS 6 INTRODUCTION: A. The Problem 7 B, The Setting 9 1. The Traditional Position of the Copts and 9 Other Non-Muslims 2. Population, Culture and Religious Divisions 13 a) Coptic Catholics 17 b) Coptic Protestants 18 3. The Historical Background 19 CHAPTER ONE: COMMUNAL ORGANIZATION 31 A. The Church 31 1. The Majlis Milll’s Struggle for Power 33 2. Patriarchal Elections U5 3. Summary 50 B. The Coptic Press 55 1. Migr 56 2. Al-Wafan 60 3. Al-Manara al-Misriyya 62 C. Voluntary Associations 62 1. Non-Political 62 2. Political 66 CHAPTER TWO: THE BRITISH, THE COPTS ANDTHE 70 NATIONALIST MOVEMENT A. British-Copt Relations before the 1919 Revolution 70 B. Zaghlul, the Formation of the Wafd and the 72 1919 Revolution C. Divide and Rule 83 D. Anglo-Egypt!an Treaty Negotiations 93 1. Independence and the Reserved Point for 93 the Protection of Minorities 2. The Politics of Treaty Negotiations 100 E. Conclusion 105 CHAPTER THREE: THE LIMITS OF THE POLITICAL COMMUNITY 107 AND EGYPT’S NATIONAL IDENTITY A. Religion and the Political System 107 B. Theories of History and National Unity 116 1. Egyptianism 117 2. Mediterraneanism 127 3. Arabism 130 Marxism 139 C. An Historiography of Copt-Muslim Relations 1^5 4 Page CHAPTER FOUR: REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS 1**9 A. The Legal Frame-work: The Egyptian Constitution ll*9 1. Civil Rights 1^9 2. Catch 22: Islam, the Religion of State 152 3. The Representation of Minorities in 157 Parliament B. Coptic Political Representation, 19^2-1952 169 1. The Chamber of Representatives I69 2. The Senate 175 3. Local Councils 179 k . The Quality of Coptic Representation l8l 5. Coptic Expectations and Demands 185 CHAPTER FIVE: THE COPTS AND PARTY POLITICS 187 A. The Wafd I87 B. The Liberal Constitutional Party 219 C. The Palace 222 D. The Satdist Party 227 E. The Wafdist Bloc 228 CHAPTER SIX: THE COPTS AND THE STATE 239 A. The Issue of Inequality 239 1. The Economy 239 2. The Civil Service 2^3 a) Coptic Cabinet Ministers 257 3. Religious Instruction in State Schools 26l B. Issues of State Control 273 1. Personal Status Jurisdiction 2rjk 2. Government Limitations on the Freedom of Belief 287 C. One Response to Pressure: Conversion 288 D . Summary 290 CHAPTER SEVEN: ETHNICITY AND RELIGION IN THE STRUGGLE 292 FOR POWER A. The Religious Idiom and Party Politics 292 B. Religious Appeals and the Palace 298 C. Elections 301 D. Communal Violence and the Role of 317 the Muslim Brethren E . Summary 328 CONCLUSION: "RELIGION IS GOD'S AND THE HOMELAND 329 THE PEOPLE'S" BIBLIOGRAPHY 3^5 INTERVIEWS 363 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to record here my gratitude for the help, kindness and hospitality offered by so many Egyptians during my two-year stay in their country. I want principally to thank Mirrlt Butrus Ghali, Director of the Coptic Archaeological Society, and his cousin, the historian, ’Ibrahim 'Amin Ghali. Both gave freely of their time and knowledge. Others who suffered my questions with patience and interest include Louis ^Awad, Iris Habib al-Masri, 'Afaf Mahfuz, and Sac d Fakhrl ^Abd al-Nur. I would also here express my appreciation for the financial help of three institutions, the American Research Center in Egypt, the School of Oriental and African Studies, and the American Friends Service Committee. Each of these institutions funded parts of this research and without their support this thesis would not have come to fruition. My greatest thanks are reserved for my supervisor, Professor P.J. Vatikiotis, who has mastered the art of giving advice over great distances. His cheerfulness in the face of a several years' barrage of complaining, confused, anxious and speculative letters has remained undaunted, as has his willingness to help. At this point, his patience and endurance with this particular project are exceeded only by the author's, and it is with some relief that the latter is finally able to release him from the burden of further support. NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION AND ABBREVIATIONS Arabic words have been transliterated largely according to the Cambridge University system. Two exceptions should be noted. A few Coptic names , which are not of Arabic origin and which appear obscure in proper transliteration, have been rendered, for the ease of the reader, in a more recognizable form. The main examples here are the names of three great churchmen: Sergius, Makarios and Cyril (or Kirillos). In addition, some Egyptian place names, which have long been familiar to the English-speaking world, have been left in their standard form. These names include Cairo, Alexandria, Suez, Damietta and Luxor. Various source abbreviations have been used in the footnotes, and these are explained below: Egyptian Archives CAS Coptic Archaeological Society, Cairo CCEH Centre for Contemporary Egyptian History and Documentation (Markaz Watha1iq wa Ta'rikh Misr al-Mucasir), Dar al-kutub, Cairo F = File Cabinet D = Drawer Chamber Debates Madabit Majlis al-Nuwwab, Parliament Library, Cairo. DM Dar al-Mahfu?at, Citadel, Cairo. DW Dar al-Watha'iq, Citadel, Cairo. PPF Palace Press Files, CCEH, Dar al-kutub, Cairo Senate Debates Madabit Majlis al-Shuyukh, Parliament Library, Cairo. Foreign Archives CMS Church Missionary Society, London. LD Lampson/Killearn Diaries, Middle East Centre, St. Antony's College, Oxford University. PHS Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia 7 INTRODUCTION A. The Problem In a polity whose raison d ’etre was the perfection of a society in which Muslims could fulfil their religious obligations, the place of indigenous non-Muslims posed both theoretical and practical problems. How should such a polity deal with those who had been exposed to Islam and yet declined to accept its manifest truth? There were too many non-Muslims and they performed functions, particularly in Egypt, that were too critical to the well-being of the state to be either forcibly converted en masse or exterminated. Religion was therefore made a political, social and economic determinant; it set an individual’s status, friend­ ships, tax, entitlement to government benefits, code of law and sometimes even profession and living quarters. Non-Muslims were not citizens in the full sense because loyalty to the State and to the State's religion were inextricable.^ They were not trust­ worthy, and therefore Muslims required some protection from them. Although with time an extensive body of literature pertaining to religious minorities in the Islamic lands developed, the position of minorities was firmly fixed neither in theory nor in fact; it was time and place specific. Of course, there were similarities; the public did have an idea about the appropriate place for minorities, and this idea helped set regulations and perpetuate attitudes. Still, there was some flexibility in this 1, See Albert Hourani, A Vision of History: Near Eastern and Other Essays, Beirut, 1961, p.T^.
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