DOCSLIB.ORG

The Com Types of Imperial Rome

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Com Types of Imperial Rome TH E COIN TYPE S OF IM P E R IAL ROM E mm 2 8 TiA- BLES ’ O F G ‘E H J C MM . N C C “ “m m n- ab EMI LY A H AN DS LON DON ’ SPINK 81 SON 13m ' r r fl C OIN TY P ES OF I M P ERIAL ROM E B r COMM . FRAN CESCO GNE CCH I . P R E F A C E Th e a e 1 f fr Imperial Roman Coin g , du ingb the our centuries om the beginning of the Empire until the time of Romulus August e o f ulus , gives us , in uninterrupted succ ssion , a series little less r than two hundred rule s . In the o bvei se types of t he coi n s we have a m0 1 e ex tensive s eri es of portraits than is gene rally kno wn ; in th e reverse types a series so numerous and varied that it may almost be called infinite . we r fi 1 st r e r 1 ll us While , ho ve , the has been ep atedly desc ibed and trated u f , the second , altho gh numerous studies re er to it , has r never bee n completely desc ibed . Such will be the scope o f this wo rk in w hich I propose to give in synthetic form a gene ral vie w of the coin types of the Empi re . Th e a w w f f Roman Coin ge , as is well kno n , is al ays the aith ul fl of r f m re ection the histo y , political , religious and social , o the Ro an w f w of f r l orld , ollo s its vicissitudes ortune egular y and constantly , n0 ting and registering with its types not only the events but th e e of fo r f volutions thought , thus becoming us the most copious ount o f f in ormation , a most authentic historical document f - r f A synthetic table o the coin types is , the e ore , not only a statis tical curi osi ty fi m ost interesting from th e contrast between its ex uberant riches and the ex treme poverty of the present age in di fi eren t r vi which we see the nations st i ncgj to find a single type fo r their o w n coinage it may also be the h i ' st step in success i ve r o th ei s w inqui ies , and to this initial study once accomplished , ill e . be able to give , in consequ nce , a much greater development The i nquiry as to h ow and with what symbols every type was re resen ted t h e or1 m r p , investigation into the g and contempo ary n of significa ce each one , the observation as to what epoch , and wh r w y, and unde hich Emperor every type was introduced , in w w w what period most idely used , hen and by hom abandoned , _ 4 . y w ori i n al or b hom resumed , the comparison between the g types of W i and successive derivations , the evolution the latter, the th f f drawing o some type or o some detail fallen into disuse , these are of m all points interest which , aided and illuminated by the co s of . themselves , may greatly add to our knowledge the Roman world In the republican coinage the obverse was invariably con se crated to th e divinity ; so that for several ce n turies a sacred fig ure i t w t h e adv en t oi con st ued th e o f . sign the state coinage When , ith fli w a for f di v m m e s the Empire , the i perial g y substituted that o the r of of ity on the obve se the coinage , a very great number types w was represented on the reverse in hich , however , the sacred ele w o f m ment al ays redominated , so that the greater part the oney , — 3 say two thir , may be considered as dedicated to subj ects either t altogether sacred or at least connected wi h religion . On them are r of - r figu ed especially the gods Olympus , demi gods and he oes those allegorical perso n i ficati on s w hich are one of the most singular t and certainly he commonest characteristic o f the Roman Coinage . On the remaining third are included all those other types w hich f of c o n i ari i re er to imperial acts , allocutions the Emperor , g , th e triumphs , arrivals , departures , journeys , and more rarely , to th e t h e senate and the people , to cities and provinces and also to m &c . onuments , temples , circuses , arches , bridges , gates and an fi in nite number to public events . e w e w It is vident that a strict division is impossible , and meet ith many types w hich may belong equally to tw o categories or w hich it is diffi cult to place i n either ;this how ever does not prevent the. f work rom being divided roughly into three parts , devoting the — r d r th e fi st to gods , emi gods and he oes ; second to allegorical per so n i ficati on s th e ; and third to imperial , civil and military types offer e rf w I certainly do not claim to a p ect ork , but conten t f w i mysel ith giving a sketch which may be altered , mproved and f completed in the uture . PART I . GODS DEM - GODS AN D H ER O ES , I . P L TE S I - V I A II . The Rom an Olympus is but a derivation f rom the Greek Olympus w ith modifications and additions of its own or taken from the neighbouring and allied races . The Roman instinct for assimila f tion , a ter having accepted as much as was adapted to its own genius , continued to develop gradually according to circumstances ; , of th e and as in the subj ection the world to Romans , Rome increased little by little, and first the neighbouring tribes and then form i n o n e f those more distant became Roman citizens g single amily , so also in Olympus did the old Greek ideas of deity form one r r L ha monious whole with the othe local deities , Roman , atin , Ital o r f w ian , European , Oriental A rican , in accordance ith the suc v f r cessi e enlargements o the Em pi e . The Roman Olympus consisted o f twelve p rincipal deities ; in low er rank there follow many other divisions in regular hierarchical order w hich descend gradually to the heroes and to the legendary beings belonging either to heaven o r earth . Of the tw elve chi et x fo r of w deities , ten , e cept modifications name and adaptations hich w e fr r might call acclimatization , are taken om the G eek Olympus are M M V and jove , Juno , inerva , Apollo , Diana , ars , ulcan , M V . ercury , Venus and esta w . Two more ere added as national emblems , Janus and Quirinus f w of In secondary order ollo other deities heaven and earth , w w M M e the sea , the inds and oods ; the Sun , oon and Stars , the us s , i F r the Graces , Cup d , Aesculapius , the ates , the Dioscuri , Centau s , Neptune , the Nymphs , Nemesis , Cybele , Terra , Ceres , Pomona , r Saturn , Pluto , P oserpina , Hercules , Bacchus , the Satyrs , Silenus , F . Pan , Sylvanus , aunus , Priapus and others But it is not suggested that these divinities maintain their hierarchical order on the coins and are represented on them in f r r . o elation to their rank Rome , the special reasons to be explained r f h as th e n r he ea ter, first place , and amo g the others there is a g eat diversity o f t reatment so that some o f the deities are almost totally w r for neglected , hile to some other simple he o , Hercules , instance , r f a splendid se ries of coins is dedicated . One fact w o thy o notice is w of r o f this , that h ile upon the coinage the Empi e , Augustus and o f a r f are w C esa , masculine and eminine deities represented ithout of e f e r distinction , upon that the Empress s only eminin deities appea , Apollo and Mars form i n g a slight and passing ex ception upon some o f the coins and medallions o f th e younger Faustina . In composing the catalogue of th e divinities described with the e w of r lative types , and in dra ing up a synoptical table the princes w h o n um i sm ati adopted them , I have chosen the most important w r r r w cally , ithout rega d to thei Olympic ank ; those especially hich have a true sequence on the coinage and are commemo rated by at f w least three Emperors , and I have contented mysel ith giving a ’ ’ short summa ry and resume o f those which make only a fugitive and incidental appearance . w f f b It ill be seen rom the ollowing ta les , that , setting aside the w w e x e goddess Roma as an exceptional case hich have e plain d , w as e e 0 ff re r M r Jupiter r pr sented on their coins by 7 di e nt rule s , a s 6 V M r 6 V by 5 , Sol 47 , enus 39 , Hercules and ine va 3 , esta 34, 1 0 2 8 2 2 2 0 Juno 3 , Ceres 3 , Apollo , Neptune , Diana , Aesculapius 1 M r 1 2 I O 8 3, ercu y , Cybele , janus , Bacchus , Vulcan , Isis and 6 Serapis , the Dioscuri 4 and Romulus 3.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military Prowess, Or Virtus, Is but One Quality That
    CHAPTER FOUR IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military prowess, or virtus, is but one quality that characterized an efffec- tive emperor. Ideally, a ‘good’ emperor was not just a competent general but also displayed other virtues. These imperial virtutes were propagated throughout the Roman Empire by means of imperial panegyric, decrees, inscriptions, biographies, and coins.1 On coinage in particular, juxtaposi- tions of AVG or AVGG with the virtue and/or the imperial portrait on the obverse would connect the virtues mentioned on the reverses directly with the emperor(s). Not all emperors emphasized the same virtues on their coinage. For example, Elagabalus seems not to have felt the need to stress virtus, whereas his successor Severus Alexander did try to convince the Roman people of his military prowess by propagating it on his coins. The presence or absence of particular virtues on coins issued by diffferent emperors brings us to the question as to whether an imperial canon of virtues existed. But before elaborating on this, the concept ‘virtue’ must be clarifijied.2 Modern scholars investigating imperial virtues on coinage consider vir- tues to be personifijications with divine power – in other words, deifijied abstractions or, as Fears puts it, ‘specifijic impersonal numina’.3 For many, the terms ‘personifijication’ and ‘virtue’ are interchangeable.4 Indeed, vir- tues can be considered personifijications. Yet, not all personifijications are 1 Noreña, “The communication of the emperor’s virtues”, p. 153. 2 ‘But if one is to compare coins with other sources, particularly philosopically inspired ones (i.e. in talking of the virtues of the ideal statesman) it is vital to distinguish what is a virtue and what is not’, A.
    [Show full text]
  • Hadrian and the Greek East
    HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way.
    [Show full text]
  • Heads Or Tails
    Heads or Tails Representation and Acceptance in Hadrian’s Imperial Coinage Name: Thomas van Erp Student number: S4501268 Course: Master’s Thesis Course code: (LET-GESM4300-2018-SCRSEM2-V) Supervisor: Mw. dr. E.E.J. Manders (Erika) 2 Table of Contents List of Figures ............................................................................................................................ 5 Figure 1: Proportions of Coin Types Hadrian ........................................................................ 5 Figure 2: Dynastic Representation in Comparison ................................................................ 5 Figure 3: Euergesia in Comparison ....................................................................................... 5 Figure 4: Virtues ..................................................................................................................... 5 Figure 5: Liberalitas in Comparison ...................................................................................... 5 Figure 6: Iustitias in Comparison ........................................................................................... 5 Figure 7: Military Representation in Comparison .................................................................. 5 Figure 8: Divine Association in Comparison ......................................................................... 5 Figure 9: Proportions of Coin Types Domitian ...................................................................... 5 Figure 10: Proportions of Coin Types Trajan .......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Graham Jones
    Ni{ i Vizantija XIV 629 Graham Jones SEEDS OF SANCTITY: CONSTANTINE’S CITY AND CIVIC HONOURING OF HIS MOTHER HELENA Of cities and citizens in the Byzantine world, Constantinople and its people stand preeminent. A recent remark that the latter ‘strove in everything to be worthy of the Mother of God, to Whom the city was dedicated by St Constantine the Great in 330’ follows a deeply embedded pious narrative in which state and church intertwine in the city’s foundation as well as its subse- quent fortunes. Sadly, it perpetuates a flawed reading of the emperor’s place in the political and religious landscape. For a more nuanced and considered view we have only to turn to Vasiliki Limberis’ masterly account of politico-religious civic transformation from the reign of Constantine to that of Justinian. In the concluding passage of Divine Heiress: The Virgin Mary and the Creation of Christianity, Limberis reaffirms that ‘Constantinople had no strong sectarian Christian tradition. Christianity was new to the city, and it was introduced at the behest of the emperor.’ Not only did the civic ceremonies of the imperial cult remain ‘an integral part of life in the city, breaking up the monotony of everyday existence’. Hecate, Athena, Demeter and Persephone, and Isis had also enjoyed strong presences in the city, some of their duties and functions merging into those of two protector deities, Tyche Constantinopolis, tutelary guardian of the city and its fortune, and Rhea, Mother of the Gods. These two continued to be ‘deeply ingrained in the religious cultural fabric of Byzantium..
    [Show full text]
  • STANFORD GSB Deep Dive Analysis MBA Class of 2020
    UNMATCHED MBA ADMISSIONS INSIGHT FORTUNA ADMISSIONS STANFORD GSB Deep Dive Analysis MBA Class of 2020 COPYRIGHT © 2019 - FORTUNA ADMISSIONS LTD. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED www.FortunaAdmissions.com FORTUNA ADMISSIONS Stanford GSB Deep Dive Analysis – MBA Class of 2020 As with every other leading business school, Stanford GSB publishes an annual Class Profile with basic details about the incoming class. This high-level summary explains that the MBA Class of 2020 welcomed 419 students from around the world coming from 306 organizations and 63 countries. Among the published data: • 48% of the class had studied Humanities and Social Sciences with Engineering, Math, and Social Sciences accounting for another 34% and Business majors making up a further 18%. • Professionally, Stanford reports that admits from Financial Services made up 21% of the class spread across Private Equity Venture Capital and Investment Management. • Consulting provided 19% followed by Technology at 15% and Government and Education a further 10%. But that is it. No details on which colleges they came from or exactly what they studied and no specifics on who they worked for in what role or how many changed employer or sector before joining the Stanford MBA. The Fortuna Admissions team has worked with many successful admits to the GSB and we witness first-hand the academic trajectory and professional path that applicants have taken. So, we thought it would be worthwhile to identify as many profiles in the MBA Class of 2020 to better understand the diversity of experience that Stanford attracts every year and the colleges and companies that led to a place in Palo Alto.
    [Show full text]
  • Dr. Emmanuel Ramírez Nieves
    Universidad de Puerto Rico Recinto de Río Piedras Departamento de Literatura Comparada Literatura Clásica Latina, LITE 3052. Segundo semestre, año académico 2018-2019. Profesor: Dr. Emmanuel Ramírez Nieves Oficina: Janer 129 Horas de oficina: lunes 2:30-3:30 p.m., jueves 2:30-3:50 p.m., o por acuerdo e-mail: [email protected] Salón: LPM 122 3 créditos, 3 horas Sitio web del curso: https://sites.google.com/s/1fS2hDv2GpvcfzZMmonitG4zlNk8eDWl1/p/1p_hGp5 0pCqmNd6Wl6d8u6pifZmL3awmR/edit Descripción general del curso: En esta parte del curso de dos semestres, estudiaremos la literatura clásica romana (desde el siglo III a. C. hasta los siglos IV y V d. C.) en sus contextos culturales e históricos. Leeremos ejemplos de varios géneros literarios clásicos: dramas de Séneca (tragedia) y Plauto (comedia), poemas de la lírica clásica latina de Catulo y Horacio, ensayos filosóficos de Cicerón, la épica La Eneida de Virgilio y las Metamorfosis de Ovidio, entre otros. Consideraremos éstos en relación con los textos filosóficos, cosmogónicos, científicos e históricos de la cultura clásica romana. Preguntaremos ¿qué significaba la literatura en la época clásica y cómo interpretan otros tiempos posteriores esta literatura? ¿Cuál era su importancia en la legitimación y formación de la cultura occidental durante los siglos? ¿Qué significa la literatura clásica dentro de los estudios de la literatura comparada en la UPR? Además de los estilos y el contenido de la literatura consideraremos también asuntos teóricos de género, la sex ualidad, el placer, las emociones, la formación de comunidades y la ética. Objetivos: Al finalizar el curso el y la estudiante: 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues Author(S): Carlos F
    The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues Author(s): Carlos F. Noreña Reviewed work(s): Source: The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 91 (2001), pp. 146-168 Published by: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3184774 . Accessed: 01/09/2012 16:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Roman Studies. http://www.jstor.org THE COMMUNICATION OF THE EMPEROR'S VIRTUES* By CARLOS F. NORENA The Roman emperor served a number of functions within the Roman state. The emperor's public image reflected this diversity. Triumphal processions and imposing state monuments such as Trajan's Column or the Arch of Septimius Severus celebrated the military exploits and martial glory of the emperor. Distributions of grain and coin, public buildings, and spectacle entertainments in the city of Rome all advertised the emperor's patronage of the urban plebs, while imperial rescripts posted in every corner of the Empire stood as so many witnesses to the emperor's conscientious administration of law and justice.
    [Show full text]
  • The Eternal Fire of Vesta
    2016 Ian McElroy All Rights Reserved THE ETERNAL FIRE OF VESTA Roman Cultural Identity and the Legitimacy of Augustus By Ian McElroy A thesis submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts Graduate Program in Classics Written under the direction of Dr. Serena Connolly And approved by ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey October 2016 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS The Eternal Fire of Vesta: Roman Cultural Identity and the Legitimacy of Augustus By Ian McElroy Thesis Director: Dr. Serena Connolly Vesta and the Vestal Virgins represented the very core of Roman cultural identity, and Augustus positioned his public image beside them to augment his political legitimacy. Through analysis of material culture, historiography, and poetry that originated during the principate of Augustus, it becomes clear that each of these sources of evidence contributes to the public image projected by the leader whom Ronald Syme considered to be the first Roman emperor. The Ara Pacis Augustae and the Res Gestae Divi Augustae embody the legacy the Emperor wished to establish, and each of these cultural works contain significant references to the Vestal Virgins. The study of history Livy undertook also emphasized the pathetic plight of Rhea Silvia as she was compelled to become a Vestal. Livy and his contemporary Dionysius of Halicarnassus explored the foundation of the Vestal Order and each writer had his own explanation about how Numa founded it. The Roman poets Virgil, Horace, Ovid, and Tibullus incorporated Vesta and the Vestals into their work in a way that offers further proof of the way Augustus insinuated himself into the fabric of Roman cultural identity by associating his public image with these honored priestesses.
    [Show full text]
  • Let's Review Text Structure!
    Grade 6 Day 18 ELA q I Grade 6 Day 18 ELA Grade 6 Day 18 ELA W o Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math pl Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math P2 Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math 173 Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math 104 Grade 6 Day 18 Science pl Grade 6 Day 18 Science P2 Grade 6 Day 18 Science 123 Question for you to turn in. Describe how processes were used to form a landform. Use vocabulary and evidence from the passage to support your answer. RACE. Grade 6 Day 18 Social Studies Grade 6 Day 18 Social Studies to . I ] l n n t t e o o r n n m i i i t r r t t a a p t t h e e a a . r r m h h 1 o o m m t t E r r 0 p p O O e o o n s f f m m r n a i i i l n n o i i r m e e o m p i R t / l m ? ? d d e l l a l l E e e h a a , ci s s T f f s e u u n n n a a m o sp w w o i C C r o o s/ f t t ct t n D D a a e n a s h h s s e i i t m e W W h h n o h r t / co s o t e d r i n n s s p o a i e e e e t i i m s v v n e p r r m m / e i l t e e e e g t c r s s n n a e e o o l E E R R e s.
    [Show full text]
  • Gods of Cultivation and Food Supply in the Imperial Iconography of Septimius Severus
    Jussi Rantala a hundred years.1 The result of this was that a new emperor without any direct connection to the earlier dynasty had risen to the throne. This situation provided a tough challenge for Severus. He had to demonstrate that he was the true and legitimate emperor and he had to keep the empire and especially the capital calm Gods of Cultivation and Food after a period of crisis.2 The task was not made easier by the fact that Severus was not connected with the traditional elites of the capital; he can be considered an Supply in the Imperial Iconography outsider, for some scholars even an “alien”. of Septimius Severus Severus was a native of Lepcis Magna, North Africa. His “Africanness” has been a debated issue among modern researchers. Severus’ Punic roots are Jussi Rantala highlighted especially by Anthony Birley, and the emperor’s interest towards the cult of Serapis is also considered a sign of African identity.3 These ideas are University of Tampere nowadays somewhat disputed. Lepcis Magna was more or less Romanized long This article deals with the question of the role of gods involved with cultivation, grain before the birth of Severus, and the two families (the Fulvii and the Septimii) from and food supply in the Roman imperial iconography during the reign of Septimius which the family of Severus descended, were very much of Italian origin. Moreover, Severus. By evaluating numismatic and written evidence, as well as inscriptions, the the Severan interest in Serapis can hardly be considered an African feature: the article discusses which gods related to grain and cultivation received most attention same god was given attention already by Vespasian (who was definitely not an from Septimius Severus, and how their use helped the emperor to stabilize his rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G
    Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary ILDENHARD INGO GILDENHARD AND JOHN HENDERSON A dead boy (Pallas) and the death of a girl (Camilla) loom over the opening and the closing part of the eleventh book of the Aeneid. Following the savage slaughter in Aeneid 10, the AND book opens in a mournful mood as the warring parti es revisit yesterday’s killing fi elds to att end to their dead. One casualty in parti cular commands att enti on: Aeneas’ protégé H Pallas, killed and despoiled by Turnus in the previous book. His death plunges his father ENDERSON Evander and his surrogate father Aeneas into heart-rending despair – and helps set up the foundati onal act of sacrifi cial brutality that caps the poem, when Aeneas seeks to avenge Pallas by slaying Turnus in wrathful fury. Turnus’ departure from the living is prefi gured by that of his ally Camilla, a maiden schooled in the marti al arts, who sets the mold for warrior princesses such as Xena and Wonder Woman. In the fi nal third of Aeneid 11, she wreaks havoc not just on the batt lefi eld but on gender stereotypes and the conventi ons of the epic genre, before she too succumbs to a premature death. In the porti ons of the book selected for discussion here, Virgil off ers some of his most emoti ve (and disturbing) meditati ons on the tragic nature of human existence – but also knows how to lighten the mood with a bit of drag.
    [Show full text]
  • Trajan: Optimus Princeps Free Download
    TRAJAN: OPTIMUS PRINCEPS FREE DOWNLOAD Julian Bennett | 352 pages | 21 Dec 2000 | Taylor & Francis Ltd | 9780415241502 | English | London, United Kingdom Emperor Trajan Optimus Princeps, emperor of the greater Rome Bloomington: Indiana U. Anca rated it liked it Feb 02, Page —, Trajan's putative lovers included Hadrianpages of the imperial household, the actor Pylades, a dancer called Apolaustus, and senator Lucius Licinius Sura. Kaiser Traian. In his Dacian conquests, Trajan had already resorted to Syrian auxiliary units, whose veterans, along with Syrian traders, had an important role in the subsequent colonization of Dacia. As part of the inauguration Trajan: Optimus Princeps for a new emperor, these ancient aristocrats would offer up a telling wish. It was during this time that he corresponded with Pliny the Younger on the subject of how to deal with the Christians of Pontustelling Pliny to continue to persecute Christians but not to accept anonymous denunciations in the interests of justice as well as of "the spirit of the age". The senator Pliny had endowed his city of Comum a perpetual right to an annual charge vectigal of thirty thousand sestertii on one of his estates in perpetuity even after his death Pliny's heirs or any subsequent purchaser of the estate being liablewith the rent thus obtained contributing to the maintenance of Pliny's semi-private charitable foundation. While this book Trajan: Optimus Princeps be beneficial to introductory students, it is also beneficial to scholars, who throughout time cite Bennett when they are doing their own research. According to some modern historians, the aim of the campaign of was to achieve a "preemptive demonstration" aiming not toward the conquest of Parthia, but for tighter Roman control over the Eastern trade route.
    [Show full text]