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Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 74-10,911

BAKELAAR, B ette Lou, 1936- FRCM VERSE TO PROSE; A STUDY OF THE FIFTEENTH-CENTURY VERSIONS OF CHRESTIEN'S EREC AND CLIGÈS.

The Ohio S tate U n iv ersity , Ph.D ., 1973 Language and Literature, modem

University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan

0 1974

BETTE LOU BAKELAAR

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICRGFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED. FROM VERSE TO PROSE:

A STUDY OF THE FIFTEEiVTH-CENTUIO: VERSIONS

OF CHRESTIEN'S EREC AND CIIG&S

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

By Bette Lou Bakelaar, A.B., M.A.

*****

The Ohio S tate U niversity

1973

Reading Committee: Approved By

Dr. David A. Griffin

Dr. Charles G. S. Williams

Dr. Johanna S. Belkin

Dr. Hans E. K eller Adviser Department of Romance Languages acknowledgments

It gives me great pleasure, at this time, to acknowledge and ex­ press my deepest appreciation for the guidance and support which Dr.

Hans E. Keller has given me in the execution of this study. His out­ standing scholarship and genuine interest in the field of Middle Rrench literature have been a constant source of inspiration.

thanks also go to Thomas G. VJhitney, who was most h e lp fu l in suggesting and writing the computer programs v*iich are the basis of

Chapter IV. He was untiring in his efforts to explain the mysteries of computer science to this uninitiated scholar.

The computer part of our study could not have been carried out had the Department of Romance Languages of the Ohio State University not generously provided the necessary computer time.

Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to my fam ily, whose moral support and concem have encouraged me to complete the present study.

2.x VITA

December 19, J.936...... Bom - Newark, New Jersey

19^ 8...... A.B., Wilson College, Chambersburg, Penn^lvania

1 9 5 9...... M.A., I'liddlebury College, Middlebuiy, Vermont

1959-I 9 6I...... Instructor, Department of French, Wilson College, Chambersburg, Penna.

1961^1903...... Teaching Assistant, Department of Romance Languages, New York Univer­ sity, New York City

1963-1965...... «...... Instructor, Department of French, Wilson College, Chambersburg, Penna.

I 965-I 9 6 7...... Assistant Professor, Department of French, V£Llson College, Chambersburg, Penna.

1 9 5 7 -1 9 7...... 1 ...... Assistant Professor, Department of French, Vh.ttenberg University, S p rin g field , Ohio

1972- 1973 ...... Research Associate, Department of Romance Languages, The Ohio State U niversity, Columbus, Ohio

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: French Literature

Medieval French Literature. Professor Hans E. Keller

Eighteenth Century French Literature. Professor Hugh M. Davidson

Nineteenth Century French Literature. Professor Charles Carlut

i i i table oy CONTENTS

Page

...... i i

VITA...... i i i

Chapter

I. General Introduction...... 1

II. Erec and Cliges; A Conparison of the Verse and Prose Versions ...... 37

III. The prose Erec and Cliges; A Literary Comparison.....121

IV. Erec and Cliges: A Question of Authorship ...... 195

V • Conclusion ...... 270

APPENDIX...... 277

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 33l

IV (Siapter One

General Introduction

1.1. Conflict—internal and external, political as well as religious- dominated the history of France in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

French and Burgundians struggled for power; England and France were en­ gaged in the Hundred Years' War; the establishment of the Avignon papacy s p li t th e Church in to two fa c tio n s . Such an atmosphere was not conducive to the development of a rich cultural life; France, which had enjoyed the high degree of civilization characteristic of the twelfth-century Renais­ sance and the thirteenth-century Gothic, was no longer a leader in the a r t s .

The French, involved in the aforementioned struggles, no longer ap­ preciated the literary genres which had been so popular at an earlier date. They found it difficult to relate to a Roland and his battles with the Saracens or to an Arthurian hero and his fantastic loves and adven­ tures; they were too deeply engaged in the events of their everyday lives, events which would determine the future of their homeland. Other genres were called upon to take the place of the chanson de geste and the roman courtois. The chix>nicle became an important means of expression and the one inqwrtant narrative form because of its historical nature (Froissart,

Coranynes); the theatre was the most populai^ non-narrative form (miracle and mystery plays, farces); ornamental lyric poetry was cultivated (Mr^- chaut, Deschançs, Christine de Pisan, Alain Chai*tier). Prom the above

1 2 enumeration, the lack of interest in the fictional narrative is appa­ re n t .

The state of the French language during the Middle French period, furthermore, was not equal to the production of masterpieces to be com­ pared with those of the twelfth centuryt for example. literature, ex­ plains Pierre Quiraud, ^ is the product of both culture and language; when these two factors are not at the same level of development, the re­ sult is "oeuvres médiocres," but "lorsqu'en revanche, la maturité d'une langue coincide avec 1' épanouissement d'une culture, alors s'ouvre un grand siècle littéraire." The French language in the fourteenth and fif­ teenth centuries was in a state of transition. A new language—modem

French—was bom about the middle of the fourteenth century with its dis­ tinct phonetic, grammatical and lexical characteristics.

There was, however, a part of the French-speaking world which, seemingly, contradicted these general tendencies—the state of burgundy. ^

The dukes of Burgundy, more prosperous than the kings of France, and ri­ valing them in power and territory, were able to maintain a very rich court life where the arts were held in high esteem, while at the same time involving themselves deeply in the conflicts of their times. Jean i^chner ^ reports that "A l'époque où Charles VII trouve avec peine une

Le Moyen Français. "Que sais-je?", Wo. 1086 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1966), p. 121.

In this study, we shall use the term Burgundy to refer to the state of Burgundy and Bourgogne to refer to the province.

La Littérature et les moeurs chevaleresques a la cour de Bourgogne (iMeuchatel: Secretariat de l 'Université, lyjjU), p. 0 . 3 poularde pour garnir sa table (Martial d'Auvergne dixit), Philippe le

Bon commande des tapisseries, feuille te des manuscrits précieux, fait

bombance." After the death of Charles V (I 38O), Burgundy became the

center of French culture, and it is throu^ the court of Burgundy that

the modem critic must judge an inçortant aspect of fifteenth-century

French civilization.

The atmo^here at the court of Burgundy was the opposite of that vdiich prevailed at the French court. The French were unable to feel any affinity for the hero of the chanson de geste and the roman courtois; the Burgundians were inspired to imitate the exploits of these men and to prolong an age of chivalry and a feudal type of government typical of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries: in 14^0, Philip the Coed founded the Order of the Golden Fleece, and he also wanted to go on a crusade against the Turks as the knights of old had done. "Voici donc la cour de Bourgogne partie intégrante du royaume des Lancelot, des forets pé- rilleuses, des fontaines miraculeuses...," explains Jean %rchner. îhe

French, on the other hand, were tending toward a modem concept of the state and centralization of power, with the various PVench-speaking pro­ vinces united under one absolute monarch. Johan Huizinga ^ views the problem as one of a conflict between the values of chivalry and those of the approaching Renaissance: "Towards the end of the period our attention is almost entirely occupied by the genesis of new forms of political and economic life (absolutism, capitalism), and new modes of expression (Re-

Op. cit.. pp. 12-13.

5 The Waning of the Middle Ages (Garden City, Hew York: Doubleday, 1934), pp. 36-57. 4 naissance). From this point of view feudalism and diiyaliy appear as

little more than a remnant of a superannuated order already crumbling into insignificance, and, for the understanding of the epoch, almost negligible." It is understandable that the powerful dukes of Burgundy, having everything to lose in a transition from a feudal to a modern form of government, would react forcibly against sudi an absolutism which would be characteristic of ît*ance for so many centuries to come.

Chansons de geste and romans courtois figured prominently in the literary tastes of the Burgundian court, but other genres were likewise appreciated. Georges Doutrepont (La littérature française a la cour des ducs de Bourgogne), distinguishes no fewer than seven categories of works found in the ducal library: 1) epics and romans of medieval inspi­ ration, 2) romans inspired by Antiquity, 3) religious and didactic lite­ rature, 4) fabliaux and nouvelles. 3) theatre, 6) ly ric poetry and 7) historians and chroniclers. Hie dukes were certainly concerned with preserving the history of their reigns and had their chroniclers, but the greater interest in works of fiction should be apparent from this enumeration.

There were four dukes of Burgundy during the period in question:

Philip the Bold (1342-1404), John the Fearless (1371-1419), Philip the

Good (1396-1467) and Charles the Bold (1433-1^77), the most influential being Philip the Good.

Philip the Bold, son of John II the Good, king of France, and youn­ ger brother of Charles V, remained essentially French in his tastes and attitudes. Ke spent much of his time in Paris, ^diich at the time was still a great art center; nevertheless, he did not neglect Bourgogne. 5

His preference went to french writers, but for his paintings and illumi­ nated manuscripts he chose artists firom the north. Flanders, Artois,

Rethel, Nevers ana franche-Comté were added to Bourgogne under the reign of this intrepid man and able politician.

The second duke, John the Fearless, spent his youth in Paris, Bour­ gogne and Flanders « His attitudes were less French than those of his father, débité his limited stays in Burgundy in his later years. His literary tastes reflected to a great extent his Burgundian background, and it was he who was responsible for the fine literary education of his on]y son Philip the Good. John, possessing ritual rather than physi­ cal qualtities, was an ambitious duke, seeking alliances on all sides.

He was assassinated on September 10, W-19 on the tontereau bridge in the presence of the dauphin of France.

The break witli French influence became definite under Philip the

Good. His residence was Flanders, not Paris. There he ruled as an abso­ lute monarch, surrounded by an aristocratic society of courtiers. Much of the ducal library was established under Philip’s reign, and much of the Burgundian literary production dates from this period. Burgundian culture was at its greatest! Philip, a courtly prince with wise coun­ sellors, merited his surname "the Good" because of the peace he was able to maintain within his state and the benevolence of his government.

One measure of the great interest vàiich Duke Philip had in litera­ ture is the number of writers ^ which are known to have been attached

The term writer (scriptor) does not adequately express the variety of works produced by these men nor the variety of activities in which they were engaged. Unfortunately, modem English does not seem to have a general e:q>ression to cover the vrork of chronicler, translator, copyist, etc. 6

to the Burgundian court* The profession of writer became an honorable

one; "c*est un progrès du XIV® et du XV® siècle d'avoir élevé jusqu'aux

marches du trône le jongleur errant de jadis, de l'avoir melée au monde

des grands. A la cour de Bourgogne, l'écrivain est honoré de l'am itié 7 des princes," states Georges Doutrepont. To list all the writers who

were at Burgundy under Duke Philip's reign and their contributions would

be impossible; mention should be made briefly, however, of some of the

more inç)ortant ones: Georges Ghastellain, Jean WauqusUn, Jean Miélot,

David Aubert, Antoine de la Sale.

Georges Ghastellain, the most brilliant of the Burgundian chroni­

clers, came to the court for the first time in 1434-. His principal work

was the Chronique or livre de tous les haulz et gçrans faits de la chres-

tienté. souverainement de ce noble rovaulme de Rrance et de ses dépen­

dances depuis l'an vingt jusqu'à maintenant (14?^). Ghastellain, although

an ardent admirer of the dukes, succeeded nevertheless in remaining quite

iupartial; while illustrating and defending chivalric ideals, he announced

th e p o l i t i c a l o b je c tiv ity o f a Comnynes. His chronicle i s a coupilation

of facts controlled by a series of personal observations, rather than a

series of court]y episodes in the manner of a Froissart.

Jean V/auquelin—copyist, compiler and translator—was commissioned

to write a prose version of Girard de Roussillon (144?) by Philip the

Good, whom he served from 1445 to 1452. Other works of this highJy es­

teemed VJTiter include translations of Jacques de Guy se's Annales du

Hainaut (1446) and Gilles de Rome's Gouvernement des princes (1450), and

O La litté rature française a la cour des ducs de Bourgogne (Genève: Slatkine Reprint, 19?0), p. 4?1. 7 a version of Alexandre le Grand (1448) for John of Eîtampes, of which he made a copy for the duke. There s till exist today manuscripts in Wauque- lin*s hand. Wauquelin, one of the more talented of the Burgundian wri­ ters, displays a certain erudition and moralizing tone in his work.

Jean l'îiélot—translator, copyist, illuminator—was attached to the court from 1448 on, and remained in Duke Philip*s service until the duke's death, after which he served the count of Saint-Pol, to vdiom he was cha­ plain, and Charles the Bold. His specialty was didactic and religious works; the best known are a translation of Pdroir de l'âme pécheresse

(1451) and a compilation of the Miracles de Notre-Dame (1456). He was canon of Saint Peter* s at Lille from 1453 to 14?2. Miélot, a prolific writer, was not the most outstanding of the Burgundian men of letters; his manuscripts are often of more interest for the luxurious decoration with idiich they are adorned than for the text itself.

David Aubert— copyist and compiler—was one of the most successful of the writers of the Burgundian court, to vdiich he became attached prior to 1458, date of his Cronioues et Conquestes de Charlemaine. a compila­ tion in prose of the exploits of the great emperor as recorded in the chansons de geste; however, we know little or nothing about his biogra­ phy. Some of the works of this copyist and grossoyeur (one who makes copies of an original, enlarging and decorating the characters) include copies of Honoré Bonet's Arbre des Batailles (1456), Jean Miélot*s

Louanges de la Vierge (1461) and Renaud de I-bntauban (1462) . David

Aubert*s manuscripts are among tUe most luxurious and most artistic of the ducal collection as he had collaborated with the remarkable minia­ turists of the court. 8

Antoine de la Sale, one of the most varied and remarkable prose writers of the fifteenth century, was bom in Provence; he found his place, however, at Philip's court in 1^59» He was Burgundian by adop­ tion I His major work, le Petit Jehan de Saintre (1456) was not written in Burgundy; it was, nevertheless, enjoyed by the members of the ducal c o u rt. La Salade, w ritte n in 1440, was composed fo r John o f Anjou, duke or Ualabre and Lorraine; La Salle was dedicated to Louis of Luxem­ bourg, count of Saint-Pol. Antoine de la Sale, an intermediary between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, displays a knowledge of psycholo­ gical development and a stylistic talent superior to that of any other writer of his time, except perhaps Villon and the author of Pathelin.

Charles the Bold, the last of the great dukes of Burgundy, did not have his father* s exquisite tastes; he had, nevertheless, an excellent education and followed in Philip's footsteps. His sympathies were Bur­ gundian and not French, as he had spent his entire youth in the Low

Countries. He profited from the outstanding ducal library, commission­ ing additional works to be added to it. He did not have the genius ne­ cessary to accomplish the tasks he set for himself, although he was en­ dowed with superior qualities; he was overcome by ambitious plans and dreams of grandeur.

Some of the other nobles in the service of the four dukes were also bibliophiles, involved in the commissioning and collection of literary manuscripts. Mention should be made of Louis of Gruuthuse, one of the foremost citizens of Bruges, chamberlain and counsellor of Philip the

Good, for whom the Guiron le Courtois, vhich w ill figure prominently in 9

this study, was executed. His important collection of manuscripts came

into the possession of Louis XII and. became part of the library of Blois,

idiich would later form the basis of the Bibliothèque Nationale.

Aiother measure of the importance of literature to the Burgundian

court is the number of inventories made of the ducal library. There

were nine from 1404 to 1504, six of idiich were made following the death

of a Burgundian duke or duchess: 1404, Philip the Bold; 1405» his wife

Margaret of Flanders; 1420, John the Fearless; 1423, John's wife Marga­

ret of Bavaria; 1467, Philip the Good; 1477, Charles the Bold. The

last three (1435, 1487 and 1504) were made after the reign of the four

dukes.

The number of manuscripts included in these inventories is question­

able: there were duplications, objects other than manuscripts were inclu- 8 ded in the list. Georges Doutrepont, therefore, has been able to re­

duce the 908 manuscripts of the central inventory (1467) to 876. A fur­

ther problem arises from the fact that very general indications of the

nature of the manuscript were often given, rather than a precise title

or the name of the author. We find, for example, "I roumant en papier,

III autres roumans en papier, I roumant à I y [sic] et I Hvre pour les 9 dames." It is impossible, therefore, to know in some cases whether a

manuscript already appeared in a previous list, or Wiether it was a new

acquisition. In any case, 876 manuscripts must undoubtedly have repre­

sented a very handsome collection in the fifteenth century. In spite of

8 Op. cit.. p. XLIV. 9 Op. c i t . , p . XLVI. lû these difficulties, the fact that it was deemed inportant to make such inventories of the library clearly shows that manuscripts were consi­ dered as valuable possessions by the Burgundian court.

It is significant to note that the persons re^onsible for listing the contents of the ducal library were preoccupied with the material presentation of the manuscripts. We frequently can find information

concerning the condition of the manuscript: whether it has clasps or not and how many, whether i t i s w ritten on parchment o r on paper, whe­ ther it bears a coat-of-arms or not, the number of columns per folio, xdiether it is in rhyme or prose, the words Wiich begin or close the manu­

script, etc. Such information is invaluable in determining the number of works or of copies of a particular vrork.

The ducal library contained works which, to borrow Georges Doutre- 10 pont* s expression, were "born" and others which were "reborn" at the

Burgundian court. The first group includes "oeuvres [qui] sont ejgjres- sement composées pour la famille de Bourgogne[ , . .et qui souvent] sont destinées à en célébrer 1*éclat et les fastes." The second group inclu­ des those works which "datant des âges antérieurs à la dynastie ducale, sont rajeunies, modernisées ou simplement soit achetées, soit recopiées

à la demande des maîtres de céans." We should like to mention briefly a few narrative works in each of these categories.

The Geste des ducs de Bourgogne is an anonymous verse chronicle, epic in style and character, written in the early years of Philip the

Good's reign to the glory of Philip the Bold and John the Fearless. It

10 Op. c i t . , p . V. 11 is important in that it shows the way in wnich the dukes tried to emu­ late the hero of the chanson de geste. They must have their geste as

Charlemagne had had his. The fact that it is in verse (D 5^ alexan­ drines, arranged in monorhymed laisses) is noteworthy, too; most of the

Burgundian lite r a tu r e was in p ro se.

Ws can see, in the Livre des faits du bon chevalier messire Jacques de Lalaing (ca. 1467), biographical novel of doubtful authorship, the

Burgundian court’s fascination with a contençiorary Arthurian-type hero.

Jacques de lalaing is the perfect knight, living at the court of Philip the Good, distinguishing himself by his braveiy and his expertise in the accomplishment of knightly deeds. He would have been at home at the

Round Table.

We have already stated that Le Petit Jehan de Saintre (1^56) was not composed at Philip’s court; its success, however, requires that it be mentioned. We have a chivalric atmosphere, as >rith Jacques de La­ laing. It differs, nevertheless, from Jacques in its emphasis on detail and apparent destruction of the knightly ideal; Jehan loses to Damp Abbe on the surface, at least, if not morally. Antoine de la Bale even goes so far as to confront his two contestants in the very unknightly activity of a boxing match 1 His prose, characterized by a gay and mocking tone, is clear and lively, and the spirit of his work is typically southern

French and unquestionably moaem when compared to the other Burgundian literary production.

It is now generally accepted that Antoine de la Sale was not respon­ sible for the Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles (1466). These tales, created in 12 the Burgundian milieu» claim Duke Philip as one of their most prolific nar­ r a to r s . They recommend them selves—even more than the P e tit Jehan— by their modern spirit, their richness of detail and the vivacity of their dia­ logue, even though they do not attain the level of their Italian prototype.

More numerous are the works which were "reborn" at the ducal court.

These were "modernized" prose versions, in many cases, of the twelfth- and thirteenth-century chansons de geste and romans courtois. The prose writer, at times, is known to us, but often he remains anonymous. Some works were compiled into massive cyclical volumes; others were main­ tained individually. Some of these works and writers have already been mentioned, but their importance warrants repetition here.

David Aubert’s Cronioues et Conquestes de Charlemaine (14^8) is per­ haps t

Jean Wauquelin's Girard de Houssillon (144/), one of the chansons de geste maintained separately, is interesting for several reasons. The conflict of the Bourguignon hero and the king of France must have been of contemporary significance. The number of versions and copies of Girard in Burgundy attests to this, as does the unusual supervision with which

Philip honored Wauquelin's rendition.

Guiron le Courtois, among the cyclical romans courtois, figured 13 very early in the Burgundian library; a copy already acquired by

Philip the Bold in 1400, given to him by his chamberlain and counsellor

Charles o f P o itie r s . The Guiron tra d itio n , o f unknown authorship

(attributed to the fictitious Helie de Boron), dates from 1235t and forms the second part of the novel Palamede. Other Arthurian compila­ tions which were part of the ducal collection are a copy of the prose

Lancelot (1215-1220 for the Lancelot propre) and another of the prose

Tristan (1225-1230).

The Erec and Cliges which are the basis of the present study were among the individual Arthurian prose works found in Philip the Good* s library; both are preserved in single manuscripts. The Cliges is of par­ ticular Importance in that it is precisely dated: explicit March 26,

1454". Erec seems to have been composed within a few years prior to or fuUowing that date. Both are written on the same type of paper, in the same hand and in the same Picard dialect.

This Burgundian literature, in its "rebirth," had one thing in com­ mon: it came to reflect more faithfully, through "modernization," the 12 milieu of which it was the product. Jean îÿchner was certainly right to speak of a "rencontre intime entre la société et la littérature bour­ guignonne ."

A more difficult question is to determine in which direction such

11 Tliis is undoubtedly not the manuscript vàiich figures in our study, as ours was commissioned by Louis of Gruuthuse at Bruges, but may have been a copy of it. However, the popularity of Guiron is attes­ ted to by the number of manuscripts ( 31—none of which is presently ' in Burgundy, but 5 are in England^--partial or complete—in which it is preserved. Cf. R. Lathuillere, Guiron le Courtois: Etude de la tradition manuscrite et analyse critique (GenWe: Droz, 1966), p. 35. 12 Littérature et moeurs chevaleresques, p. 10. 14 an influence exerted itself. Did the literature of the twelfth and thir­ teenth centuries iuçose its values on the manners of the fifteenth-cen­ tury Burgundian court? Or, on the contrary, did the court refashion the literary works of the past to conform to its own attitudes and preju­ dices?

We have already suggested certain ways in which the dukes tried to imitate the epic or the Arthurian hero: by having their own geste com­ posed, by Philip the Good's founding of the Order of the Golden Fleece and his project of a crusade against the Turks.

The fact that it was deemed necessary to rejuvenate the chansons de geste and the romans courtois, however, vrould seem to suggest that the courtiers of Burgundy were not willing to blindly accept the chivalric ideals of the past, that they recognized that things had changed, that their perspective in reading these works was not that of the twelfth or thirteenth century.

We would tend to agree conç>letely with Jean lychner when he con­ cludes that the influence was reciprocal. The fifteenth-century work is like a distorted image of the twelfth- or thirteenth-century work, dis­ torted by the mirror vûiich is the Bwgundian court. "Si 1'esprit cheva­ leresque," writes Jean J^chner, "c'est-à-dire une morale aristocra­ tique et chrétienne du XII"' siecle, a pu régner sur les esprits avec une force suffisante pour influencer les moeurs jusque bien avant dans la seconde moitié du XV® siecle, i l le doit incontestablement à l'appui de la littérature romanesque, remaniée, rajeunie, arrangée par la volonté

Op» cit.. p. 25. 15 de Philippe le Bon. Je ne veux pas dire que la littérature seule ait forgé le milieu bourguignon. Dans une certaine mesure, disons 'au début*, elle en est, en sens inverse, 1* expression, peut-être le miroir; mais un miroir qui réfléchirait le visage que vous désireriez avoir. Philippe le Bon s’y voit Alexandre [and Charlemagne, vie would add], Jacques de

Lalaing y prend les traits de Gilles de Ghin. La littérature agit sur l'homme de toute la puissance de ses mirages."

1.2. A further point in which the works found in the library of the dukes of B’jrgundy resemble each other, is that they are for the most part in prose, many of them prose versions of earlier works in verse form. It is a fact that, throu^out the twelfth and thirteenth centu­ ries, the accepted form for literary works was verse. In the fourteenth, and especially in the fifteenth, century the situation completely re­ versed itself, verse being the exception rather than the rule. This was particularly true of works of narrative fiction; here form was all im­ portant, and what was said was less important than how it was said. In 14 discussing the thirteenth-centuiy Mort Artu. Jean %rchner states that

"une oeuvre est toute entière dans sa forme." It would be fruitful, therefore, to mention some of the early prose works in French and to discuss briefly some reasons for the change from verse to prose as this can be considered a major literary revolution.

"La prose [...] s*est inçiosée d’abord pour les genres qui suivent

14 L’Articulation des phrases narratives dans la Mort Artu. Recueil de travaux publies par la Faculté des Lettres, fasc. 32 (Neuchâtel; Faculté des Lettres/ Genève: Droz, 1970), p. ?. 16

de près la vie, c'est-a-dire la chronique et les mémoires,” states Jens

Rasmussen. In the thirteenth century, prose found its way into the

chronicles. In the twelfth century, Wace and Benoît de Sainte-Maure com­

posed their chronicles in verse; at the beginning of the thirteenth centu­

ry, Villehardouin chose prose for his Conquête de Constantinople (1207-

1213} in keeping with its historical and factual nature. This tradition

was continued in the following century by Froissart, among others; as a

poet himself (Meliador, 138^), however, he had originally chosen verse

for his Chroniques (1370-1400) after the manner of the earlier chroni­

clers. The artistic quality of Froissart's prose liKeiy contributed to

the eventual success of that form. It is essential to note here that

chronicles are more concerned with the events related than with the form

in viiich they are related; they are a news medium.

Soon, this prose "s'est donc généralisée peu a peu dans les genres

de fiction, le roman et le conte, ” as Jens Rasmussen points out. The first fictional works which seem to have been treated in prose were the

Arthurian romances. The first part of the prose Lancelot (the Lancelot propre) was w ritte n between 1213 and 1220; th e date o f Guiron le Cour­ tois is 1235; Tristan (1225-1230) was another of the very early romans to be reworked in prose. It is evident that in the first half of the thirteenth century, prose was invading the domain of the fictional nar­ rative. However, it is also evident that, even down to the fifteenth century, ivriters were acutely aware that prose was not the accepted me-

La Prose narrative française du XV^ siecle (Copenhague: Munksgaard, 1958) , p . 2 0 . 16 ^ Loc. e x t. 17 diim, and felt it necessary to make excuses for their insufficiency, as though they may not have been capable of writing the work in verse (see V . 17 "Prologues" of prose Erec and Cliges). Werner Soderhjelm points out that there is one fictional narrative of the thirteenth century where we can see this transformation from verse to prose take place before our very eyes: the chantefable Aucassin et Nicolette. This short work is unique in its combination of verse and prose. An analysis of the por­ tio n s conç)osed in verse and those composed in prose re v e a ls a dichotomy between the two forms. All the action, everything vdiich pertains to the concrete, material world, takes place in the prose segments. The verse parts are reserved for reflection on the part of the characters, for analysis of sentiments, etc. Such a dichotony, combined vri.th what we already know about the use of prose in the chronicles, would seem to re­ veal one of the reasons for the choice of prose in a given work: to in­ vest the work with a scientific nature.

Many scholars of fifteenth-century prose literature have mentioned the desire to invest the work with a scientific nature as one of the main reasons for a w riter's choosing prose over verse. Henry John Chay- 18 tor states that "[...] prose allowed a writer to give attention to the subject at hand without the distraction of hunting for rimes and other forms of decoration or padding. Prose became distinguished as dealing with matters of fact and not of fancy; it was a scientific medium.

Therefore, to tell a story in prose was to invest it with an air of

17 e La Nouvelle fran çaise du XV sie c le (P a ris: Champion, 1910), p . B ff. 18 From Script to Print (Cambridge: University Press, 19^5), P» 8 5 . 18 realism which verse dissipated in the first few couplets•“ When a wri­ ter wanted his audience to take seriously what he said, when he consi­ dered the subject to be more important than the form, 'fcdien he wanted to emphasize that he was dealing with factual matters rather than fanciful ones, he chose prose. Chaytor’s statement may be challenged when works of other periods are considered, but we feel that it must be accepted when discussing fifteenth-century Prance. The dichotomy was, indeed, too g re a t between works composed in verse and those composed in p ro se . 19 Pierre-fves Badel has essentially the same view of the situa­ tion. "La prose était alors la forme prise par l'histoire (Faits des

Romains. Chronique de Villehardouin). Son adoption par les romanciers est donc très significative. La rime était sentie parfois comme une contrainte, elle n'allait pas sans conforter quelque mensonge. User donc de la prose, c'est 'faire historique', 'faire vrai' . Elle donne mieux que le vers l'illusion de la réalité. Obtenir cet effet est tou­ jours davantage la fin poursuivie par les romanciers courtois." It is curious to note that both Cnaytor and Badel feel that rhyme was a sort of "distraction" or "contrainte", and that the use of prose was re­ served for "matters of fact", when one wanted to "faire historique".

One is left, nevertheless, with the uneasy feeling that there is an unresolved contradiction between the desire to "faire vrai" and the

"illusion de la réalité" of which Badel speaks. Truth and historical facts are not, or should not be, an illusion. It is perhaps Emile

19 \ f Introduction à la vie littéraire du moyen âge IParis: Bordas/The Hague: Houton, 1969), p. 196. Cf. also Erich Ô iler, "Zur Entstehung des altfranzosischen Prosaromans, " V/issenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Friedrich-Schiller-Universitat Jena. 3 (1955-1956) Gesellschafts- und Sprachijissenschaftliche Reihe, II/III, 287-288. 19 20 Besch who has found a satisfactory solution to this inconsistency. 21 Besch views the problem in a slightly different light, as one of a conflict between the bourgeois and aristocratic elements of society.

Finding that one characteristic of the bourgeois spirit is the "gout de l'histoire, des faits exacts, de la réalité prosaïque," he concludes that "le public moins aristocratique, moins épris d'héroisme, auquel l'adressent les romans nouveaux, - ou plus exactement renouvelés. - se plaît aux récits extraordinaires. Ce que le bourgeois demande à la lit­ térature, c'est de lui tracer le tableau d'une vie artificielle et fan­ taisiste qui l'entraîne loin de la réalité quotidienne, dont la simple reproduction ne l'intéresse pas. Il préfère cependant que cette fantai­ sie garde une allure de vérité, et le mélange de 1' élément historique avec la fiction merveilleuse réalise précisément cette condition," Besch has perhaps revealed the reason for the invasion of prose into the fic­ tional narrative, although—and we cannot stress this too strongly—the

Burgundian literature was composed for aristocrats (who were often the maecenas) rather than for bourgeois. It is clear that the members of

Philip's court knew that the Arthurian romances were fiction and not fact; however, by treating these romances in prose, they were investing them with the all-important "allure de vérité". This mixture of fact and fic­ tion is also evident in the pictorial art of the period. In Hubert and

Jan van %rck's Virgin and Child with the Chancellnr for instance, we have the very detailed and precise depiction of the Chancellor of Burgundy

20 "Les adaptations en prose des chansons de geste au XV® e t au XVI® siècle," Revue du XVI® Siècle. 3 (1915). 155-Ibl.

21 On. cit., 166, 168, 20

and of the landscape; he is, nevertheless, "fictionally" represented

with the Virgin and Child.

This apparent contraaiction between a non-scientific literature and

the desire for some semblance of truth or historicity vdaich seems evi­ dent in the prose narrative leads to an uncertainty as to the genre to which one should assign the mises en prose. The importance they accord to psychological development and factual detail makes it most tempting to designate these adaptations as romans, although they may be a little too short to warrant such a classification, especially in the modern

sense of the term. We feel, however, that the mises en prose may have to be considered as a separate genre. The word roman appears only once in the prose Srec and Cliges published by Foerster, and there it is asso­ ciated with histoire ("lirre et escouter rommans et histoirez," Cliges. p. 2Ü3). In reference to themselves or to other literary works, on the other hand, the words compte and histoire (or istoire) appear twenty- seven times each. This perhaps reflects the very delicate balance the writer was trying to achieve between fantasy (compte) and historicity

(histoire/istoire).

Another very important reason for the change from verse to prose was the change from a listening to a reading public. Georges Doutre- 22 pont, in discussing David Aubert's Croniques et Conauestes de Gharle- maine. states that "la prose est preferable, pour la lecture, à 1 ' arran ­ gement syllabique et mélodique des mots." We are dealing here, of course, with a genre idiich was originally destined to be recited: the chanson de

22 Los Mises en prose des épopées et des romans chevaleresques (Bruxelles: Palais des Academies, 1939)» PP • 3^1-3^2. 21

geste, Does the same hold true when dealing with the mise en prose of a

roman courtois which had always been read? Doutrepont concludes that it

does, that “notre observation précédente sur l'évolution des moeurs et

les variations du goût lui est applicable." It is certainly true that

the assonance of the epic was appropriately striking to the ear of the

medieval lis te n e r . The rhymed couplets of th e roman c o u rto is, vràiile

likely to catch the eye of the reader, were found to be accessory and

not necessary to the appreciation of the tale. 23 Henry John Chaytor stresses the importance of education in the

growing popularity of prose, stating that “Education [...] increased

the number of those who could read for their own amusement or who were

able by reading aloud to amuse their friends. Readers were bored by rhetorical devices intended to show the capacity of a minstrel or reci­

ter and by the stock epithet, the chevilles and the turns of expression to thich composers were drawn in their search for rimes; they wanted in­

cident and plot." We can say that the reading public was more concerned with the mot .juste, the word that would advance the action or plot of the tale than it was with a word chosen merely because it contained the necessary rhyme or Decause it demonstrated the w riter's expertise in the use of rhetorical devices. This is very significant as we are dealing with the period immediately preceding that of the Grands Rhétorigueurs.

It must be assumed that the dukes of Burgundy read the many manu­ scripts in their collection, although we have very little information on the subject. Mention has been made of their excellent education, and

23 Op. c i t . . p . 8 9. 22 Olf. Cieorges Doutrepont has been able to assemble certain testimonies, in the chronicles, to the effect that the dukes did in fact take pleasure in reading. It should be noted here that, although the four dukes had a general interest in literature, most of the Burgundian literary acti­ vity—and the collection of manuscripts—was confined to tne reign of

Philip the Good. The duchesses, too, had intellectual interests. Mar­ garet of Bavaria, wife of John the Fearless, borrowed books from the ducal library, and Margaret of York, wife of Charles the Bold, ordered manuscripts from the court writers. The latter, an English princess, symbolizes just one of the strong ties between England and Burgundy which have become apparent in our study.

The prologues of our prose works would likewise instruct us as to the vnûter* s concern with a reading, rather than a listening, public.

The writer of Erec. addressing his audience, begs "ceulx qui en après le lirront qu‘ils ayent mon rude stille de parler pour excuse" (p. 253 )•

The one responsible for Clives, on the other hand, is not so quick to reject the possibility of a listening audience as well, speaking of those viho "se tournent au bon usage de lirre et escouter rommans et his­ toirez en lieu de passetançjs" (p. 283). It seems clear, in any case, that reading was a well-established practice in the milieu to which our mises en prose addressed themselves. Its pleasurable aspects, further­ more, were also perceived; it was a "passetarps" to be enjoyed.

Not only was reading recommended as a "passetam ps," i t likew ise had its didactic purpose. "Le public de la littérature narrative,"

24 , La Littérature française, pp. 466-468. 23

according to Jens Rasmussen, "était attire soit par le caractère

utile, soit par le caractère plaisant de la lecture. C'est par son uti­

lité que se justifiait la chronique. fin racontant la vie des grands

hommes du passé, elle pouvait servir de lepon aux générations a venir

We return, once again, to the idea that, in order to be taken seriously,

a work must be composed in prose. If one's major purpose in writing is

didactic, one wants to be taken seriously. Much of the prose litera­

ture of the fifteenth century is trying to teach something. The use of

prose here followed the tradition of the earliest didactic works in the

vernacular: translations of parts of the Bible (e.g. the twelfth-century

Oxford and Cambridge Psautiers and the Quatre Livres des Rois) -

Didactic literature, however, was not restricted to these non-

fictional genres; the fictional narrative also took on a moralizing

tone. Robert Guiette, in discussing the reasons given by David Au-

b e rt fo r vjriting th e Croniques e t Conqueste s de Charlemaine (14-38),

states: "Les raisons qu'il proclame sont 'morales.'" and later "II ne

pretend pas faire autre chose que les chroniqueurs — entendons-nous, il

il s'agit pas des chroniqueurs ses contemporains, mais des anciens; —

c'est moins la vérité des faits qui 1'intéresse que leur valeur morale."

Philip and his courtiers imitated the hero of the epic and the roman

courtois in order to revive chivalric ideals which were decaying in the rapidly evolving fifteenth-century society. Philip's projected crusade against the Turks was not only to imitate the feats of earlier crusaders.

25 Op. cit.. p. 1 7. 26 "Chanson de geste, chronique et raise en prose," Cahiers de Civili­ sation Médiévale. 6 (1963), 424, 432. Zk

but to re-establish the moral values for idiich they stood. 27 It is also true, as Emile Besch poijnts out, that many of these prose adaptations were the work of clerics. This would explain, accor­

ding to him, their didactic nature: "Cependant," he writes, "presque tous ces remaniements apparaissent, d'autre part, comme des oeuvres de

clercs, et leurs pieux et savants conteurs leur impriment un caractère particulier. En dépit des gauloiseries qui parfois les égayent, des

scènes de magie qui les compliquent, nos romans prennent souvent le ca­ ractère d'ouvrages d'édification et de moralisation." This is not suf­ ficient to e^lain the invasion of the didactic tone into the domain of the fictional narrative, although it is true that many of the writers of the time were clerics, who were in fact among the few possessing the necessary education to carry out such work. We find, rather, that it was related to the dukes' desire to give new life to values and ideals which were no longer felt as natural or relevant.

The prologues of our prose Srec and prose Cligès also speak of the edifying nature of the tale which is about to unfold. We read, in Erec:

"Au continuel exercice du recomptement des histoires contenans les fais des nobles anchians l'en puelt assez prosfiter par diuers moyens" (p.

253» 1-3) = The T-zriter, unfortunately, does not choose to elaborate on what th e se "diuers moyens" might b e. The w rite r o f C ligès i s even le s s specific, stating siuply that he will devote his poor understanding to translating his story from verse to prose, as "ceulx du tamps present voulentiers se tournent au bon usage de lirre et escouter rommans et

27 Op. c it.. p. 169. 25

histoires" (p. 283, 3-^) • Reading, in any case, is conceived of as a

"bon usage" from viiich one can "prosfiter."

S till another reason for the eventual victory of prose over verse

was the writer’s concern with being concise and to the point. As Geor- 28 ges Doutrepont points out, this, too, is connected with the desire

for vérité; "Le vers empêche de parler court et de faire bref [...] Il

enpêche de serrer la vérité de près," The prose version, therefore,

should always be shorter than the verse original. We have already men­ tioned that the educated medieval reader was bored vdth chevilles, stock epithets chosen for a particular rhyme, rhetorical devices. All but the most educated and expert of readers, from a purely practical point of view, must have had trouble reading medieval manuscripts, some of which are very difficult to decipher. The shorter the better! Today’s reader readily accepts literature in its written form; the medieval reader's concept of it tended to be oriented towards its oral form.

It would be significant to know just what sort of details the prose w rite r, in h is concern with making a work sh o rter and th u s more accep­ table to his audience, omitted from his composition. It is to his de- 29 sire for historicity, according to Emile Besch, "qu’on peut attribuer cette diminution de 1’élément sentimental que nous signalions plus haut.

Le bourgeois franpais est plutôt gaulois et grivois que rêveur et pas­ sionné, et du reste la gauloiserie, quelquefois même l’obscénité, n’est

28 Les Mises en prose, p . 3^5* Cf. also Hermann Tiemann, "Zur Geschichte des aitfranzosischen Prosaromans. Bemerkungen zu einigen neueren Werken, " Romanische Forschungen. 63 (1951), 3 ^ -3 1 1 •

Qp» c it .. p. 168. 26

pas absente de plusieurs de ces remaniements." This statement, while it

may apply to many of the adaptations of the chansons de geste to which

Besch was refering, is not generally applicable to the corpus of Burgun­

dian literature, and in particular to the works under consideration in

th i s stu d y . We are dealing vàth works composed fo r an a r is to c ra tic pu­

blic, based on already courtly models.

There are several indications, on the other hand, in the prose

Erec and prose Cliges. of the w riter's concern with making the work

shorter, in precipitating the action. Wanting to leave something to

the reader* s imagination, the author of Erec refuses to enumerate the

many courses served at the wedding feast of Erec and Enide: "Des mets,

entremets, vin ypocras ne fera nulle raencion nostre compte . car ce

seroit trop longue chose a descripre et ausi chascun puelt bien pencer

et considérer que l'en ne les saroit dire" (p. 265» 4-7). Cligès' au­

thor explains that the hero "eust este par pluseurz contrées et regions

qui trop seroient longues a racompter" in search of "joustes tournois

behourdz et altrez telz ordenances ou entretenances du noble mestier d 'armez" in order to prove himself as a knight (p. 521 , 27-29).

A tendancy, in seeming contradiction to the above statements, was to compile the prose works into long cyclical volumes: the prose Lance­

lot (the Lancelot propre 1215-1220), the prose Tristan (1225-1230),

David Aubert's Cr-oniques et Conquestes de Charlemaine (1456). The most

complete version of G^iron le Courtois (1235) is contained in a manu­

script of six volumes and 2059 folios I These compilations, nevertheless, were divided into more manageable segments or "chapters" which were

clearly indicated by titles giving a résumé of the content of the "chap- 27

ter" and, especially in early prose romances such as La Mori le roi Artu

(1230), by such stock phrases as "mes atant lesse ore 11 contes a parler

de lui ici endroit et retome a parler de monseigneur Gauvain et de Ga-

heriet" followed by "En ceste partie dit 11 contes que..." ^ The for­

mat of the modern novel is bom.

1 .3 . The corpus of Burgundian literature, and the mises en prose in

particular, have received relatively little attention to date despite

their importance.

Ihe most extensive critical work on both the mises en prose and

the Burgundian literature has been done by Georges Doutrepont in his La

Littérature française à la cour des ducs de Bourgogne (originally pu­

blished in 1909, Slatkine Reprint 1970) and Les Mises en prose des épo­

pées et des romans chevaleresques (1939)• He has catalogued, in these

two works, the major literary production in these areas. La littéra­

ture française, through a careful examination of the inventories of the ducal library, has as its purpose "de retracer, en un tableau d'ensem­

ble, en une synthèse, la vie intellectuelle de cette cour brillante et

fastueuse entre toutes." It also contains a classification of the li­ terary production of Burgundy according to the ducal reign under which

it appeared and according to genre. Les Mises en prose—a critical, historical and bibliographical study of the genre—classifies these tales according to the faithfulness with which they follow their verse

^ Jean Frappier, ed., La Mort le roi Artu (Geneve: Droz/ Paris: Kinard, 1964), p. ly.

Op » cit.. p. X. 28

original and according to the various types of adaitions, omissions and

modifications; it gives as well some general observations concerning the

procedures involved in transforming a work from verse to prose. These

two critical works are essential reference sources for our study. Uou-

trepont, however, because of the magnitude of the task which he tried to

accomplish, was unable to treat any one particular work in detail; nei­

ther, therefore, can be considered as a literary analysis of the problem,

Jean I^chner, in La Littérature et les moeurs chevaleresques à la

cour de Bourpcogne ( 1950), studied an excreraely important, but very limi­

ted aspect of the question: the interreaction and interrelationship

between literature and society. Rychner, basing his remarks largely on

th e Livre des f a i ts de m essire Jacques de Lalainç? (ca? 14-67), has suc­

ceeded in evoking the atmosphere of the court of Philip the Good. Ry his demonstration of the harmony that existed between the milieu and the

artistic production of that milieu, he has presented a fine analysis of

the attitudes which prevailed in fifteenth-century Burgundy. The accu­

racy of his observations is such that they could be applied directly to the mises en prose we are considering.

Chaytor» s book, Irom Script to Print (194-5), is essential for its very keen discussion of the transition from verse to prose and of the

change in attitude towards literature brought about by the invention of printing. Chapter V, "Prose & T ran slatio n ," i s e sp e c ia lly recommended for its study of reasons for the use of prose rather than verse, of cer­ tain technical problems involved in the translation of a work from verse to prose, and of the development of prose not only in France, but in

Spain, Portugal and Germany as well. His analysis of the mise en prose 29 of Berinus is an excellent model which may be adopted, as we have done in Chapter II of the present study, in the comparison of a verse romance with its subsequent prose adaptation.

C. E. Pickford, L'Evolution du roman arthurien en prose vers la fin du moyen âp:e (Paris: Nizet, I960), states that "nous avons voulu exami- Op ner de quelle manière la structure du roman lui-même a évolué." His work is of interest for its discussion of the difference between the

Arthurian romance of the thirteenth and that of the fifteenth century.

His analysis of the development of the book in the modern sense of the term and.the evolution in its presentation is penetrating and complements

Chaytor*s views. Pickford*s ideas are essentially the same as those of

Rychner as far as the influence of society on literature and/or litera­ ture on society is concerned. However, his study, dealing specifically with the larger, cyclical Arthurian romances, is not directly applicable to our analysis of individual works.

Several articles devoted to the mises en prose, each dealing with a particular aspect of the problem, have already been cited. In "Les e e \ adaptations en prose des chansons de geste au XV et au XVI siecle," 33 Emile Besch considered the mises en prose as "oeuvres d* esprit bour­ geois, mais de rédaction cléricale et savante." We have indicated that his conclusions, very much influenced by Bedier, do not apply as well to the mises en prose of the aristocratic roman courtois as they do to those of the more popular epic. Robert Guiette, in "Chanson de geste,

32 Op. cit.. p. 9« 33 Op. c it .. p. 162. 30 % chronique et mise en prose," demonstrated clearly the difference in

point of view and the evolution of a legend from the chanson de geste

(La Chanson de Roland), through the chronicle (Pseudo-Turpin) to the raise en prose (David Aubert's Croniques et Conquestes de Charlemaine) .

The form or state of a legend, according to him, reflects the soul of the

epoch in idiich it was created. His remarks concerning the didactic na­ ture of the mises en prose and the reasons for the use of prose are pe­ netrating and reflect the situation as we find it in our texts. To this

should be added Lewis Thorpe's "Les ' contes desrimez' et les premiers 35 romans en prose" in which, after a discussion of the term "contes desrimez", he tries to determine, on the basis of a thorough study of the various manuscripts involved, whether the Roman des sept sages de

Rome, the Roman de Marques and the Roman de Laurin were actually "contes desrimez" or whether they were written directly in prose. Thorpe's de­ monstration is not pertinent to our study as we know that we are in­ deed dealing with "contes desrimez."

Werner Soderhjelm's La Nouvelle française du siecle (I 9ID) and

Jens Rasmussen's La Prose narrative française du siecle (1958), al­ though not dealing principally with the mises en prose commissioned at the court of Burgundy, are invaluable for an understanding of the fic­ tional narrative at the time that concerns us. Soderhjelm's "Introduc­ tion" is of great value as a study of the nouvelle in France before the fifteenth century and as an analysis of the relationship between the use

^ Cf. n. 26.

35 Melanges de langue et de littérature du moyen ap:e et de la Renaissance offerts a Jean j'raopier. II (Geneve; Droz, 1970), pp. 1030-1041. 31

of prose and the desire for factual detail; his analysis of individual

works is less useful for our purposes as he is dealing with a genre

other than the mise en prose» Rasmussen's book is most important for

its treatment of certain stylistic considerations, including narrative

structure and technique, as well as for its discussion of the attitudes

and ideologies presented by the authors. We have often had occasion to

refer to his analysis in Chapter III, in our discussion of the style of

our te x ts .

Most recently, when we were already well embarked on the present

study, there came to our attention a dissertation by Ms. I'lartha Louise

VJallen, e n title d The Art o f Adaptation in the F ifteen th -cen tu ry EnaC-gL

Rnide and .CIli.^.\s (University of Wisconsin, 1972) • A careful study of

Ms. Wallen* s dissertation reveaxeü tnat there was s till much to be said about the two mises en prose in question. We have, therefore, attempted to develop different areas from those emphasized by Ms. Wallen. She has devoted two important chapters (II, VII) to the way in which Ghrestien and the prose writer have motivated their protagonists' actions; we have omitted a discussion of this problem. Ms. Wallen has written about cha­ racterization and character interrelationships in Erec (IV); we have con­ centrated, rather, on the description of characters. Her discussion of esthetic and stylistic tendencies (V, VIII) is not related to the style curial, as we have done. There are other considerations which, regret­ tably, Ms. VJallen did not develop at all or did not develop fully enough to our point of view, such as the question of literary influences or mo-

Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 1973. 32

dels, the misogynie attitude of the Burgundian court, the use of didac­

tic material, etc.; we have tried to fill these lacunae. We feel that

Ms. Wallen was not completely successful in presenting the mises en prose as a reflection of the fifteenth century and of Duke Philip's

court. There are two other areas we have examined, which Ms. Wallen

chose to ignore. She considers the adaptations as though they were writ­

ten by two different people, although she admits that this may not be true, cf. p. 2?8, n . 1 ; we have discussed this question in detail in

Chapter IV. Ms. VJallen apparently made no attempt to consult the

Gruuthuse manuscript, although she was aware of its existence, cf. p.

2^; it plays an irgjortant role, however, in the present study.

Mention should also be made of certain recent studies concerning individual prose works from a linguistic rather than a literary point of view. Jean Rychner's L'Articulation des phrases narratives dans la Mort

Artu (1970), althou^ dealing with a work which preceded the ones that concern us by some two hundred years, is of interest for its outstanding and thorough treatment of the structure of the sentence in one medieval prose romance. Bychner, feeling that medieval prose, like medieval verse, obeyed certain rules and techniques, applied certain methods in his attempt to reveal patterns in the sentence structure of the Mort

Artu which can certainly be adapted to later works; this we have tried to do in Chapter IV. Interesting, but perhaps less useful in a literary study, is Julia Kristeva's Le Texte du roman ^1970) in which she applies the methods of transformational linguistics and generative grammar to

Antoine de la Sale's Le Petit Jehan de Saintre.

We would also like to mention the work which Eugene Vinaver has 33

done on Malory's Forte Darthur and in particular his Malory (1^29),

which contains an excellent chapter on "iranslatlon and Style." Ihe

problems Malory faced were in some ways different from those which our

prose writers confronted (Malory was going from Old French prose to

Middle English prose, whereas our writers were going from OH French

verse to i'liadle French prose, or even from a model in Middle French

prose to Middle French prose). Certain sim ilarities, nevertheless, are

not without significance for our approach. Vinaver has more recently

studied the problem of the multiplicity of parallel episodes and their

arrangement in a cohesive prose unity known as the Arthurian Vulgate in

chapter VI entitled "La Creation romanesque," which is part of the col­

lection of articles published as A la recherche d'une poétique médié­

vale ( I 97O). Again, this is not relevant for our study, since he is

dealing with the longer, cyclical romances

1A. It would seem, from the above, that a study of the mises en prose would De valuable from at least three points of view:

a) to see what techniques were applied to turn the verse form into the prose version;

b) to see to what extent the prose literature reflects the values and prejudices of the Burgundian court in the fifteenth century, and that from a purely literary point of view;

c) to see, from a linguistic point of view, the " state" of l'Yench prose at this period and its literary application to an exançle of the mises en prose.

The present study addresses iuseli' to these three points, viiile 34 limiting itself to a discussion of the known prose versions of Chres- tien*s Erec and Cliges as typical of the mise en prose genre «

A detailed and complete comparison of the prose texts with their models has been made in Chapter II in order to determine what techniques were applied to turn Chrestien's verse romances into prose. This is a careful line by line, verse by verse, comparison. The only known prose version of Cliges is that published by Foerster; however, in the case of

Erec this involved one complete and two partial texts: the one published by Foerster, those parts of the Erec published by C. E. Pickford which follow Ghrestien's tale, and the text of the manuscript B.N. f.fr. 363» f o lio s 1936 through 222b, a prose rendering of approximately the first third of the original poem. The prose versions follow Ghrestien very closely (the only major episode added to Ghrestien's text is the last two pages of the prose Erec) «• particular attention, therefore, has been given to those details which the prose writer added to, or omitted from, his model. Stylistic, as well as content, changes have been noted, such as the change from direct to indirect discourse.

A cataloguing of the above-mentioned additions and omissions to

Clarestien* s text has provided us with the information necessary to make, in Chapter III, a statement concerning the attitudes and prejudices of the writer of the prose works and, by extension, of the Burgundian court vdiich commissioned them. Such an analysis also reveals the purpose be­ hind the production of these mises en prose. Why a aariter accepts one detail, rejects a second and adds still a third reflects very clearly his own background as well as the cultural atmosphere in which he is writing. We have been able, on the basis of this information, to make 35

a statement concerning the literary value of our prose texts and their

place in the development of French narrative prose. Such a statement

includes a discussion of the possible influence of French literature in

England, an analysis of the description of characters and of the use of

didactic material, stylistic considerations, etc.

We have finally dealt with certain linguistic problems related to

the texts (Chapter IV). This discussion is based on the accurate con­

cordances and frequency lists prepared with the help of the Ohio State

University's IM S/3 7 0 MOD 165 computer from the Erec and Cligès pu­

blished by Foerster. A limited number of items were studied and com­

pared in the two texts to see vAiether we could produce evidence to the

effect that the same person wrote both versions. Ihese include: frequen­

cy of certain common words which are not affected ky content (articles,

pronouns, prepositions, etc.), means of coordination and subordination

in the sentence structure, patterns in the use of direct and indirect

discourse, patterns in the beginnings of sentences, etc. The results were compared ifith concordances of a similar number of lines from David

Aubert* s Croniques et Conquestes de Charlemaine (in the Guiette edition) to see if he may have been the author of our two prose texts. We were

led to consider David Aubei*t because of the clerical nature of the two prosc texts and because the texts, vhich precede the Croniques et Con­ que stes by several years, were produced at or about the time when David

Aubert became officially attached to the Burgundian court. His prose versions of Erec and Cligès. unsigned, could possibly have brought him to the attention of Duke Philip. Vfe have chosen a portion of his ren­ dering of Jean Bodel's Chanson des Saisnes for our purpose, like our 36 texts, his model is French and is known to us. It contains a signifi­

cant amount of dialogue, as do our prose adaptations. Its romanesque quality, created in part by the number of female characters involved in the narrative, distinguishes it from other chansons treated by David

Aubert. We were aware from the beginning, however, that, given the num­ ber of writers at the ducal court—some of idiom are unknown—the chances of choosing the right adapter were indeed slim.

* * *

It is our hope that the present study will contribute to a deeper knowledge and appreciation of the mise en prose as an independent genre, having its own literary and stylistic traditions and merits, and as an original art form, reflecting also the attitudes and prejudices of fifteenth-century Burgundy. Chapter Two

Erec and Cligès: A Comparison of the Verse and Prose Versions

Erec

2.1*1. The one complete prose version of Erec, as we have seen, was

part of the library of the dukes of Burgundy, figuring in the inventory

of 1467. Today, the manuscript is in the Royal Library of Brussels,

bearing the number 7235» Dating from the middle of the fifteenth centu­

ry, it is in the Picard dialect and resembles very closely the manuscript

of Cliges. As there is only a single manuscript, the problem of variants

does not present itself. Published by Wendelin Foerster, along with

Ghrestien's original, in Christian von Troyes' Samtliche Werke, ^ it

w ill form the basis of our comparison between Ghrestien*s version and

the fifteenth-century prose versions. The romance is divided by the

scribe into a prologue and forty-two "chapters," each with a title or résumé of the "chapter" beginning "Comment..." The first forty "chap­ ters" follow the original very faithfully; the end of "chapter" forty

and "chapters" forty-one and forty-two are an original addition of the

prose w riter. Foerster has been good enough to provide us, in the prose

text, with the corresponding verse number in the poem to facilitate our

comparison•

Ghrestien de Troyes, Christian von Troyes* Samtliche Werke, ed. W. Foerster, Erec und Enide (Amsterdam: Rodopi Reprint, 1965) • All references will be to this edition.

37 38 2 2.1.2. A second prose Erec has been published by C. £. Pickford»

this one based on the manuscript BN f. fr. 112. It dates from July 4,

W-70 and vas transcribed for Jacques of Armagnac» duke of Nemours.

This Erec, however, is a completely different one from that of Chres- tien. In it, Erec is presented as the knight who could not lie, a lau­ dable trait, but one which will force him to decapitate his own sister I

Secondly, Enide, second only to Erec in Ghrestien* s poem, does not fi­ gure in this version. Thirdly, Erec, unvanquished in the twelfth- centuiy romance and in the prose version published by Foerster, is killed in the end by Gauvain. Thus, it should be obvious that this w ill not be a very useful version when it comes to a comparison with the original. Nevertheless, there are certain episodes and characters tdiich resemble those in Ghrestien. In both versions, Brec is attacked by an aggressive, armed dwarf; in both is found the theme of the indivi­ dual combat lAich ends when the sword of one of the adversaries is bro­ ken (Ghrestien; Ereo-Guivret le Petit, Pickford: Erec-Mordret); third­ ly, the enchanter I-îabon (Pickford) recalls Kaboagrain or Mabonagrain

(Ghrestien). In these cases, reference will, of course, be made to

Pickford*s Erec.

2 .1 .3 . Yet a third version of Erec exists, this one to date unpub­ lished. It forms part of the last volume of Guiron le Courtois and is 3 found in the manuscript BN f . fr. 363, folios 193b through 222b.

2 Erec. Roman arthurien en prose, ed. C. E. Pickford (Geneve: Droz/ Paris: Minard, 196b). All references to Pickford*s Erec will be to this edition. 39

This m anuscript, which we have reason to b eliev e was cong)osed la t e r

than the version published by Foerster, was commissioned l%r louis of

Gruuthuse, a prominent citizen of Bruges and adviser of Philip of Bur­

gundy. This si»-volumed manuscript (BN f . fr. 358-359-360-361-36^363)

came later into the possession of Louis XII» Arranged in two columns

of 31 or 32 lines per folio, the text is executed in a remarkably clear

and le g ib le hand. However, our scrib e was n o t always as a le r t as p o ssi­

ble: there are places where he oDviously skips certain lines and others

where he actually repeats entire folios I This would naturally lead us

to the supposition that he was copying another manuscript which we do

not possess. Although he possibly refers to the text published ty

Foerster (Cf. note 4), the differences between this version and Foer­

ster* s make it unlikely that the latter was his model. Certain fea­

tures point, rather, to a version composed in England, as we will show

vdien the question arises. The tale follows Chrestien*s romance, of

which it reproduces approximately the first third, veiy closely and,

for this part of the comparison, reference w ill always be made to the

Gruuthuse manuscript.

2.2.1. Ghrestien devotes the first twenty-six lines of his poem to

the prologue; the Foerster prose version reduces this to a mere six.

It is of interest that Ghrestien identifies himself twice as the author

of the text, first as "Crestiens de Troies" (1. 9)» then simply as

3 See transcription of the manuscript, pp. 4 See discussion of this question, pp. 40

"Crestiens” (1. 26); the author of Foerster*s prose version humbly

begs tne audience* s indulgence for his unpolished style (p • 253t 6)»

Nevertheless, both Ghrestien and the prose writer seem to recognize

the didactic nature of the story which they are about to narrate. Af­

ter beginning with a proverb, the meaning of which is that things are

not necessarily as they first appear (11. 1-3 "lA vilains dit an son

re spit/ Que te l chose a 1* an an d e ^ it,/ Qui mout vaut miauz que l*an

ne cuide"), Ghrestien sets the atmosphere by repeating the nouns

"estuide," ”science” and the verbs "aprandre” and “savoir” and by

speaking of the “conjointure.” ^ As we have already seen, the author

of Foerster*s prose version hopes that the reader will "prosfiter par

diuers moyens” from his tale (p. 233, 2-3). Both announce that their

subject is Erec, son of King Lach.

2.2.2. The first “chapter" of Erec covers lines 2? to 148 in the

original; it describes Arthur*s court and tells how the king encouraged

his knights to chase a certain white stag. While Ghrestien is chiefly

interested in the richness and lavishness of the court (1* 30 "Einz si

riche ne fu veiie, ” 1. 33 "Et riches dames et puceles"), the prose wri­ ter is more concerned with their social status ("dames et damoiselles de hault et noble lignage." p. 253» 15; ”c*estoit noble chose de voir leur estât. ” p. 253, 15-16). The Gruuthuse manuscript also mentions

”1*estât des vngz et des autres,” fol 193b. Both prose versions en-

The "conjointure” is that which assures the unity and coherence of the subject. Gf. J. Frappier, Chretien de Troyes (Paris: Hatier- Boivin, 1957), p. 62. 41

large upon the festivities in which the courtiers engage; Ghrestien,

on the other hand, proceeds directly to the discussion of the chase,

the prize for the capturing of the stag being a kiss from the most

beautiful girl at the court* Wiile all versions mention that the ani­ mal is white, on]y the Gruuthuse manuscript speaks of its "force [.*.] merueilleuse" (fol. 193b). The discussion which follows, in which Gau­ vain tries to dissuade the king from his project, is of interest in its

change from direct to indirect discourse. In Ghrestien, both use di­

rect discourse; in Foerster*s prose version, Gauvain uses indirect dis­

course, Arthur a combination of both; in the Gruuthuse manuscript, Gau­ vain uses indirect discourse and the king direct.

2 .2 .3 . In "chapter" 2 (11. 149-341), the knights having set out for the chase, Guenievre follows and is witness to a dwarf*s insulting one of her ladies; when Erec goes to remedy the situation, he, too, is chal­ lenged. Although Ghrestien* s poem is mudi more developed than the prose versions, certain interesting points can be made. In the verse version, we leam that Erec does not defy the dwarf because the k n i^t whom he is accompanying is armed and Erec is not (11. 237-241); in Foerster* s prose version (p. 254, 43-44) and in the Gruuthuse manuscript (fol. 195a), this reason becomes secondary to the fact that Erec feels he would be blamed if he attacked a dwarf he could k ill with one blow. The prose romances do not explain why Erec is unarmed; he left his arms at Gara- digan (11. 249-250). Promising to avenge the insult as soon as he finds arms, Erec is commended into God's protection in Ghrestien (11. 273-2?4) and the Gruuthuse manuscript (fol. 195b), but to "fortune" in Foerster*s 42

prose version (p. 255» 9-10)• The prose versions eliminate Erec*s re­

telling of the entire incident to the queen (11. 235-271) and the king's

council to determine idien the kiss w ill take place (11. 282-320) •

Again, direct discourse is frequently replaced by indirect. Pickford*s

Erec contains a similar episode (pp. 98-99): the dwarf, the armed

knight, unaimed Erec who fears for his safety and who promises to avenge

the dwarf's insult immediately upon finding arms.

2.2.4. Erec, in search of arms, in "chapter" 3 (U . 3^1-546) finds

lodging with an old knight who has a veiy beautiful daughter. The "va­ vasor," described in some detail by Ghrestien (11. 375-380), becomes

singly, in Foerster*s prose text, a "cheualier de grant estât viellart anchian et noblement atoume" (p. 255» 25-26) and in the Gruuthuse ma­ nuscript "vng grant cheualier qui estoit anchien a merueilles" (fol.

196a). The daughter, Enide, has skin "blanche comme nesge" according to the Gruuthuse manuscript (fol. 196b), coirçarable to the fleur de lis if we are to believe Ghrestien (1. 427) and Foerster*s prose rendition

(p. 255, 37)i for all three her blond hair recalls that of Iseut (notice the form Isent in the Gruuthuse manuscript, fo l. 196b); Ghrestien alone compares her eyes to stars (11. 433-434). Whereas Ghrestien and the

Gruuthuse manuscript refrain from describing Erec in any detail, in the prose version published by Foerster his beauty is compared to that of

Absalon (p. 255» 54). When Erec questions his host concerning Enide* s poor dress, the father assures him that she will mariy well, for she has other qualities which outweigh her poverty: for Ghrestien, her main characteristic is "ses savoirs" (11. 537-538); in the prose romances, 43 it is her "noblesse" (p. 256, 17* fol. 197a). Unfortunately, the prose texts omit many charming details found in Ghrestien; Enide's dress (11.

402-410), the care she takes of Erec's horse (11. 459-468), the house and dinner offered to Erec (11. 479-500) and the touching, lyrical p ra ise th e fa th e r gives h is daughter (11. 54'1^54-6).

2.2.5* In the following "chapter" (11. 547-683), which follows

Ghrestien very faithfully, Erec requests arms from his host, reveals his identity to him, announces his intention of winning the sparrow- hawk for Elide and, if successful, of marrying her. The request for arms is immediately granted in all cases* however, it is interesting to note that, in the Gruuthuse manuscript, Enide*s father emphasizes the fact that the arms, although they have not been used for a long time, are "cleres et reluisons" even when Erec protests that he would be just as happy were they "esroulli.es" (fol. 197b). The second request, for

Enide, is accorded without hesitation in Ghrestien (1. 638 "Riens que je aie ne vos faut"), but entails a restriction in the prose versions:

“pourueu que ce ne soit contre mon honneur" (p. 256, 43* fol. 198a)* this seems logical, as Erec has not yet mentioned his family or back­ ground. There is, of course, no question of denial when it is known that he is Erec, son of King Lach, as the latter is well known to the old host, more precisely (in the prose translations) as a valiant knight at the court of Utherpendragon and Arthur (p. 257, 9* fol. 198b). The g irl's good fortune is shared by all, but only Ghrestien adds the very human note: "Et la mere plore de joie" (1. 683). 44

2.2*6. The next "chapter" (11. 684^800) recalls how Erec was armed

and how he arrived at the place where the sparrow-hawk was to be taken.

Having elaborated more than the prose texts on Enide* s personal reaction

to her now bright future (11. 684.690), Ghrestien tells us simply that

Erec had trouble sleeping that night. It is significant that the prose

versions take this opportunity to eng)lain in some detail that both Erec

and Enide experience the effects of their newly discovered love. Foer­

ster' s tale states that "Erec est en vng lit et Enide la damoiselle en

vne aultre chambre, mais non pourtant les deux cuers sont ensamble et a

amours toute la nuict asses a faire a admonnester ces deux amans esquels

desquels il fiert de sa saiecte doree si auant qu'ils ne pueent toute la

nuyt reposer. En pluseurs ymaginacions amoureuses veillent Erec et Eni­

de" (p. 257, 22-26). The Gruuthuse manuscript differs slightly: "Erec

fut couchiet en vng lit bel et riche, mais ie vous di bien qu'il n'y domy gueres, ains ne fina toute la nuit de penser a l'amour de la da­ moiselle [...] Toute celle nuit pensèrent Erec et la damoiselle a l'a­ mour qu'ilz auoient nouuellement ensemble. Et moult estoient esmerueil- lies chascun endroit soy cognent vng cuer pouoit tant parfaitement aimer, et en si pou de t^ips, cellui ou celle qu'il n'auoit jamais plus veu"

(fol. 199a, b). While Erec begins the day by hearing mass, it is only the writer of Foerster's text who explains that this is "car Erec auoit acoustume de dieu seruir primes et auant toutes euures" (p. 257, 28-29).

On the other hand, Ghrestien gives more details of Erec's arming (11. 711-

714), and in the twelfth-century poem, the reaction of the people to Erec and Enide's arrival is more lively than in the later versions because of the animated dialogue (11. 752-772). 45 2.2.7» The time for the taking of the bird having arrived, the next

“chapter” (11. 801-836) is composed of three speeches: the “enemy" knight orders his lady to take the sparrow-hawk as she had done in years past; Erec stops her, telling her to go find another bird; Erec requests that Ehide take the prize on the grounds that her beauty out­

shines all others. A pivotal scene, all the speedies are given in di­ rect discourse and reproduce faithfully Chrestien*s text (e.g. 11. 817-

819 "‘Dameisele*, fet il, ‘fuiiezl/ A autre oisel deduiiez,/ Que vos n»avez droit an cestui*”; p. 258, 16-17 “damoiselle allés ailleurs querre vng oiseau pour vous deduire, car cestui ci n'ares vous pas").

One interesting difference, however, is that, whereas in the prose texts Enide (according to Erec) merits the bird by her beauty alone,

Qirestien adds another quality: she is also "cortoise" (1. 823)•

2 .2 .8 . The “enemy” knight cannot, o f course, allow th is in s u lt to his lady* s beauty to go unavenged and Erec must live up to his word to defend Enide*s right to the sparrow-hawk (11. 837-960). The battle, divided into two main parts common consent of the two combatants, is essentially the same in all three versions of the story; both fight va­ liantly and nobly, much armor is broken or destroyed, much blood is shed. The two ladies, witnessing the action and fearing for the safety of their loved ones, ciy (1. 890; p. 259» 7-lfl; fol. 201b). During the intermission, the very sight of Enide causes Erec's strength and energy to be renewed (11. 911-914) ; however, it should be noted here that, be­ sides this detail vdiich is common to medieval courtly romances, the prose texts add certain details concerning the setting: Erec is seated 46

"sur la praerie qui verdoie par joieux herbages" (p. 259t 10-11),

"enngr la prayerie" (fol. 201b). Such a refreshing spot contrasts with the bloody battle scenes and is likely to have as much a rejuvenating effect on Erec as the contemplation of his beloved. It is interesting, furthermore, that it is not until Erec remembers his promise to the queen that he is ready and willing to renew hostilities (11. 917-920; p. 259, 13-15; fol. 20lb-202a).

2 .2 .9. The conclusion of the battle takes place in "chapter" 10 (11.

96I-IO8O) . The "eneiqy" knight having been rendered defenseless, begs mercy of Erec, assuring him that if Erec kills him, he w ill gain nei­ ther "los ne pris" (1. 996). "loange ne honneur" (p. 259, 42). Fur­ thermore, the confused knight does not know what he has done to merit such harsh treatment. After explaining, Erec agrees to grant him his life if he will surrender himself to the queen; this, too, is a tradi­ tional theme in courtly literature; a knight must send his prisoners back to the lady whom he is serving with news of the victory. Although, again, the prose follows the original poem quite accurately, there are, perhaps, certain omissions which are of interest. Chrestien* s Erec is most emphatic in his desire to have his prisoner announce to Guenievre the fact that Enide—"tant bele et tant sage et tant preu" (1. Iû4l)— w ill accompany him to court; this does not concern the prose writers who leave Enide in the background. Chrestien, after having Yder iden­ tify himself to Erec, has Yder demand that Erec identify himself (11.

1055-1358)• This seems to us to be rather pretentious on the part of a prisoner, and is missing in the prose versions. Thirdly, Chrestien in­ 47 sists more on Yder's admission of Erec's superiority (11. 1047-1051)» although the Gruuthuse manuscript does state that "il ne cuidoit point que en tout le monde y eust vng cheualier qui fust pour résister contre

sa force et puissance" (fol. 203a, b).

2.2.10. "Chapter" 11 (11. 108L-1292) tells how Yder gives himself over into the service of Guenievre and Arthur. There are several im­ portant changes to mention in this section of the tale. First of all, the conversations between Keu, Gauvain and Guenievre on seeing Yder's arrival at court are in direct discourse in Chrestien (11. 1089-1140), a combination of direct and indirect in Foerster's prose version (p.

261, 22-23) and in the Gruuthuse manuscript (fol. 203b-204a). Secondly, in the twelfth-century romance, Guenievre seems overly concerned about the fate of Erec; the prose versions omit the queen's rather lengthy monologue (11. 1145-1170) on seeing Yder's bloody airoor. Indeed, Gue­ nievre is a much more important character in Chrestien than in the prose texts; while in Chrestien she alone has the power to pardon Yder and to retain him at the court (11. 1233-1235)» in the later renditions, the queen must ask Arthur to perform this act of mercy (p. 261, 8-10; fol.

204b). Thirdly, vrtien the tale returns to Erec, Chrestien reports (11.

1247-1250) "Onques, ce cuit, te l joie n'ot/ La ou Tristans le fier Mor- hot/ An l'isle saint Sanson vainqui,/ Con l'an faisoit d'Erec iqui."

This allusion to Tristan is omitted by the prose writers. Finally, whereas in Chrestien the count repeats his invitation to Erec to be his guest, he does not do so in the prose texts. 48

2.2.11. In “chapter" 12 (11. 1293-1478) plans are finalized for

Erec's taking Enide to Arthur's court, as well as plans for taking care

of his future father-in-law. Among his gifts to Enide's father we find

one or two castles, depending on the version we consider. Here the

Gruuthuse manuscript agrees more closely with Chrestien than does Foer-

ster's prose text: compare “Hoadan,/ Qui fu fez des le tans Adan,“ and

“Kontrevel" (11. 1335-1336, 1339) with "Rocidan, qui fut fait des le

tençs de noz premiers parents" and "îtont Reuel" (fol. 205b); the author

of the other prose Erec mentions only "Roadam" (p. 261, 41). The dan­

ger of omission is also evident in this section: Chrestien having men­

tioned that Erec wants to take Enide as she is (i.e. poorly dressed) to

the court (11. 13^7- 13^9), we understand tdiy her cousin protests and of­

fers one of her own lovely dresses; this appears as a non sequitur in the prose romances where it comes immediately following the discussion of the castles (p. 261, 4Zff.; fol. 205b). If Chrestien's Erec makes no explanation of his decision (simply that the queen will dress her,

11. 1377-1378), the Erec of the prose versions claims to love her just as well in poor clothing (p. 262, 3» fol. 205b). The emotions at the parting of Enide from her parents are more fully developed in Chrestien; the verb "plorer" is repeated six times in the lines 1461-1477.

2.2.12. There follows a description of the trip to Arthur's court and Erec and Enide's arrival there (11. 1479-1586). The two young peo­ ple, very much in love, cannot help looking at one another constantly.

Here again, Chrestien is more ^ecific in his physical description of

Enide (11. 1491-1497) than are the prose writers; also, he insists on 49 the equality which exists between the two (11. 1504-1506: "Kout estoient igal et per/ De corteisie et de biauté/ Et de grant deboneireté"). The versions disagree as to the hour at which they arrive at Caradigan:

"androit midi" (1. 1518), "enuiron .iij. heures après midi" (p. 262, 3)»

"comme a heure de nonne" (fol. 207a). The best knights of the court are at hand to witness their arrival (11. 1524-1529; p. 262, 34-36; fol.

207a): all three texts cite the queen, Perceval and Gauvain; Chrestien alone has Keu and Tors; Chrestien and the Gruuthuse manuscript mention

Lucain; strangely, Chrestien neglects to have Arthur present, but he is not forgotten by the prose writers. Once again, the conversation turns to Enide*s poor dress. Here Chrestien seems to be more concerned with the financial situation of Enide*s family (11. 1559-1560), whereas the prose writers emphasize her nobility and good manners (p. 262, 44-

263» 2; fol. 207a). Chrestien is more precise about her clothing (11.

1568-1570) and about the dresses her cousin would have given her (11.

1573-1575).

2 .2 .1 3 . The queen, then, must see that Enide is properly dressed to be present at court (11. 1587-1677). In general, Chrestien is once again much more specific about the clothing provided by Guenievre.

There is one interesting exception, however, which is noteworthy: in speaking of her "bliaut" or "cotte," Chrestien explains that at the wrists it was worked with gold "Et pierres de mout grant vertu" (1.

1600); Foerster’s prose version specifies these "pierres" as "rubis sa­ phirs esmeraudes et deamans" (p. 263* 18), with which the Gruuthuse ma­ nuscript agrees (fol. 207b) . According to Chrestien, Nature is respon­ 50

sible for Slide's unequaled beauty (1. 1672); the prose versions omit

this nature topos. The queen is well-pleased with Enide because "* » »

ele estoit bele et bien aprise" (1. 1677). It is interesting that the prose texts develop these two points, especially the latter. In Foer­

ster's romance, we read; “car de prime face elle estoit belle oultre

les termes naturelles . et entre cent mille ymages fais a plesance elle estoit tant parfaicte en tout bien que chascun prendoit plaisir a le veioir. Ses doux maintiens estoient asseures rassis . et oultre plus elle estoit tant bien instruit' qu'il sembloit qu'elle eust toute sa vie este a court et qu'elle fut fait' pour example aux aultres" (p. 263,

24-30). The Gruuthuse manuscript (fol. 207b-208a) is almost identical to the description just cited and again emphasizes Enide's courtly man­ n e rs .

2.2.14. The next “chapter" (11. 1678-1750) is of special interest for its list of knights present when Enide presents herself before King

Arthur. Chrestien's list is the most extensive, including no fewer than 52 names; Foerster's prose version cites 23» the Gruuthuse manu­ script 26. A table shows the differences quite clearly:

C hrestien Foerster's prose version Gruuthuse manuscript

Gauvains Gauain Gauuain Erec Erec Lanceloz Lancelot du Lac Lancelot du lac Gornemanz de Gohort Gomemant Gouruemain de Grohort li Biaus Coarz le beaux couart le beau couart li Lez Hardiz le layt hardi le lait hardi Melianz de Liz Melians de Lis Melians de Lis Mauduis li sages l-ialduis le sage Malduis le Sage Dodinaus li sauvages lydones le sauuage Dodinel le Sauuage Gandeluz E sliz H ellis H ellis 51

Chrestien Foerster*s prose version Gruuthuse manuscript

B riien Yvains li fiz Uriien Yuain le fiz Vrien Yuain le filz Vrien Yvains de Loenel Yvains li avoutre Yuain l*aduoU-ltre Yvain de Cavaliot Garravains I'Estrangot le Chevalier au Cor li Valiez au Cercle d'Or Le varlet au cercle d*or le vallet au cercle Tristanz qui onques ne rist Tristran d*or Bliobleris B leoberi Brun de P iciez Grus 1* iriez Li Fevres d*Armes Kax’adues briébraz Karados Gaverons de Robendic li fiz au roi Quenedic li vaslez de Quintareus Yders d e l l'Iont Dolereus Gaheriez Keus d’ Estraus Amauguins Man guis Amanguis Gales li chaus Grains Gornevains Carahés Tors li fiz le roi Ares Tors le fils Ares Tors le filz Ares Girflez li fiz Do G irfle s G irfle s Taulas Loholz li fiz Lohier le fils Johiers le filz le roi Artu du roy Artus au roy Artus Sagremors li desreez Sagramors le derre Saigremor le Desree B edoiiers Bravains Loz Galegantins li Galois Galgantis le Galois Keu le seneschal Gronosis Labigodés li cortois li cuens Cadorcaniois Letrons de Prepelesant Breons l i f i z Canodan le conte de Honolan Vrien Vrien Yuain des landes Yuain des Laudes 1* orguilleux 1*orguilleux Yuain le f i l s Ameneus Yuain le f i l z Q/mene- Glangus Glangus us Gerimons 52

Surprisingly, some very important members of the Round Table, present in Chrestien, are absent in the prose romances : Keu the seneschal and

Bedoier the constable. Both Chrestien and the Gruuthuse manuscript in­ clude Erec among these knights; while he is number two for Chrestien, second only to Gauvain, he is only number three in the Gruuthuse manu­ script, preceded now in importance by Lancelot.

2.2.15' Another list of kings and counts, those who attend the wed­ ding of Erec and Enide, forms an important part of the following "chap­ ter" (11. 1751-2118). Again, names have been changed, as can be seen in the accompanying table:

C hrestien Foerster* s prose version Gruuthuse manuscript

Brandes de Loecestre Bauduins le conte de Glocestre Menagormon, cuens de le conte de Diuion C liveIon le cuens de la Haute le conte de la Haulte Montaingne Montaigne li cuens de Treverain Godegrains Godegrains Maheloas Maleus li sire de I'Isle de le sire de l'isle de V oirre Guerre Graislemiers Guinganor Gingamoer Daviz de Tintaguel Guergesins G arras de Corque Aguisiez li rois Aguichans le roy Aguisans le roy d'Escoce d*Escoce d* Escoce Cadret Gondret Gomdret Coi Bans de Gomaret le beau r o i de Gomaret le beau roy de Goma­ Kerrins li rois de Riël Quemus le roi d* Ariel r e t Biüs li rois Billis le roi le roy d'Ancipodes d*Antipodes d* Antipodes Brien Vrien Vrien G rigoras Gligoro Gligoro G lecidalan Gliogrovlen Gliodolen V ilis Vrien 53 Whereas Chrestien and the Foerster prose version'mention four dwarfs,

"Bilis," "Brien," "Grigoras," "Glecidalan" (11. 1993-2003)/ "Billis,"

"Vrien," "Glogoro," "Gliogrovlen" (p. 264, 38-40), the Gruuthuse manu­

script lists six, "le roy d* Ancipodes et Vrien son frere," "Vilis et

Vrien," "Gligoro et Gliodolen" (fol. 209b). ^ These dwarfs are descri­ bed in some detail in the prose romances, but not in Chrestien.

One very important way in which the Gruuthuse manuscript differs from Chrestien and the other prose rendition is that it places the wed­ ding at Christmas rather than at Pentecost. A nordic feature found also in England (e.g. Sir Gawain and the Green Knight), this question will be discussed later (3.1.). It is curious, too, that Chrestien and the author of the•Gruuthuse manuscript refrain from stating Enide*s name until the time of the wedding (1. 2031; fol. 209b), whereas the author of the prose version published by Foerster identifies her much earlier in the tale (p. 257, 22 in "chapter" 5) • As with previous

"chapters," Chrestien*s poem is much more detailed; in particular, the prose versions omit Arthur* s monologue concerning his kingly duties

(11. 1793-1814) with its allusion to his father and Chrestien*s re­ ference to Yseut and Brangien (11. 2076-2077) • Finally, it should be noted that Chrestien feels a definite break in his narration at line

1844: "Ci fine li premerains vers," of which the prose writers are not conscious.

2.2.16. The wedding celebration having lasted for some fifteen days.

6 There has evidently been a repetition of the first pair of dwarfs. 54

the knights of the Round Table agree to hold a tourney on the plain of

Edinburgh between Gauvain on one side and Melis and Meliador on the

other. This "chapter" (11. 2119-2170) tells of the events of the com­

petition until the arrival of Erec on the scene. For once, the prose

texts seem to be much more specific than Chrestien, reflecting the in­

terest of the Burgundian dukes in such knightly activities. First of

all, for the Burgundians, the tourney had a particular didactic purpose, and both prose texts include the saying: "il n'est si bon cheval qui ne

chope" (p. 265, 32-33l fol. 210b). The toumey takes place fifteen days after the wedding, which must actually be fifteen days after the end of the festivities, because all three texts place it a month after 7 Pentecost. Chrestien states that the plain is "antre Evroic et Tene- broc" (1 . 2131), while the author of Foerster's prose text is more in­ terested in the fact that it is still identifiable today, as a place in

Northumbria, "qui encores illecques est" (p. 265» 41-42). It is in­ teresting to note that the prose versions have the ladies present at the toumey, \diich Chrestien does not, and describe their reaction to the preparations in almost exactly the same terms: "Si dient bien que elles ne virent oncques plus belle ordonnance pour tournoier. Elles ont assez a faire a regarder ores ca et ores la" (fol. 211a).

2 .2 .1 7. The arrivai of Erec and his part in the tourney merits a new "chapter" (11. 2171-2270). Here we have a series of encounters of

7 Has the author of the Gruuthuse manuscript forgotten that the wed­ ding took place at Christmas, or is he now following another manu­ script tradition? 55 individual combattants, as shown in the table which follows;

Chrestien Foerster's prose version Gruuthuse manuscript

Orguelleus de la Lande Orguilleux de la Lande Orguilleux de la Rainduranz Lande Le r o i de la Roge C ité Le roy de la Rouge Cite Le roy de la Rouge Gauvain Gauain Guiron Cite Guincel Gaudin de la Montaingne Girflez li fiz Do Girfles Griflet Yvains Yuain Yuain Sagremors li desreez Saigramors Saigremor Aguischans le roy Aguisans le roy d'Escoce d'Escoce

An interesting slip on the part of the author of the Gruuthuse manu­ script is that he inadvertently names Guiron where the context would instruct us to read Gauvain (fol. 212b). It is reasonable to conclude that he did not wish his "hero" to be absent from such an important event. A noteworthy addition by the prose writers is that they agree in having Arthur stop the toumey. Whereas Chrestien merely mentions vespers (1. 2252), indicating that time had come to end the day's acti­ vities, the prose texts tell us that "ils se fussent oultreement entre- essaies a I'espee se le roy Artus qui ce ne vouloit point veioir . ne eust fait sonner la retraite" (p. 267, 13-1^)• While all three versions agree in praising Erec, only Chrestien compares him to Absalon, Solomon, a lion and Alexander—all at the same time (11. 2266-2270)I

2.2.18. All agree that Erec has proven himself a superior knight.

The prose texts maintain that "Erec en emporta le bruit" (p. 267» 23-

24; fol. 213a), to which the Gruuthuse manuscript adds "comme l'on treuue en son liure." It would, of course, be helpful to know to what

"liure" our author is refering—whether to Chrestien or to another prose 56

version. Prom this point in the romance, the Griiuthuse manuscript fol­

lows another plot and will no longer be taken into consideration. This

portion of the tale (11. 2271-2442) tells how Erec leaves Arthur's

court to return to his father. Once more, it is Chrestien who is more

specific. The prose version omits, for exanple, the conçarison of Erec

to Gauvain (11. 2286-2289) to whom he is s till second in the eyes of

King Arthur. Chrestien's Erec takes four full days to arrive at Car- nant; in th e prose v ersion, he tak es six to reach the unnamed town.

There Chrestien's Erec humbly kneels in church and Enide's role is de­ f in ite ly secondary; the prose w rite r in s is ts th a t "La dame fu menee a

I'eglise pour rendre graces a dieu" (p. 267, 44-268, 1). King Lach's subjects give presents to Erec, according to Chrestien, to Enide accor­ ding to the prose version (p. 268, 3ff.). There seems to be a decided shift in emphasis from Erec to Enide in this section. While the prose writer uses a trite comparison to describe Enide's superior beauty over that of other women (as the light of the sun is brighter than that of the moon or the stars, p. 268, 9-12), Chrestien is more original: she is the "clere jame," the "rose," while they are the "chaillo," the

"pavo" (11. 2410-2416).

2 .2 .1 9. Erec, spending much of his time with Enide, has foresaken knightly activities, for vdiich he is blamed as Enide learns in this

"chapter" (11. 2443-2583). It is highly significant that the author of the prose version specifies that Enide hears about the complaints from the other women at the court (p. 268, 36) . I t would seem th a t while the men were bu^ with their knightly affairs, the women had nothing 57

better to do than to carry tales I The charming little scene in Chres­

tien in vdiich Erec finally learns the truth after much dissimulation on

the part of Enide is reduced to the bare essentials. This dissimulation

is especially interesting as Chrestien has just recently informed us

that "Tuit I'amoient por sa franchise" (1. 242?)• The prose writer

omits a ll of Enide* s monologue (1. 2496ff •). Again, the extreme brusque­

ness of the prose version is disconcerting; Enide "se prinst a plorer,"

as though on purpose, once protests that she is not crying, then imme­

diately breaks the news and blames herself. The delicate exchange be­

tween husband and wife is missing (p. 268, 39ff •) • When Erec decides

to go off with Enide his motives are not bluntly revealed by Chrestien;

in the prose text we read that "il délibéra en soi d’esprouuer se Enide

sa femme l'amoit bien lealment . mais je ne di pas que souspecon et jaL- lousie fut cause de ceste deliberacion" (p. 269, 10-12).

2.2.20. The next "chapter" (11. 2584-2856) consists for the most part of Enide*s regrets for having spoken to Erec. As in the previous section, Foerster*s prose text reduces everything to the barest of essen­ tia ls. In Chrestien, Enide blames her pride (11. 2606-260?: "Mes trop m*a orguiauz sorlevee:/ An mon orguel avrai dommage,/ ..,"); the prose, on the other hand, evokes the idea of Fortune and the wheel of Fortune

(p . 269, 22- 2 3 : "de bas j*estoie esleuee par bonne aduenture quant soub- dainement descendre m*en fault"). The didactic nature of the situation is emphasized, in both versions, by Enide*s recalling the proverb: "Tant grate chievre que mal gist" (1. 2468; p. 269, 28). Preparations for the departure and Enide*s procrastination are more fully described in Chres- 58

tien, but both texts emphasize Erec’s refusal of he]p and men from his

father. On taking off for their adventure, Erec orders Enide not to

speak unless she has his permission to do so. While the prose merely

indicates Enide's displeasure at such a command, Chrestien’s Enide feels

that this proves her husband’s lack of love for her (11. 2791-2792: "An- haxe m’a, bien le voi,/ Quant il ne viaut parler a moi" ). It is at this point that our twelfth-century author speaks of the role of Fortune (11.

2785- 2786: "Fortu ie, qui m’avoit atreite,/ Tost a a li sa main retreite").

Enide’s obedience is soon tested by the appearance of three robbers.

The prose version published by Foerster omits Enide’s monologue in which she debates whether or not she should speak (11. 2832-2843). She does and is pardoned this time.

2.2.21. Erec’s encounter with the three robbers is the subject of lines 2857-2924. The outcome of the battle is not identical in Chres­ tien and in Foerster's prose version. Chrestien concludes that "L’un an a mort, l'autre navré,/ E des tiers s'est si délivré/ Qu’a pié l’a jus del destrier mis" (11. 2905-2907)i thus, all three are not dead. In the prose version, however, we learn of the first that Erec "mort le fait trebucier a terre" (p. 270, 25), that he "occist le second larron qu’il auoit abatu a force de bras" (p. 270, 38-39) and, of the third, "[il] en desliura le monde" (p. 270, 36). In each case, nevertheless, one of the e v il-d o e rs i s more cowardly than th e o th er two and t r i e s to g et away, obliging Erec to call him back in order to avoid killing a fleeing man.

In both versions, the three horses belonging to the thieves are brought back and given over to Enide. It is only Chrestien, however, who des- 59

cribes the mounts: "Li uns l'autre de poil ne sanble:/ Li premiers fu

blanc corne lez,/ li seconz noirs ne fu pas lez,/ E li tiers fu trestoz

veirez" (11. 2910-2913). The "chapter" concludes with a repetition of

Erec's admonition to Enide not to speak.

2.2.22. Having been successful in his encounter with three thieves,

Erec is called upon to do the same against five in the following "chap­

te r" (11. 2923- 3083). Four of the robbers having decided on vdiat part

of the booty whould belong to them, number five claims Erec's armor.

Chrestien simply explains that the other four agree to this; the writer

of Foerster's prose version, feeling it necessary to motivate this

unusual generosity, states that "ils craindoient les primiers coups"

(p . 271, 10 ). The author of th e prose te x t shows h is o rig in a lity in

th is s e c t i o n . Instead of indicating, like Chrestien, Enide's fear for

Erec's ;aftty '!• 2963), he would have us understand that "elle trarable

comme la I c e '. . lie en l'arbre" (p. 271» 13) » In place of the monologue

in idiich Enide again decides to disobey Erec, the prose writer personi­ fies "amours" idio proceeds to lecture Enide: "Hellas es tu plus subgette

a vng edit que tu es a I'aduertir de son bien. Aimes tu mieulx laissier

le sousprendre . et occire que le faire sage des larrons qui lui ont sa mort juree" (p. 271, 17-20). We feel that this treatment, which recalls the type of question frequently debated in the Courts of Love, adds some variety and interest to a theme which is being repeated. Before the end of the "chapter," Chrestien's Eirec admonishes and instructs Enide tvro more times (11. 2997-3010, 3080-3082); for concision, this is omitted by the author of the prose version. Erec brings back the five additional 60

horses: they now have eight, not counting their own I

2 .2 .2 3 . After resting, and after arguing who will sleep and who will

keep watch, Erec and Enide continue their journey in the next section

(11. 3086- 3247). VJhile Enide keeps watch, she again accuses herself;

although in Chrestien she once more mentions her pride (1. 3109)» in the prose text she evokes Solomon and quotes poets who charge that women are

the downfall of men "car il n'est pas possible que femme soit perfec­

tionne en secret comme est l'omme" (p. 272, 32-33)» This reminds us that it was the women vho revealed Erec's "recreantise" to Biide. Com­ ing out of the forest, the young couple meets a squire who is bringing food to the men vôio are harvesting in the fields. The squire offers them food. The food and the way Erec is served are described in grea­ ter detail in Chrestien. It is interesting to note that Chrestien's

Erec does not mention remuneration until after they have eaten (1.

3l83ff.); more realistically, in the prose version, he assures the man

(p . 2 73, 8-9) that he will receive condensation (which is, eventually, one of the horses). Furthermore, in the twelfth-century poem, Erec sends the squire to secure lodging (1. 31b6ff.), îdiile in the fifteenth- century version, Erec goes himself (p. 273* 15-17)» The "chapter" con­ cludes with a discussion between the squire and his master as to who is the more handsome, Erec or the master I

2.2.24. In the following "chapter" (11. 3248-3344), we find that the count, master of the squire, begs Enide to love him. While Chres­ tien has the count announce his desire to see the beautiful young cou- 61

p ie (1 . 3258: "Mout me tarde que je les voie"), the author of Foerster's

prose version is much less subtle about the gentleman's intentions (p.

273» 35-36: "tout le cuer lui euure de joie pour la belle dame").

Chrestien has the squire go ahead to warn Erec and Enide of his master's

arrival; the prose text omits this detail. The count does not waste

time in requesting permission to sit next to Enide. In Chrestien, the

reasons given are very proper: "Par corteisie et par déduit/ Vuel lez

cele dame seoir./ Por bien vos ving andeus veoir,/ Me vos n 'i devez mal

noter" (11. 3296-3299)• Again, the prose writer is more frank: the

count wishes to speak to Enide "pour lui faire passer le tamps, car elle

me samble toute pencifue" (p. 27^, 3-4). As before, the attention seems

to have been diverted from Erec to focus on Enide. Whereas Chrestien

has the count insist on the honor which would accrue to Enide should she

consent to be his "amie," in the prose version he emphasizes his physi­

cal attraction: "moy qui cuide estre le plus parfait des euures de na­

tu re " (p . 274, 20) and "reffuses vous le seruice du plus aduenant baron

qui rengne par luminer selle terre?" (p. 274, 27-28). Enide, of course, re fu s e s .

2 .2 .2 5 . However, seeing how furious her would-be lover is, and how tired Erec is, Enide finally agrees to be the count's "amie" in the next

section (11. 3345-3487)» However, as Chrestien informs us, "El panse

cuers que ne dit boche" (1. 3384). It is interesting to note that in

Chrestien it is Enide who has all the ideas and who develops the plan to have her lover come and taxe her by force the next day. The conver­ sation between Enide and the count gives insights into the heroine's 62

character; she is certainly very specific vrtien she claims that she does not like Erec's company and "Je vos voudroie ja sentir/ An un lit cer­ tes nu a nu” (11. 3398-3399) • All this is omitted in the prose version.

Pacified, the count leaves with hopes of realizing his dreams in the very near future. Understandably, Enide qaends a restless night, know­ ing that she must warn Erec. The prose text, very precise, states that

she waited until "elle ot le coc chanter la terce fois" (p. 275» 8).

Chrestien gives no reason for Enide's having agreed to become the count's "amie," other than that the count would have killed Erec; in the prose version, Enide, very logically, pretends that she felt that, having rested, Erec would be better able to handle the situation in the morning: "pour ce [...] que je sauoie bien que se vous auies la nuyt repose vostre corps que vous n'auries garde de luy" (p. 275» 18-19)*

2.2.26. The couple decides to leave immediately in the following

"chapter" (11. 3^8-3662). Where the author of Foerster's prose ver­ sion states that Erec "fist brider et seller ses cheuaulx" (p. 275» 22),

Chrestien has his Erec address jEhide directly, ordering her to take care of this detail (11. 3^4^6-3489). The host, too, must be paid and, again,

Chrestien is more q)ecific: the prose version merely tells us that Erec

"contempts" his host (p. 275» 23); Chrestien has the guest address his host directly and pay him with the seven remaining horses (11. 3504-

3512). For the third time, Erec admonishes his wife to be silent, and for tne third time she is tested: the count's knights follow the young couple. As before, Enide warns her husband; the response of Chrestien's

Erec ("Po me prisiez,/ Ma parole mout despisiez," 11. 3562-3564) is 63 omitted in the prose version. After Erec has killed the count's senes­ chal, there ensues a battle between Erec and the count himself. A vezy interesting detail in Chrestien, and which unfortunately the prose ver­ sion does not include, is the count's admission of his guilt ("Esplei- tié ai vilainnement,/ De ma vilenie me poise./ Mout est preuz et sage et courtoise/ La dame qui deceu m'a," 11. 36^-36^3)* Perhaps because of this confession, Chrestien allows his count to livej in the prose version the count dies and his knights must return with his body and that of the seneschal (p. 276, 17-20).

2.2.27. Continuing their travels in the next section (11. 3663-

3769), Erec and Enide cross a bridge near vMch is a tower guarded by

Guivret le P etit. Seeing a knight pass, Guivret must pursue him and

Enide is tested for the fourth time. Here, the character of Enide is quite different in the two versions. Chrestien's Enide, fearing to speak, clenches her teeth to keep the words in—an ^propriate image;

"Car de peer estraint les danz,/ S'anclot la parole dedanz" (11. 3733-

373^). She is also very self-centered in her inner debate, concerning herself more with her own fate than with that of her husband: "Seure sui et certe/ Que mout recevrai leide perte/ Se je ici mon seignor pert" (11. 3739-3741) and "Il me leira an ceste broce/ Sole, cheitive et esgarae" (11. 3746-3747)• In the prose text, Enide, although equal­ ly frightened, is more interested in Erec's well-being: "je seroie trop lasche se je ne luy disoie qu'il se gardast et pour ce s 'il me deuoit occire en la place, je 1'en aduertiray" (p• 277* 7-9)• Do what he may to her, Enide knows that she w ill continue to love her husband because the maxim is true: "Oil qui bien aime tart oublié" (p. 277, 12). In both versions, although Erec is displeased with his wife's disobedience, he does her no harm because he now knows that her love for him has been thoroughly tried and tested.

2.2.28. Th''; "chapter" that follows (11. 3770-3806) describes the beginning of the battle between Erec and Guivret le Petit. Here the prose text follows Chrestien in most details, omitting very little .

Although Chrestien alone mentions the location of the combat ("au pié del mont," 1. 3772), both texts agree that the shields they bear are of little use against the lance of the opponent (11. 3776-3777» p. 277, 28-

29)i both Chrestien and the writer of the prose version seem to feel sorry for the horses who suffer under the weight of the two adversaries

(11. 3782-3783; P . 277, 30-32); in both texts, Erec and Guivret wound each other severely, but not mortally (11. 3784-3783; p. 277» 29-30).

Foerster's prose version adds an interesting detail: "a toute puissance fierent sur ces escus de telle force qu'ils cassent les lances et en font les piesces voiler plus de .vj. lances de hault" (p. 277» 33-35).

Both knights fight most valiantly, much armor is broken, much blood is shed. Both the twelfth- and the fifteenth-century texts state that neither knight is willing to give himself up. Reports Chrestien: "Et se les espees durassent/ Anbedeus longuement antieres/ Ja ne s'an treis- sissent arriérés/ Ne la bataille fenist/ Tant que l'un morir covenist"

(11. 3802-3806). And the prose writer: "Nul n'y a qui n'ait vng coeur gouueme d'un hault vouloir tellement qu'ils perderont la pluspart de leur sang ains que l'un ne se rende" (p. 278, 2-3). 65

2 .2 .2 9 , The end o f th e co n test comes in th e next sectio n (11. 3d07-

4039) when Erec breaks Guivret's sword. As he is then unarmed, Guivret

asks Erec* s mercyj the writer of Foerster's prose version alone has Gui­

vret remind Erec that it would, be to his dishonor to continue under

such circumstances; "certes quant vous me aures occis I'onneur sera pe­

tite attendu que je n' ay ne hace n* espee" (p. 2?8, 27-28). Such a les­

son, not needed in Chrestien's time, vxas necessary in the fifteenth cen­

tury 1 Erec brings Guivret to complete submission and demands to know

his name; Chrestien alone then has Erec identify himself in a most pre­

tentious manner (11. 3880-3887). Guivret offers hospitality until

Erec's >»unds are healed, but Erec refuses, requesting only Guivret's

help in time of need. A combat that ends similarly is found in Pick-

ford's version of Erec. but this time the adversaries are Mordret and

Erec. As Guivret, Itordret reminds Erec of his honor: "tu n'en acquer- roies ja ne loz ne pris, [...] Or esgarde quel honneur tu avroies con­ quis en ceste oultrance" (pp. 78-79) • Continuing their way, Erec and

Enide come to a forest where Arthur and his knights are enjoying them­

selves. An argument quickly ensues Detween Erec and Keu the seneschal, because the latter has seized the reins of Erec's horse, not recogni­

zing the two travelers. He does not recognize Enide since, because of the heat and the dust, she "mist sa guinple devant sa chiere" (1. 3982; p. 279* 27-28). Only Chrestien explains why he did not recognize Erec:

"Car a ses armes ne parut/ Nule veraie conoissance./ Tant cos d'espee et tant de lance/ Avoit sor son escu eüz/ Que toz li tainz an iert cheüz" (11. 3972-3976). 66

2.2.30. The argument leads to a confrontation with Keu the senes­

chal in the next "chapter" (11. 4039-4-109) * The valiant Keu is imme­

diately brought to the ground by our hero (11. 4048-4052; p. 279, 35-

36) « In both versions, Keu* s horse (which he had "borrowed" from Gau­

vain) is given over to Enide*s care, forcing the seneschal to beg for

its return. Erec complies "pour I'onneur de messire Gauvain" (p. 279,

39) • Back at the court of Arthur, Keu "li conte/ Le voir, que rien ne

n'an cela" (11. 4074^-4075). At this point, the writer of Foerster's prose text takes the opportunity to have Keu explain, as he had not done

earlier, tdiy he did not recognize his opponent: "Mes, fait (ce cheua­

lier) Kex, je vous fai saige que le cheualier est moult lasse, [...] Et de fa it j'ay beaucoup regarde pour ses armes congnoistre, mais sus mon ame, e lle s sont ta n t dommagies q u 'i l n 'y a n u lle ap aricio n de p ain tu re que de sang, car de ce sont elles tout adoubees" (p. 279» 4-3-280 , 6).

This explanation does, in fact, seem necessary to make plausible the lack of recognition on Keu's part. The rest of the " chapter" follows

Chrestien closely. Artnur sends Gauvain to see the mysterious knight,

Gauvain invites Erec to court and Erec refuses. However, as he had in refusing Guivret's invitation (p. 279» 5-6) in the prose version, Erec invokes a mission he must accouplish before he can rest (p. 280, 19- 21) .

This sense of mission is absent from Chrestien.

2 .2 .3 1 . Thanks to Gauvain, idio sends for the king, a reunion takes place in the next section (11. 4110-4378). Seeing the king's party,

Erec is obliged to identify himself and to introduce Enide. Gauvain po­ litely asks Enide how she is. When she replies that she would be fine 67 were she not so worried about Erec* s wounds, the prose version alone re­ cords Gauvain*s reaction: "il la tienne autant prudente qu*il trouuast

James nulle dame" (p. 281, 2). Whereas the prose writer tells us that

Erec* s wounds were dressed with a "precieux vnguement de grant vertu, "

(p. 281, 14-15) Qirestien would have us know that "li rois [•••] let a- porter un antret/ Que Morgue sa suer avoit fet" (11. 4216-4218). This sort of magical balm was probably not to the taste of the more realis­ tic Burgundian audience. That night a great banquet is prepared, which

Chrestien describes in some detail (11. 4263-4366), lAile the prose ver­ sion merely states: "Du souper et esbatements qui furent fais ceste nuyt se taira nostre compte" (p. 281, 15-16). The next day, having ta­ ken leave of Arthur and his men and having entered a forest, Erec and

Enide hear a maiden crying because two giants have carried off her be­ loved. As a good knight, Erec promises to free the young man or to die in the attenpt. But only Chrestien has him ask the maiden the very im­ portant question: "Quel part s'an vont?" (1. 4370).

2 .2 .3 2 . Erec's confrontation with the two giants is the subject of the next "chapter" (11. 4379-4475)» Foerster's prose version seems to have omitted many of Chrestien's picturesque details and images: the giants of the prose text are armed only with clubs, Chrestien*s also bear lAips (this could possibly remind our hero of his own beating at the hands of a dwarf; the situation is now reversed: Erec is the dwarf when conçared to the giants); Chrestien twice mentions that the giants' treatment of the captive knight is that reserved for a thief (11. 4386,

4407); there is the image of the horse bathed in the knight's blood ( 1 1 . 68

4395-439Ü)* the giants of the twelfth-century version refer to Erec's position as to that of "uns aigniaus contre deus los" (1. 4432). More i#ortantly, the fifteenth-century text stresses the fact that Erec is serving the knight's lady, he is acting "pour 1'amour et bonne querelle de sa dame • a qui je suis seruiteur," and "pour la clamour requests et supplicacion de sa lealle amie" (p. 282, 11-12, 16-17)» on the other hand, Chrestien does not once mention the maiden in Erec's conversation with the two giants. After Erec has killed his two opponents, thanks is given to God: interestingly, it is the knight in Chrestien who thanks

God for his deliverance (11. 4473-4473)» whereas in the prose text Erec gives thanks for the successful outcome of his encounter (p. 282, 26-27)•

2.2.33' Having been delivered from the hands of his enemies, the knight wishes to repay Erec in the next part of our tale (11. 4476-460?).

In both versions, Erec asks the knight's name, which is Gador, to which

Chrestien adds "de Tabriol" (1. 4515). For all recompense, Erec re­ quests that Gador and the maiden present theuselves before Arthur, and that they tell him the events of the day (this again recalls the epi­ sode with Yder, vdiom Erec likewise sent back to the court). Chrestien further motivates this action by having Erec tell Cador that this is the only way he will know his identity (11. 4542-4543). The twelfth- century poem then emphasizes the reunion between Cador and the maiden

(11. 4551/-4573)f the situation in the prose version is reversed: we are not even told how the knight returns to where the maiden is, but we are informed of their reception by Arthur: "comme ils eussent racompte les fais de Erec ils furent retenus de la mesnie et pour l'amour de Erec 69

1* en leur fist tresgrant honneur” (p. 2Ü3» 2-4). Meanwhile, Erec re­ turns to Enide, but falls from his horse, overcome by his wounds. Oniy the prose version reveals that he does this on purpose "pour esprouuer

le leal corage de sa dame” (p. 283, 7-8)«

2 .2 .3 4 . Thinking Erec dead, Enide's lamentations are the basis of the next “chapter” (H . 4608-4739) • In both versions, Enide accuses herself of being "omecide” of her husband (1. 4622; p. 283, 33) and blames the accursed "parole” which is the cause of a ll her misfortunes

(1. 4623; p* 283, 3^). The prose text does present several noteworthy innovations, however. As before, the fifteenth-century version evokes the idea of fate and the wheel of Fortune: “0 tres malheuree dame qui du hault au tresbas es admenee par vng des trebuchets de fortune” (p.

283, 3^ 32} • Furthermore, following the example of Jean de Meung, the prose text personifies "desespoir” lAo lectures Enide at length (p. 284,

3i?-23) and who gives her the idea of commiting suicide with Erec's own sword after the manner of Piramus and Tisoe, an allusion missing in

Chrestien. She goes so far as to take the sword from the sheath; a mer­ ciful God stops her from realizing her plan according to Chrestien

("Deus la fist un po retarder,/ Qui plains est de midericorde"—11. 4670-

4671); the arrival of the count of Limors changes the situation, more realistically, according to the prose text. In response to the count's inquiry as to the relationship between Erec and Enide, Enide charmingly replies that they are both "mari"—"fame” and "ami"—"amie” (11. 4686-

4687; p. 284, 35-36). In spite of Enide's protestations, the count is determined to take her as his wife to lâmors and to there bury Erec. 70

2.2*35» At lAmors, plans are made for the wedding of the count and

Enide in the next section (11. 4740-5000). Once again, CJhrestien’s tale Is more developed than the prose version. In order to get her to stop grieving, he tells her "Que morz hon por duel ne revit" (1. 4795) and how fortunate she is to be a countess (11. 4801-4802)• When the count insists that she eat, she replies that she will neither eat nor drink until Erec does (11. 4812-4816). The count even goes so far as to strike his intended bride, for which he is severely criticized (11.

4824^-4834). All this is omitted in the prose version. Suddenly, Erec

"Revint [...] de pasmeisons" (1. 4852) or "ne veult plus contrefaire le mort" (p. 285, 17) and in no time kills the count, frightening all the people present who think he is an "ennemi" (p. 285, 21) or a "deables"

(1. 4868)• Leaving Liraors, they take a horse from a boy \diom they meet

(11. 4893-^0; p. 285, 24-26). It is only then that Chrestien's Erec admits he has been testing his wife: "Ma douce suer,/ Bien vos ai de tot essaiieel" (11. 4918-4919)»

Meanwhile, Cuivret, having heard that the count has determined to many a lady whose husband has died, and remembering Erec and Enide

(probably because the lady ressembled Iseut, according to Chrestien—

1 . 4944 ), decides to rescue the lady. Guivret and the couple meet, not recognizing each other.

2 . 2 .3 6 . Erec, weak from his previous wounds, is unable to sustain his encounter with Guivret in the next "chapter" (11. 500L-5259)» How- ever, it is Enide who must appeal to Guivret* s sense of honor. Chres­ tien has her use an argument Wiich has been used against Erec in the 71

past: “Car ja n'an vaudroit miauz tes pris,/ Se tu avoies mort ou pri.s/

Un chevalier qui n'a pooir/ De relever, ce puez veoir" (11. 5039-50^2).

In both versions, the two friends identify themselves and Guivret asks forgiveness for whatever harm he has done to Erec (11. 5083-5085» p.

286, 23-24). ESqplaining that he was on his way to rescue Enide from the evil count, Chrestien's Guivret alone names the lord of limors: Oringles

(1 . 5070). While Chrestien has the group spend the night in the fields

(1 1 . 5 1 1 ^ 5 1 1 5 "Aiuit ferons logier nostre ost/ Jusqu'au matin parmi ces chans”), in the prose version Guivret "mena celle nuit Erec reposer en vng sien chasteau” (p. 286, 26-27). Again, Chrestien is alone in naming the castle: Penevric (1. 5185)• There, Guivret's two sisters take care of the wounded Erec. Many details recorded by Chrestien are omitted by the writer of Foerster's prose version (11. 5198-5223) as is the fact that Guivret, in order to show his esteem for the couple, has rich clo­ thing made for them (11. 5224-5235)® The prose version seems mainly concerned with the fact that Erec "fust plus amoureux d'elle [Enide] qu'il n'auoit este par auant" (p. 286, 37).

2 .2 .3 7. Preparations are made for leaving Guivret's castle in the next section (11. 5260-5422) • It is here that the prose writer states that Guivret gave Erec ”un rice abillement de drap d'or” (p. 286, 43-

44). Both versions, furthermore, mention a horse given to Enide (Chres­ tien ooiq)ares it to the one Enide lost at Li mors) « The harness is very richly worked with gold and emeralds, to idiich the author of Foerster's prose text adds "perles” (p. 286, 45). Interestingly, the "arcons" are of ivory and are carved with the story of Dido and Aeneas (11. 5339- 72

53^6; p . 287, 2). Chrestien conjectures that it took the artisan seven years to do this intricate job (1. 5350}* the prose text claims it re­ quired on]y five years (p • 287, 3 }. Guivret insists on accompanying the couple. Chrestien alone speaks of the various birds they take along

“Por aus deduire et deporter" (1. 5366}• Very shortly, the three tra­ velers arrive at Brandigan, a very mysterious, self-sufficient and in­ vulnerable castle, property of King Evrain. In spite of Erec’s interest

(according to Chrestien, he even wants to lodge there—1. 5^17}, Guivret warns him against trying to enter the castle g.^ounds: "Se ennuiier ne

VOS devoitj/ Jtos n*i descandriiemes pas/ El chastel a un mal treqias"

(11. 5^20-54-22) and “ne est si hardi homme de soy y embatre ne de porter armes pour vne aduenture quy y est" (p. 287, 13-14}.

2 .2 .3 8. Not heeding the many warnings given him, Erec is still de­ termined to undertake the mysterious adventure in the next “chapter" (11.

5423-591B). Although Foerster* s prose version includes the basic facts of the tale, the text is very much reduced: what took Chrestien nearly

500 lines to explain, our prose writer dispenses with in some 58 lines.

The magical orchard enclosed by a wall of air and the "joie de la cort" adventure were apparently less appealing to the fifteenth-century reader.

The facts—the orchard, the lovely girl, the spikes bearing the heads of unsuccessful contestants for the "joie,“ the horn—are present in both versions. However, the lengthy and repeated warnings to Erec by the townspeople (11. 5509-5523» 5705-5721} and Evrain (11. 5608-5641) are drastically cut and changed from direct to indirect discourse ("si dient bien en euls mesmes et l'un a l*aultre que dommage seroit s*un tant beau 73 cheualier aloit celle part pour conquerre la jole de court" p. 28y, 29-

31 and "Eurain [...] asses le desconslUa de non entreprendre 1*aduen­

ture" p. 207» 37- 38) • The same is true of the monologue in which Erec

tries to comfort Ehide (11. 3834-5067) vMch becomes "Erec resconforte

sa dame I'acole LetJ baise" (p. 288, 19)• Certain allusions are mis­

sing: Chrestien tells us that the heads would frighten the most brave

combatant "Se fust Tiebauz li Esclavons/ Ou Ospiniaus ou Femaguz" (11.

3778-5779)* the captive maiden's beauty is superior to that of "Lavine

de Laurante" (1. 5891). Finally, Erec is challenged by the knight who

is guarding the young g irl.

2 .2 .3 9» The contest between Erec and the champion of the maiden is

the subject of the next section (11. 5919-6007}. As in the case of the

others of Erec's battles, the prose version published by Foerster gives

most of the details found in Chrestien. Since we have already noted

several times the didactic nature of the prose version, it is curious

to find that the author of the version neglected to record the saying

which demonstrates the moral of the adventure (the meaning of which he

obviously did. not understand anynore), at least so far as Erec is con­

cerned: "Teus cuide avoir/ Le jeu jol, qui puis le pert" (11. 5924-

5925 )• Both versions report that the two knights are bothered by the

heat. Having indicated the Burgundians' desire for detail, we are sur­ prised to find Chrestien more specific in this case: idiile the prose writer states simply "Le tançs est lors en grant chaleur . les cheua-

liers esohauffent et n'y a membre qui de ce peineu[x] ouurage ne se doeuUe" (p. 289, 10-11), Chrestien explains "La suors lor treble les 74

ieuz,/ Et li sans qui avuec degote,/ Si que par po ne voient go te" (11.

598^ 59^ ) • Erec is the victor, following idiich the prose text has

Erec threaten his opponent, "disant qu*il lui prie merci ou si non

qu'il lui fera chauMement le teste voiler" (p. 269* 26-27).

2.2.40. Erec, having brought his adventure to a successful end,

learns about the "joie de cort" in the next "ch£q)ter" (11. 6006-6342).

Again, the facts are essentially the same in Chrestien and in Foerster's prose text: the defeated knight has Erec identify himself so that he may

know whether he has been vanquished by a greater or less important knight than himself (1. 6010ffp. 289, 31f f .), admits to having spent time at the court of King Lach, Erec's father (11. 6040-6041; p. 289,

40-41), explains the story of the captive maiden (1. 6052ffp. 289,

4 lff.), identifies himself as Mabonagrains (1. 6132; p. 290, 15). Every­ one is happy about the fortunate turn of events, everyone except, of

course, the maiden. Enide tries to console her (1. 6230ff.; p. 290, 36) and the two young women discover that they are cousins ( 1 . 6259* p* 291,

4) which to some extent makes up for the maiden's misfortune. According to Chrestien, Enide proceeds to e^lain to her how she met Erec, but—in a vein idiich recalls the later prose version—"A conter le vos relés/

Por ce que d'enui croist son conte/ Qui deux foiz une chose conte" (il.

6324 - 6326). It should be noted that the character of Mabonagrains ap­ pears in Pickford's version of Erec as Mabon or Kabon l 'Enchanteur (pp.

121.122). However, aside from being connected with some supernatural occurrence, there seems to be little relationship between the two. 75

2.2A l. The next "chapter" will take us to and beyond the end of

Chrestien's tale. There is, of course, mudi celebration due to the

successful coEçletion of the "joie de coxrt" episode. It is interesting

to note that only the prose version records the wedding of liabonagrains

and the maiden (p. 291» 29-30)# they disappear from the twelfth-century poem after line 6355* According to the prose text, the wedding festi­ vities lasted twelve days (p. 291# 31)» Chrestien has Erec leave Evrain*s

castle on the fourth day (1. 639h). Having reached Arthur* s court, Erec

learns that his father King Lach has died "enuiron .xv. jours en nouem- bre" according to the prose version (p. 291» 41); Chrestien reports that the messengers found Erec at Tintaguel "Vint jorz devant natevité" (1.

6519)• The rest of the "chapter" is concerned with Erec and Enide*s co­ ronation, at ihich Arthur wants to preside. Chrestien's version is much more detailed than the prose text: he even goes so far as to have Enide* s parents present and to name them: Carsenefide and lâconaus (11. 6894,

6896) • The coronation takes place at Christmas is both versions, at

London with the archbishop of Canterbury in charge according to the prose text (p. 292, 3-4)—another indication that the model of the prose version was conç>osed in England, at Nantes with the bishop of that city- officiating according "to Chrestien (11. 6553» 6865). Chrestien's poem ends with the coronation; in the prose text, Arthur orders a tourney.

2.2A2. The final two "chapters" in Foerster's prose version are, we feel, very significant. This "chapter" may be considered as King Erec's ultimate triunph over the powers of this world. Not wishing to be re­ cognized, our hero disguises himself wi-th black armor and places himself 76

in the ranks of the weaker knights who are suffering greatly from the

stronger and more experienced knights such as Blloberis and Gauvain» the only two lAo are specifically named. After wounding Blioberis so that “il a bon mestier de mire" (p. 292, 32) and bringing other knights to subnission, Erec is ready to take on the best—Gauvain. The prose writer records üiat "il fiert messire Gauvain de l*espee sur le heaulme en y mettant toute sa force tellement que pour le coup quy fust grant il fu tellement estonne qu*il perdi les arcons et estriers et chut a terre" (p. 293» 18-20). At this point, all flee before the remarkable, but still unrecognized, knight. This is important in that, until now, any comparison between Gauvain and Erec has been to the letter's dis­ favor. As Arthur's nephew, Gauvain has always been number one in any list of the knights of the Bound Table. It remained for our fifteenth- century prose writer to make Erec number one.

2 .2 .4 3 , The last "chapter" demonstrates Erec's ultimate spiritual triuiqph and superiority. Having admitted his identity and having been publicly acclaimed as the best knight, Erec and Enide depart for their kingdom. The prose writer tells us that "le roi Erec prist hommage et feaulte do ses nobles et vesqui depuis saintement et glorieusement auec sa belle dame la reyne Enide de laquelle il eust plusieurs beaux enfans et comme ils fussent venus en eage iceux, le roi Erec et Enide tres- passerent en paix de ce monde et furent leurs obsèques fais reueramment

. . . " (p . 294, 2-6). If Erec has proven him self to be the best knight, he here proves himself to be a saint. The religious terminology—

"saintement," "glorieusement," "reueramment"—certainly sets a different 77 atmosphere from that created hy the more worldly celebrations at the end of Chrestien's poem. We also feel that it is significant that the prose writer chose to provide the new king and queen with a family of "beaux enfans" who, after the death of their parents, could continue their ge­ nerous and saintly deeds. This would certainly seem to be a fitting conclusion to a tale the outcome of idiich Chrestien has left in doubt.

C liges

2.3» The only known prose rendering of Chrestien's Cliges is to be found in the municipal library of Leipzig (MS. Rep. N. 108) and, as in the case of Erec. is published by Wendelin Foerster, along with the twelfth-century original, in Christian von Troyes' Samtliche Werke.

The manuscript, as we shall see in chapter four, ressembles closely that of Erec as far as the handwriting, paper and dialect are concerned. It is an especially important manuscript as it is precisely dated, explicit

March 26, 1434 and is known to have been included, along with Erec. in the library of the dukes of Burgundy. The text is comprised of a pro­ logue and seventy-four "chapters" beginning with the word "Comment..." it is curious to note, however, that the prose writer on two occasions neglected to give the "title" of his "chapter" (see pp. 317, 336).

2.4.1. The first forty-four lines of Chrestien's poem are devoted to the "Prologue." The reader w ill recall that this is the famous pro­ logue in idiich Chrestien reviews his earlier literary activity ("Oil qui fist d'Erec et d'Enide/...," 1. 1). He further identifies the subject of the present tale ("O'un vaslet qui an Grace fu/ Del lignage la roi 78

■Artu,” 11. 9-10) as well as himself as the author (1. 23} • He finally outlines how chivalry and chxvalric ideals passed from Greece to Rome

to Fbrance, "Deus doint qu'ele i soit retenue” (1. 36). The more modest fifteenth-century writer does not identify himself, but rather begs the

indulgence of the reader for his ”ygnorance” and "dur et mal aome lan- gaige" (p. 283, 8-9), insisting that he is obeying some unidentified prince. We have already indicated that in the "prologue," the writer

speaks of reading as both a "bon usage" and as a "passetamps" (see p. )

2A.2. The first "chapter" (11. ^5-77) introduces us to the family of Alixandre, emperor of Constantinople : his wife Thantalis, his two sons Alixandre and Alix. It should be notea tbat in the twelfth-century poem, Chrestien finds it necessary to identify himself once again in line 43; "Chrestiens comance son conte." Whereas Chrestien simply states "Anpererriz i ot mout noble,/ Don I'anperere ot deus anfanz"

(11. 50-51), the process of begetting a family is slightly more compli­ cated for the writer of the prose version: "dieux ottroya a dame nature la ingenieuse ouuriere qu* ilz eussent deux beaux fils" (p. 283, 21-22).

Having stated that the story will be about son Alixandre and that he wishes to become a knight, Chrestien tells us "Que il ne deigna cheva­ liers/ Devenir en sa region" (11. 66-67), ^dxile the prose writer informs us that he realizes that "en 1* e#ire de Grece il ne se puelt bonnement vsiter ad ce noble mestier" (p. 283, 29). This would seem to agree more closely with Chrestien's views that chivalry has passed from Greece to

Rome to France. 79

2.4 •3* Determined to be knighted by King Arthur, Alixandre asks his

father's permission in the second "chapter" (11. 78«23^}. The decision

is greeted with mixed feelings by the emperor and Thantalis. The f«u. ther lectures his son on the knightly virtues: "Mels gardez que mout

soiiez larges/ Eb courtois et bien afeitiez" (11. 18^105) t "il ensen- gne son filz d'estre humble courtois seruitable et dilligent" (p. 284,

14-15). While Chrestien insists at length on "largece" (11. 192-217), this tra it is not even mentioned by the fifteenth-century writer. On the other hand, whereas Chrestien makes light of Thantalis* sorrow

("^lout fu I'anpererriz dolante,/ Quant de la voie oï parler,/ Ou son fiz an devoit aler" 11. 222-224), the prose text emphasizes her grief and her tears which are caused by "la nature du sexe féminin" (p. 284,

30), and even has the allegorical "maternal love” address her (p. 284,

26-28), reminding her of the dangers of a sea voyage.

2.4.4. The leave-taking is the subject of "chapter" three (11. 235-

269). Chrestien seems to be more concerned here with Alixandre*s com­ panions and the process of boarding the ship. The prose text, on the other hand, hardly mentioning the sailors, emphasizes the farewells

("Et dient plus de cent mille fois adieu mon filz • adieu mon filz et au desrenier adieu" p. 285, 13-14) • Both versions state that the sea is calm (as is the wind, adds Chrestien), but only the prose text re­ cords: "En prendent sur ce bonne esperance" (p. 285, 12-13) • In both texts, the emperor and empress want to watch the ship as long as pos­ sible? Only Chrestien has them find a means of prolonging their vigil:

"Et por ce qu*il les puissent miauz/ Et plus longuement esgarder,/ S'an 80 vont tu lt ansanble monter/ Lez la marine an un haut pul" (11. 260-263) •

Having spent "tot avril/ Et une partie de mai" according to

Chrestien (11. 270-271), "pluseurz Jours et nuys" according to the fif­ teenth-century version (p. 285, 27-28), at sea, the ship arrives at the port of Southampton in the next "chapter" (11. 270-398). Although they qpend the night celebrating the fact that they are once again on dry ground, the sailors do not forget to inquire where Arthur is presently holding court and leam that it is at Winchester. The next day they head for Winchester, Alixandre states his mission to the king and iden­ tifies himself and is joyfully accepted by Arthur and his court. Chres­ tien describes the physical appearance of the group more fully than does the prose text, and does not seem to favor Alixandre; the prose writer, however, states that "[Le Roy Artus] entre les autres choisit Alixandre pour sa beaulte" (p. 286, 4-5) • In both versions, Alixandre becomes the friend of Gauvain, a singular honor, as Gauvain is usually the num­ ber one knight.

2.4.6. The following "chapter" (11. 399-440) tells of Alixandre's increasing popularity at the court. His favor is due largely to his ge­ nerosity: he follows his father's advice and gives lavish gifts, "Car il ne plaint or ne argent ains en despent largement comme son estât le puelt porter" (p. 286, 40-41). It must be acknowledged that this pic­ ture of a court where one is revered for the gifts one is able to give is not particularly flattering! Chrestien specifies "Qu'il done a toz chevaus de pris/ Que de sa terre ot amenez" (11. 416-417). King Arthur 81

then decides to go to Brittany ("la petite Bretagne"), in order to

"jouer" reports the prose version (p. 28?, 1). The prose text, however,

omits the council which the king calls in order to decide in whose care

to leave Britain ("la grande Bretagne")| the count of Windsor is diosen

and Arthur leaves with Alixandre, the queen and Soredamours.

Soredamours, fdio has never until now been in love, falls

hopelessly in love with Alixandre in the next section (11. 4^1-529) •

Identified as Gauvain* s sister, Soredamours cannot keep from looking at

the young knight. Chrestien translates the maiden*s inner conflict most

effectively by a monologue in which Soredamours accuses her eyes, as

love enters through that part of the body ("Cell vos m'avez traie,/ Par vos m*a mes cuers anhaie"—U . 475-^76). This is unfortunately missing

in the prose text and is replaced by a less dramatic explanation of how, having been smitten by love's arrow, "Le ruide entendement de ceste da- moiselle [...] par vng ray soudein des vertus d'amours . est corrompu et rendu serf a remirer la beaulte d*Alixandre" (p. 287, 25-27)» Also, contrary to Chrestien, the prose text states that in resisting love,

Soredamours had been going against the laws of nature (p. 287, 31)*

Chrestien attributes her attitude to her proud and disdainful character

(1 . 4 6 9 )»

2.4.8'. If Soredamours has been smitten by Love's arrow, so has Alix­ andre (11. 550-540). It is curious to note that the prose writer ençha- sizes and develops the effect of love on Alixandre, whereas Chrestien dispenses with it in eleven lines ("Deus, que ne set que vers li panse/ 82

Alixandre de 1*autre part" (11. 530-531) • He is even addressed by love

("Mon fils pren a regarder la plus doulce creature qui viue. Tu es bel et bien admesure et me samble que tu seroies bien heureus se tu pouoies paruenir a si hault bien comme a la plus des plus belles"—p. 288, 1^4).

He si^ s, sobs and suffers as much as the maiden* Recalling that they have not ^k en , Chrestien insists on the lack of understanding between th e two WDuJd-be lovers (11. 539-540); on the contrary, the writer of

Foerster* s prose version feels that "lez maniérés qu*ilz font demous- trent asses leurz pencees" (p• 288, 12).

2*4.9. The ship arrives in Brittany in the next segment of our tale

(1 1 . 541U574')'. Because o f th e rea c tio n o f th e two young people, Gue- nievre notices that something is wrong: they blush, become pale, trecu ble. According to Chrestien, she does not know why they act strangely and, thus, blames the sea: "La mer ancoupe et si la blasme,/ Mais a tort l*an met sus le blasme" (11. 561-562). In the prose version, the queen, more knowledgeable, "s’aperçoit que leurz doulx regars sont les messages et ambassades d* amours" (p . 288, 18-19) and surmises, wrongly, that they have spokai to each other. Having ari*ived in Brittany, the party is well received; it is only the writer of the prose version who mentions that King Arthur spends several days "en chasse de grosses bestes et en gibier" (p. 288, 26). Both versions are most anxious to return to Alix, andre and Soredamours.

2.4.10. Alixandre’s cocgilaint is the subject of the next "chapter"

(11. 575-872) • The essentials of the dialectic of love are the same in 83 the two versions* Not daring to reveal his feelings, Alixandre is con­ tent to look at his beloved, but, at night, tdien they are apart, he is miserable and cannot sleep. Love is presented as an illness which can oniy be cured by the beloved (Soredamours). Love, or Love's dart, en­ ters through the eyes, lAich Chrestien presents as "li mireors au cuer"

(1. 712). But, wonders Alixandre, how is this possible since his eyes are uninjured? Chrestien's hero is intelligent enough to find the ans­ wer for himself; the prose writer, on the other hand, has "vn enseigne­ ment" appear to explain that "amors te regarda de son haultain siege inv- perial et par le millieu de ta pencee getta sa saiette qui dedens ton cuer entra sans blecier le corps comme le soleil passe parmi la verriere sans le casser" (p. 289, ^5-290, 3)•

2A .U . Alixandre's conplaint is balanced in the following "chap­ ter" by that of Soredamours (11. 873-1046). In tiying to convince her­ s e lf th a t she should succumb to love, Soredamours i s p a rtic u la rly con­ cerned with the social virtues associated with love: "Anors voudroit et je le vuel,/ Que sage fusse et sans orguel/ Et deboneire et acointable,/

Vers toz por un seul amiable" (11. 953-956); thus, "je ne veul estre repputee orguilleuse fiere rebelle et sans doulceur aulcune" (p. 290,

31-32) ' She is finally convinced in the famous passage in which she discovers that she is destined to love because of her name, which the writer of the prose text interprets as "la plus especialle qui james fut toucant les fais d 'amours" (p. 291» 37-38). However, determined as she may be, she s till knows that she must remain a lady and that she must not approach Alixandre I 84

2,4=12. Although the prose version published by Foerster has Soreda- inours’ complaint cany over into the next part of the tale (11. 1047-

1092), the main concern of this ** chapter” is to make King Arthur aware of the count of Windsor*s treason. After the royal party has been in

Brittany “lone tans“ (1. 1051) according to Chrestien, “ .iiij. ou .v. mois" according to the prose text (p. 291, 13), messengers arrive flrom

London and Canterbury to explain that the treacherous count has laid

siege to London. Chrestien alone compares him to the most famous epic traitor, Ganelon (1. 1076). The king immediately musters his forces for the battle lAich w ill ensue on his return to Britain: the Bretons are, naturally, included; interestingly, the prose version has him call also on the knights of “Gaulle qui maintenant est nommes France" (p.

291, 54 - 55 ), in what is perhaps a reference to the claim of Ehgland on the Frendi throne, which led to the Hundred Years* War,

2 .4 .1 5 . VBLshing to participate actively in the e^çedition, Alixandre asks to be dubbed in the “chapter" that follows (11. 1095-1211). While

Chrestien* s hex-o simply makes the request (H . 1122-1125), perhaps even somewhat brusquely, the Alixandre of the prose version reminds Arthur that this was his purpose in coming to the court: "Sire comme il soit ainsi que je soie venu en ton seruice pour aprendre et obtenir de ta main le degre de cheualerie..." (p. 292, 1-2), Guenievre, searching for an ^propriété gift for the new knight, gives him a shirt sewn by Sore­ damours with golden thread with idiich she has mixed a few strands of her golden hair, in order to see if one could be distinguished from the other, according to Chrestien, "pour sauoir lequel dureroit le plus ou 85 l*or ou le cheueil,*' according to the prose version (p. 292, 15 ).

2.4.1k. In the next section (U . 1212-1260), the count of Windsor fortifies himself in bis castle. The prose version seems to motivate this action more than does Chrestien, ei^plaining that he "est monte a vne fenestre du palais et voit ceste grant ost dont il s*effroie . et voit bien que mourir ou fuir le conuendra" (p. 292, 29-30). Chres­ tien merely states that he vas hated by many people and was afiraid of being betrayed. In fleeing, he takes the treasure of London, with which Chrestien includes, in first place, the "vitaille" (1. 1223) • It is surprising that the prose writer did not mention food, a practical necessity assuming that the count were planning to remain in the castle with his men for any length of time. The castle and fortifications are described in both versions: it is situated above a body of water, which is identified as the river Thames in Chrestien (1. 1257), but as the sea in the prose text. In any case, it would seem icpregnable.

2 .4 .1 5 . The next "chapter," only fourteen lines in the twelfth- century poem ( 1 1 . 1261. 1274) is nicely developed in the fifteenth- centuzy rendition. The one thing both texts have in common is the des­ cription of the colorful tents which are pitched around the castle, and even here the prose text is more detailed. In Chrestien, we miss the townspeople lAo come personally to Arthur "nuds chiefs sans armes aul. cunes prier merci" (p. 293# 6} in a scene reminiscent of the bourgeois of Calais >dx> in 1347 offered themselves as hostages to the king of Eng­ land in order to spare their town Arom siege; we miss, furthermore, the 86 fact that it is "oultrecaidance'* (p. 293# 17) that causes the men within the castle to come out, and although both texts mention that they are armed only with a lance and a shield, we miss in Chrestien that they were "montes sur bons cheuaulx" (p. 293# 18) and that they wanted to

show Arthur that they did not fear "son sens sa force ne son grant mon­ ceau de cheualiers" (p. 293# 20-21). The prose text is psychologically more developed and the actions better motivated.

2.4^ .16. Alixandre, feeling that it is time to test their knightly savoir-faire against the traitors, calls on his men for aid in the next section (11. 1275-1418). Chrestien names the corç>anions of Alixandre

(11. 1281-1287), the prose text does not. They are:

Comix Licorides l*estout Nabunal de llicenes Acoriondes d* Athene s Ferolin de Salenique Charquedon devers Aufrique Parmenides de Francagel Torin le fort P inabel N eriüs K e rio lis

Having proven themselves worthy of the title of knight in the ensuing encounter, it is only fitting that they present their hostages to the queen: Alixandre has taken four. This causes an argument between the king and queen: the prose text settles this quickly by having the queen give them over to Arthur: "II les requist a la reyne laquelle lui [l]es acorde" (p. 294, 15-16)i Chrestien prolongs the inevitable outcome.

Meanwhile the young knights are enjoying the corçjany of the maidens of the court. As it is warm, Alixandre undresses to the shirt which Guenie- 87

vre has given him and which Soredamours recognizes immediately» There

follows the very charming monologue of Soredamours in whidi she debates

whether to call Alixandre by the name of "ami" or by his very long gi^ ven name.

2.4 «17» King Arthur and his men prepare to attack the castle in the following "chuter" (11. 1419-1552). But first the four prisoners, as they are traitors, must be disposed of, and it is decided that they w ill be tied to horses and dragged along until dead. Here the prose text is more detailed: "si s 'en vont courant ci lez vngz la les aultres par montaignes rociers chardons ronces ortiez espines . tant que les

.iü j. meschans hommes furent executez a mort et qu'ilz furent telle­ ment desfigures q u 'il ne leur demeura membre nul entier" (p. 295» 19-

22). King Arthur offers a golden cup to the man who w ill fight most valiantly in the attack on the castle; this cup is described in more detail in Qirestien. Furthermore, if this man is a knight, he can ask for anything beyond this. Here again the prose version brings in the idea of honor missing in Chrestien; "excepte sa couronne et chose qui soit touchant encontre son honneur et aultre rien ne reserue il" (p.

296, 4-5). It should be noted that it is here that the prose writer mentions that the men in the castle are “garnis de viures" (p. 295, 40), although he has not previously stated that they had made such provi­ sio n s.

2.4.18. Alixandre, pending an evening with Guenievre and Soreda­ mours, learns the truth about his shirt in the next "chapter" (11. 155>> 88

1619) • The prose text in this part of the romance follows Chrestien

very oloseüy: Alixandre and Soredamours s till have not qaoken to one

another; Guenievre, noticing their obvious discomfort and seeing Sore­

damours hair sewn into the shirt cannot keep from laughing and smiling;

Alixandre asks her she is laughing and Guenievre inquires of Sore­

damours A ether she recognizes Alixandre's shirt; Soredamours admits to

having made it. Two minor modifications may be noticed, however. In

the twelfth-century poem, Guenievre addresses Soredamours directly; in

the fifteenth-century version, she employs indirect discourse. In her

confession, the Soredamours of the prose text is definitely on the de­

fensive: "mais elle s'en excuse disant que ce fust par mesaduenture ou

m e^resu re" ( i . e . th a t her h a ir was sewn in to th e s h ir t—p . 296, 2 4 -2 j).

2.4.19. Alixandre's reaction to this good news is the subject of

the next part of our tale (11. 1620-164-7). Although our hero realizes

that as a man he must not outwardly display his strong ©notions, when

people are not looking "cent mille fois baise et acoUe sa chemise" (p.

296, 31) • At night, he even sleeps with it in his aims • According to

Chresti©!, "quant i l le chevol remire,/ De tot le monde cuide estre

sire" (11. 164-1-164-2), while the prose writer characterizes him as "le plus heureux cheualier du monde" (p • 296, 33-33). Only Chrestien, how^

ever, passes judgement on Alixandre and on the effects of love: "Bien feit amors de sage fol,/ Quant oil feit joie d'un chevol/ Et si se dé­ lité et déduit" (11. 16^>1645).

2/f.20. Meanwhile, the count of Windsor's men make plans to attack 89

Arthur’s kni^ts in the following section of the narrative (11. 164&.

1742) . Both texts agree in putting God personally on the side of Ar­ thur and his troops. In mentioning the count of VUndsor^s name, the prose writer even goes so far as to exclaim; "a qui dieux veuUe donner puignicion de ses peschies" (p. 296, 41). As Windsor hopes to surprise the Bretons in the middle of the night, it is God, "qui nuist selon jus­ tice aux pedaeurz" (p. 297, 5-6), %ho brings dawn several hours earlier than is nonnalf one is reminded of similar instances in the book of

Joshua (diapter 10), and in the Song of Roland. >hera the sun stood s till in order that Charlemagne complete his battle. Chrestien descri­ bes more f u lly th e stra te g y o f th e enemy: how tney div id e in to fiv e groups and approach from different sides, for example. Fortunately, since God is on the side of justice, Arthur's watchmen see the arrival of the enemy, avraken the knights vdao go out to meet their opponents.

2.4.21. Ihe battle between the Greeks and the traitors of the castle is the subject of the next "chapter" (11. 1743-1807). Here the details of the prose version vaiy from those of Chrestien. While both versions agree th a t some fiv e hundred o f th e enemy are wounded o r k ille d , th e fifteenth-century text is more specific about those with vôiom Alixandre contends; a knight “a vnes indes armes" (p. 297, 37), a second knight who saw Alixandre k ill the first opponent, and finally the seneschal of the count of Windsor (p. 298, 3) . It is also stated that Alixandre's horse is killed from beneath him (p. 298, 15) and that his friend Gau­ vain came to his rescue (p. 298, 16). These facts are not found in the twelfth-century poem, nor is the suggestion that Alixandre "tant bien 90 s'e^rouuera aujourdhui qu'il sera digne d'auoir la coupe d'or" (p. 297»

29. 30 )

ZJir»22» Alixandre and his A-iends, disguised as enemy knights» are successful in their atteiq)t to enter the castle of Windsor in the follow­ ing section of our story (11. 1808-1888). Once again» the prose text in­ sists on the fact that God is on Alixandre's side» and has our hero in­ voke his help on two occasions. On seeing the wicked count flee» AHxan- dre "dist en soi mesmes qu'il pouruerra a son malice mes que dieux lui consente son entreprise achieuer" (p. 298, 26-27). Later» in speaking to his men» he states that "moiennant la grace de dieu" they will cap­ ture the count "a qui fortune soit ennemie et fauourable a nous qui a- uons juste cause de ce faire" (p. 298, 39-41);. VJhile C hrestien re p o rts that the men had to pass three walls (1. 2379)» the prose writer has them pass "le tiers pont le troisième mur et la tierce porte de fer"

Cf . 299» 2 -3 ).

2 A.23» The next part of our tale concerns itself with the battle between Alixandre's men and those of the count of Windsor (11. 1889-

1954 ). The two texts differ here quite a bit. Although both report the encounter between our hero and the evil count, Chrestien motivates this action and makes it more plausible by stating that Alixandre wan­ ted to avenge the death of his friend Macedor idiom the count had killed.

Chrestien» in following the Song of Roland's description of the traitor

Ganelon, also emphasizes the good qualities of the count» if only he were not a traitor; "Meis de grant force estoit le cuens/ Et chevaliers 91 hardiz et buens*/ Qu*el siegle nul meillor n'eüsty/ Se f e l et traîtres ne fust" (11. I 917-I 920). In the end, the count, seeing that Alixan­ dre* 8 men are stronger than his (p • 299# 23-25) or hearing the Greeks call him a traitor ( 1 1 . 1944-1945), he tries to save himself by fleeing

"en vne salle perilleuse a y entrer . car le passage est estroit" (p.

299» 26-27) or "vers sa tor fuit a garison" ( 1 . 1946).

2J4.24. The siege of the castle of Windsor continues in the next

"chapter" (11'. 1955-2056). Again, the two texts are quite different, but the "chapter" concludes, in both cases, with anoüier encounter be­ tween Alixandre and the count. Chrestien seems principally concerned with guarding the opening to the count's hideaway so that the prisoner cannot escape; also, the Greeks* strategy is designed by one Kabunal, who i s n o t so much as named in th e prose t e x t . The prose te x t des­ cribes in detail how Alixandre takes the enemy, one by one, has them climb up on the crenelated wall and then jump to their death into a d itc h (p . 299# 39-41); the prose writer also tells of the doorkeeper

%ho, in order to save his life, collaborates with Alixandre (p. 299» 44-

300, 1) . The encounter between Alixandre and the count ends, in both versions, with the count's being “estourdi" (1. 2054; p. 299» 19) »

2.4:.25'. Finding Alixandre* s armor among that of the enemy dead, the

Greeks mourn without reason in the following part of the romance (11.

2057- 2231) • While Chrestien emphasizes this part of the narrative, the prose writer insists on the cruel and inhuman treatment the count recei­ ves at the hand of Alixandre: he is displayed, naked and bound, before 92

his men (p. 300, 33-34); later, idien he is killed, his head is publicly

shorn on the end of a lance (p. 301, 21-23). In Chrestien, the count

seems to be just one of the group of prisoners. Also, the prose version

has him pronounce a long discourse (p. 300, 38-45) to the effect that he

is a victim of some kind of pagan predestination: "0 comme fortune m*est

contraire quant elle me aseruist et subgecte a la pianette rengnant a

l'heure et minute que je fus engendre" (p. 300, 38-40). In both texts,

Alixandre earns the golden cup and whatever else he desires: he hesita­

tes to ask for Soredamours.

2.4.26. Hot daring to ask for the sister's hand, Alixandre cultiva­

tes the biother's friendship by giving the golden cup to Gauvain in the

next episode of our tale (11. 2232-2329): "si dist qu'il en fera aulcun

bon ami" (p . 301» 34). Impatient to see Soredamours, who is very h«q)py

now that she knows that her beloved is not dead, Alixandre makes for

Guenievre*s tent. The rest of the "chapter" is concerned with two mono­

logues in which the queen offers to help the young knight realize his

love and Alixandre admits his feelings for Soredamours. Whereas Chres­

tien's queen instructs Alixandre that it is wx>ng to hide one's feelings where love is concerned ("Qu'au celer li uns l'autre ocit," 1. 2300), in

the prose version she offers to be his "secretaine et aduocate" (p. 302,

12) • In the twelfth-century poem, Alixandre does not even need to name his beloved; in the fifteenth-century version he clearly identifies her as "Soredamors quy ci est presente" (p. 302, 28-29).

2.4.27. The wedding of Alixandre and Soredamours is consummated in 93 the next "chuter" (11. 2330-23^2). In Chrestien, it is the queen îôio plays a major role in the formal betrothing of the young couple; idiile

Alixandre and Soredamours are silent, Guenievre literally gives one to the other: "L*un de vos deus a l'autre doing" (1. 2346). In the prose text, the maiden actively accepts the knight as her husband: "ja dieux ne plese que je le reffuse" (p. 303, 3) • The two versions refrain from elab o ratin g on tlie f e s t i v i t i e s which accompany th e ceremony. However,

Qirestien does mention that Alixandre "Trois joies et trois enors ot"

(1. 2364ff.). l'bst importantly, the couple are soon the parents of a veiy handsome son, Gligès, "duquel nous ferons ceste presents histoire"

(p. 303, 13).

2 A «28. Learning that his father, the enperor of Constantinople, is dead, Alixandre returns home, with Soredamours and Gligès, to find his younger brother Alix wearing the crown in the continuation of our tale

(1 1 . 2383- 2524 ). Although messengers had been sent from Greece to bring

Alixandre back, all but one—a traitor—perish at sea. The prose ver­ sion does not make i t clear whether this accident took place vàiile going to Britain or on the return voyage; Chrestien specifies, however: "Et dit qu'il avoient esté/ Trestuit an la mer tanpeste,/ Quant de Bretadn- gne revenoient/ Et lor seignor an amenoient" (11. 2409-2412); thus, Alix has reason to believe his brother dead and to seize the crown. Chres­ tien has some geographical details not found in the prose text: Alixan­ dre leaves from Sorham (1. 2440) and arrives at Athens (1. 2445). Also,

Alix's reaction to learning that his brother is alive is more fully de­ veloped in the twelfth-century poem. 94

2 «4 •29» The next part of the romance outlines the agreement reached

by the two brothers (11. 2525-2618}. While Alix retains the crown,

Alixandre is to have all the honor due an en^eror. The prose version,

again more realistic here, also mentions a "certaine somme de deniers

qu»il deliureroit a Alix son frere durant sa vie chascun an" (p. 504,

3-4) • Furthermore, Alixandre insists that his brother not marry; the

reason for this is not clear in the prose text, but Chrestien clear]y

states "Meis après lui Cligés sera/ De Costantinoble anperere" (11. 2574-

2575) » Qirestien also includes a comparison of the fraternal feud to that of Polinices and Btiocles (11. 2537-2538). In the course of time, Alixan­ dre and Soredamours die, but not before recommending to Gligès that he go to Britain to leam the arts of chivalry and that he make himself known to his uncle Gauvain.

2 .4 .3 0 . Although Alix keeps his promise to his brother for a long time, he eventually falls prey to evil advisers and consents to marry in the following "chapter" (11. 2619-2660). It is interesting to note that the fifteenth-century version alone enphasizes the youth of these coun­

sellors: "jeunes et non raisonnablez" (p. 304, 23). While Chrestien ' 5

Alix wants his future wife to be " jante/ Et belle et sage et riche et noble" (11. 2648-2649), the emperor in the prose text requires only that

she be "belle oultre mesure" (p. 304, 25). The choice falls on the daughter o f th e eoçeror o f Germany, to whom Alix* s ambassadors go to re ­ quest his daughter*s hand. They find the ençeror at Regensburg, accor­ ding to Chrestien (1. 2666), at Tenebourc, as reports the prose version

(p . 304, 31) • The request is pronçtly granted, but Alix must come in 95

person to protect himself and his future wife from the duke of Saxony

who has already asked for her hand several times*

2 A 0^1• The arrival of Alix in Cologne is the concern of the next

section of our tale (11. 2681-2724). Alix, hearing the favorable re­

port of his messengers, prepares to go get his bride. The details of

the preparations are described in more detail in the prose version: "il

fait faire robez de liuree et commande ses cheuaulz estre pares de nou-

ueaux hamas toux couuers d' orfauerie perles et ricez platines d* argent

dorees" (p. 305, 14-16), Ironically, Qirestien here states that Cliges

accompanies his uncle, as Cliges has the most to lose in AHx's breaking

his promise. Both versions report that the enperor of Germany is now in

Cologne and that the Greeks are received royally . The emperor summons

his daughter, Fenice, and both texts agree that her beauty is indescri­

bable: "Onques deus qui la fapona/ Parole a home ne dona,/ Qui de biau-

tê dire seust/ Tant qu'an cesti plus n*an eiïst" (11. 2721-2724)# "Et

pour ce que je ne suffiroie pas a descripre la figure et tresautentiquo

foime de ceste belle damoiselle..." (p. 305, 24-26)».

2 .4 .3 2 . In the continuation of the episode at Cologne, Fenice and

Ciigis fall in love at first sight (11. 2725-2870). If human tongue is

incapable of describing Fenice, it is capable of describing Cliges. The details are the same in both versions; Cliges* beauty is compared to that of Narcissus (1. 2767; p. 305, 39). The fifteenth-century version omits, however, that Cliges "set pins d'escremie et d'arc/ Que Tristanz l i n iés le r o i Marc" (11. 2789-2790). This i s in te re s tin g as i t shows 96

that the prose writer has obviously forgotten that Ghrestien conceived

of Cliges as a sort of anti-Tristan. Miile Chrestien develops the dia­

lectic of love more fully, the prose writer points out that Fenice is

right to love Cliges as he is, in truth, the emperor of Constantinople,

and it is to that emperor that she is to be married (p. 306, 11-12).

Meamdiile, the duke of Saxony is planning once more to obtain Fenice for

him self*

2*^*33« The nephew of the duke of Saxony, having demanded Fenice* s

hand for his uncle and feeling himself slighted, prepares to engage in

combat with Cliges in the next "cheater" (11. 2871-2919) • ^ this

"chuter," the twelfth- and fifteenth-century versions develop different

aspects of the narration. The fifteenth-century text emphasizes Archa-

des* request for Fenice*s hand by expressing it in direct discourse (p.

306, 33-39) in which he threatens war if he does not receive a positive reply. Hearing no answer, he is insulted and the encounter between him and Cliges is planned. Chrestien stresses the fact that Fenice is wit­ ness to the combat and that she loves Cliges (11. 2891-2919) • Interest­ ingly, in Chrestien Cliges* and Archades* forces are equal (11. 2882-

2883); in the prose, Cliges has a hundred fewer men than his opponent

(p. 307, 1.2).

2.4.3^* In the following section of our tale, Cliges brings Archades to the ground for the first time (11. 2920-2928). The prose writer ela­ borates quite a bit here on what Chrestien dispenses of in nine lines.

Before the encounter, we see the principal combatants each going his own 97 way; later» ve are clearly informed that Cliges does battle with "vng cheualier azme de cuir bouUi a manière de Turc" (p* 307» 22), among others of course* The spectators are already very much inç>ressed by th e young knight and "s* esm eru illo ien t comment fo rce d'omme pouoit souffire a abatre tant d'hommes cheuaulz verser et cheioir" (p. 307»

24-25) * Finally» the fifteenth-century version reports that “sez ver­ tus obscurcissoient lez entreprinsez de tous ceux de ceste merlee comme (•**) l'o r obscurcit les *vj. especes de metaulx" (p. 307» 28-30).

2 *4" *35* But Archades does not give up easily» and must be brought to the ground a second time in the continuation of the battle (11. 2929-

2955)• Only Chrestien gives the moral of this second defeat; "Meis teus cuide, se il li lo ist,/ Vangier sa honte, qui I'acroist" (11. 2931-2932).

The prose text is careful to remind us here that the Greeks are outnum­ bered three to two* Having defeated Archades a second time, Cliges forces him and the other Saxons into a small river, after which he does not pursue them, "car il diet en soi qu'il acquerroit pou d'honneur oo- cirre ces cuers faillis • attendu qu'ilz n'ont pas puissance de desfen­ dre leurz vies et qu'il leurz voit gecter leurz espeez au loingz" (p.

308, 25-27)—once again we see that there is no honor to be gained in pursuing a defenseless opponent.

2*4-*36. Seeing Cliges' glorious return and hearing everyone speak of his valor, Fenice is more in love than ever in the next "chapter"

(11* 2955-304^). The prose writer e^qjresses more dramatically her de­ termination to love Cligis than does Chrestien by having her speak: "je 98 suis determines et résolue en telle conclusion que j'aymerai Cliges a qui je suis donnée . attendu qu'il doit par raison auoir la juridicion et enpire de Constantinople" (p • 308, kyJieS) • Seeing her suffering,

Thessala—Fenice* s "mestre "—offers her services. Thessala is presen­ ted in both versions as being as e::q)ert as Medea in the magical arts.

As we are dealing with an anti-Tristan, one is conpelled at this point also to evoke the character of Brangain in the Tristan legend. While the prose writer does not explain her expertise in the arts of witch­ craft, Chrestien says it is "Qu'ele fu de Thessaille nee/ Ou sont fei- tes les deablies,/ Anseignees et estabiles" (11. 3006-3008). Further­ more, Chrestien lists all the maladies she can cure: "Je sai bien garir d'idropique,/ Si sai garir de 1* arte tique,/ De quinancie et de cuerpous"

(11 . 3023-3025 ).

2 .^ . 3?. In the continuation of her interview with Thessala, Fenice confesses her love (11. 3050-3216). The twelfth- and fifteenth-century versions are very similar here. At first, Faiice hesitates to reveal her feelings to Thessala, but soon realizes that her "mestre" is so shrewi she w ill discover the truth sooner or later. The love dialectic is developed along the same lines, love being presented as a sweet sick­ ness ("Et tant de joie an mon enui,/ Que doucemant malade sui" 11. 3083-

3084-j "j'en seuffre maintenant douleur et misere et tantost sur vne mes- mes heure joie et leesse" p. 309» 28-29). Furthermore, she does not want to live like Iseut, giving her body to one man and her heart to another ("Qui a le cuer, si eit le cors," 1. 3163). While the prose version has Fenice emphasize Cliges' high birth and that he is worthy 99 of her, Chrestien*s Fenice encourages Thessala to invent some scheme.

The "mestre" promises a brew which w ill make Alix only desire her in his sleep, althou^ he will think he is awake I

2 .4 ,3 8. The wedding of Alix and Fenice takes place in the following part of the romance (11. 3217-3258^. As Fenice has great confidence in

Thessala, she is not unhappy at the prospect. The prose version once more insists on the idea that Cliges is worthy to have such a beautiful wife as Fenice. The two versions omit any detailed account of the wed­ ding ceremony or festivities. The prose version does, however, state that "endementierz que les dames dansseront et cheualiers et escuiers jousteront et tournoieront" (p. 310, 31- ^ 2 ) , th e "mestre" was busy ooncocting her brew. Both texts report that she used spices: Ghrestien im plies th a t th ese spices "Douce e t de buene odor l a font" (1 . 325ü)f the prose text seems mainly concerned with the taste, that it be "delic- cieux au boire" (p. 310, 3 ^ ).

2 A.39« As she has prepared the brew, Thessala must choose the per­ son ^ o will serve it to Alix as our romance continues (11. 3259-3328^.

The logical choice falls on Cliges as the one who stands to profit from the effects of the potion. It seems to us that the writer of the prose version has succeeded in more logically motivating Cliges* action.

There are, indeed, two problems to be resolved; Cliges must be convin­ ced that his uncle alone must drink the potion and, secondly, that the brew is harmless. Chrestien*s Cliges merely accepts the "mestre" at her word. In the prose version, on the other hand, the first question 100 is taken care of tgr Thessala* s stating that the potion is "pour gens nouueaux maries" (p. 3JU0, 43) and the second tgr her trying the brew hei> self "comme celle qui bien sceut pourueior a la uertu du buurage" (pp.

310, 45-311# D* Alix does* indeed, drink the potion unquestioningly.

2A.40. The effects of the potion are described in the next "chap­ te r " (11. 3329- 3372). The nvçtial bed having been properly blessed, the time comes for Alix and F&ice to go to bed. Ghrestien alone ,sug­ gests that Fenice does not have complete confidence in her "mestre" for

"mout se dote et mout s’esmaie,/ Que la poisons ne soit veraie" (11.

3339-33^0). The brew is, indeed, “veraie," and Alix's illusions are described in charming detail. He imagines that Fenice, as a good "pu- celle," is reluctant to succumb to his advances. His fantasies are re­ ported somewhat more specifically by the prose writer: "II Ini samble qu'il le baise cent mille fois et qu'il mennie ses tetins" (p. 311, 10-

11)1. Contraiy to what was said of Enide, one cannot say of Fenice:

"Einpois qu'ele se relevast,/ Ot perdu le non de pucelej/ Au matin fu dame novele" (Brec. 11. 2106-2108)'. The prose version also mentions th a t in th e morning Fenice i s alread y dressed when A lix awakes# but he is perfectly content, thinking that he has been satisfied during the n ig h t I

2A .41. Meamhile, Archades has not been idle and musters his forces to go against the Greeks in the following part of our tale (11. 3373-

3394)'# The prose version develops the meeting between Archades and the duke of SaxDi^ more fully than does Chrestien by having him address his lÛ l uncle in an unusual combination of indirect and direct discourse* Start­ ing in indirect discourse, "et racompta au duc son oncle..." (p. 311,

26), the writer slips without warning into direct discourse, "en bataille arreste a occis pluseurs de mes cheualiers..." (p. 311# 29-30)» The duke sends spies to Cologne to find out idien and how Alix and Fenice w ill re­ turn to Constantinople. When the newlyweds leave, they are acconqpanied by a large retinue of Germans for protection. The prose text once more eophasizes that the love between Alix and Fenice is not reciprocal.

2.4-.4-2. The encounter between the Greeks and the Saxons is the sub­ ject of the next section of our romance (11. 3395-3620). The facts are similar in both the verse and the prose versions; Cliges must first k ill

Archades, secondly, a Saxon ^ o has sworn to bring Cliges* head to the duke, and finally meet the duke himself. The prose version, however, has certain details missing in the twelfth-century text: the Greeks and th e Germans a rriv e a t th e Danube a t fiv e o* clock (p . 312, 3)# th e second

Saxon killed by Cliges is named, Terri (p. 312, 20), who is personally chosen by the duke to avenge his nephew* s death. The prose writer has obviously remembered that Charlemagne chose someone of that name to avenge his nephew Roland* s death 1 The number of men accompanying Archa­ des in the original esqpedition is astonishingly different in the two versions: five for Chrestien (1. 3^14), six hundred for the prose writer

(p. 312, 8). Chrestien motivates more clearly the encounter with the second Saxon by having him insult Cliges by calling him "Gara" (1. 3484).

2 A A3» Ih the meanwhile, Fenice is abducted by the Saxons (11. 362L. 102

3658)• According to Chrestien, the idea to abduct Fenice comes from a

spy (1. 3621ff.), whereas the prose writer attributes it to the duke

himself (p• 313, 31ff•)• The prose text gives more details as to how

this mission is accomplished: we are told, that the Saxons have to k ill

the "escuiers varletz et sergans" who were there (p. 313# 36-37)» that

Fâiice was taken into the woods (p. 313» 38) and left with twelve men

while the others went back to report to the duke and that the twelve

were not to move until they heard the duke's horn (p. 313» 41^2). As

for the psychology of the duke, the prose writer attributes his success

in battle to "I'esperance qu'il auoit de coucier la nuit auec la puceL-

le " (p « 313» 43 ). Truce is called until the folloviing day* all rest

except our hero.

2.4.4^. Thinking that he is their duke, the Saxons who are return­

ing with Fenice greet Cliges in the following "chapter" (11. 3659-3695)•

Once again, certain details included in the prose version make this

whole situation more plausible than in Chrestien: the fifteenth-century

writer is careful to have the duke blow his horn, signaling that the

time has come to bring Fenice to the Saxon camp (p. 314, ?)* further­ more, he has the duke calculate that the Greeks have had sufficient time to get beyond the forest (p. 314, 6-7)i he also reminds us that the rea­

son for the mistaken identity is that Cliges "est monte sur le destrier de leur duc" (p. 314» 10). In both versions, the Saxons address Cliges d ir e c tly , although th e prose i s somewhat more developed.

2 .4 .4 5 . As the tale continues, Cliges must do battle with each of Iû3

the twelve Saxons who hold Finlce prisoner* In both versions, Cliges'

reaction Is likened to that of a wild animal protecting Its young. One

by one, he kills eleven of the twelve; the last Saxon escapes in order

to report to his duke what has happened* In Chrestien, this survivor

asks Cliges to identify himself* The prose text con^ares our hero's

strength to "la force de Sanson" (p* 314, 2?) • It Is Interesting to

note that in the fifteenth-century version, having saved his beloved,

Cliges "s'aproce de Fenice de laquelle 11 prent doulcement vng balsler"

(p* 314, 43-44). Chrestien, on the other hand. Includes instead of the

"balsler" a long discourse on love and In particular on the role of

fear In love: "Amors sanz crieme et sanz peor/ Est feus sanz flame et

sanz chalor" (11* 3893-3894)*

2*4*46* While the emperors of Germany and Constantinople are rejoi­

cing at Fenice's return, the duke of Saxony Is understandably distres­

sed and demands a duel with Cliges in the next "chapter" (11. 3946-

40IG) * The prose version describes in realistic detail the duke's tor­ ments: "11 cuida soubltement enragler et fut plus de demie heure sans

soi releuer de la terre ou 11 diey . voire et toute la nuit ne cessa il de tirer sez crins et sa barbe" (p. 315, 19-21)* A messenger Is sent to challenge Cliges: Ghrestien wisely specifies that the messenger

speaks both German and Greek, delivering the message in both languages to avoid any possible misunderstanding * Everyone hesitates to allow

Cliges to carry through with the plan, but he finally convinces them that he must do so. The details of the duel are given in greater detail in the prose text, in Cliges response to the messenger (p* 315» 34-38) * 104

2.4^*47» The actual duel between Cliges and the duke takes place in the following part of our romance (11. 4011-4205) • 3n both versions,

Fenice is made to be a witness of the encounter and in both cases she claims to want to die if Cliges is not victorious; however, in the prose text, the possibility of suicide is even suggested: "elle se occirra elles mesmes se mourir ne puelt de couroux” (p. 316, 2) • At first, it seems that the duke has the upper hand; Cliges is even forced to touch his knee to the ground. However, at this point, he is revived by Fenice*s cry "Dieux aye" (p. 315» 19)» proving that she loves him.

The final humiliation of the duke is emphasized in the prose version more so than in Chrestien. First of all, he is made to look ridiculous when he claims "je me hontoie et me fains de te donner trop grans coupz"

(p. 316» 34-35) and then, he must publicly admit "J*ai grandement of­ fense et mesprins enuers vestre haulte noblesse" (p. 317» 4-5).

Z.4.48. In the next "chapter" (11. 4206-4574), idiich is one of those to which the prose writer forgot to give a title, Cliges remembers his father's advice and leaves for Britain to perfect himself in the arts of chivalry. Before leaving, he must ask permission of his uncle and take leave of Fenice, his "dame." Chrestien develops both of these epi­ sodes in greater detail than does the prose writer. The prose version does not so much as suggest an argument between Cliges and Alix; in

Chrestien, Alix refuses to give his permission until Cliges threatens to go anyway; "se vos ne m'i anvoiiez/ Et le don ne m'an otroiiez,/ Que j'ira i sanz vostre congié" (11. 4263-4265). Ih the scene with Fenice, we miss Chrestien's lively dialogue and, later, the heroine's inner d&- 105 bate as to idiether dlges realOy loves her;

Cliges* arrival at WaHiogford takes place in the next sec­ tion of our tale (11. 4575-^682) • Inquiring as to the whereabouts of

King Arthur, he learns that the king is at Oxford for a tourney which is to be held in the near future. Wishing to participate in the event, our hero has three suits of armor made—green, red, black—\diich are added to the white one he already has. Ghrestien specifies that as there are "quinze jorz antiers" (1. 4594) until the tourney, he sends to London for his armor. The first day of the toum%r, Sagramors comes forward to joust; because of his excellent reputation in such events, no one challenges him until Cliges, attired in black, presents himself.

At this point in the prose version, we miss the discussion of the spec­ tators as to the identity of Sagramors and Cliges.

2 .4 .5 0 . The mysterious knight of the black armor continues to per­ form valiantly in the part of the romance which follows (11. 4683-4726).

After his in itial victory over Sagramors, Cliges* exploits are descri­ bed in much greater detail in the fifteenth-centuiy version than in the twelfth-century poem. Specifically, others of his opponents are named;

Aguichans the king of Scotland, and Guivret le P etit. These are of par­ ticular interest in that they are characters taken from Erec rather than

Cliges: Guivret is the keeper of the tower with whom Erec has a duel; g Aguichans regularly appears as one of the guests at court functions g Cf. L—F. Flutre, Table des noms propres avec toutes leurs varian- 106 and ceremonies* Here» G uivret comes a f te r C liges with no fewer than five hundred knights (p • 3IÔ» 37ff.). At the end or the tourney, Cliges changes his black armor for the green “affin qu*il ne fut recongneu"

(p . 319, 3 ) .

2 •^ .5 1 * The series of personal combats continues in the next "chap­ ter" as Cliges encounters one of the most famous Arthurian knights, Lan­ celot (11* 4-727-4818) * Succeeding in maintaining his anonymity, he ar­ rives at the tourney the following day dressed in his green armor,

"Plus vert que n'est erbe de pre" (1* 4769) * We find that Chrestien*s account of this encounter is in every way more picturesque than the pro se text* VJhile the prose writer states sinqjly that "chascun qui le regarde juge et depose que cestui aux armes verdez semble d'ausi bonne façon comme cil aux (aux) armes noires de la joumee precedents" (p*

319, 12-14), Chrestien's conq>arison reads: "Cist est an toz androiz/

Assez plus janz et plus adroiz/ De celui d'ier as noires armes,/ Tant con pins est plus biaus que charmes,/ Et li loriers plus del seü" (11*

4775- 4779) * Cliges victorious, the green armor is replaced by the red*

2 *4 *5 2 * As our tale continues, Cliges must fact twc more opponents

(11. 4819-4943)* first, dressed in the red armor, he faces Perceval le

Galois; finally, attired in white, he contends with the number one

tes figurant dans les romans du moyen âge écrits en français ou en provençal et actuellement publiés ou analysés (Poitiers: Centre d 'etudes supérieures de civilisation médiévale, 1962), p. 7, s.v. Amrisan; G* D. Vfest, An Index of Proper Karnes in French Arthurian verse romances 1150-1300 (Toronto: University Press, 1969), p. 8, s*v* Anguisel* 107 knight of the Round Table, Gauvain. After the victoiy over Perceval,

there are suspicions that the knights of the black, green and red armor

are one and the same person. While Chrestien does not attribute these

su^icions to any one particular person (1. 4882ff, the prose text

attributes the idea to Arthur himself (p. 320 , 6ff.). According to

Chrestien, Gauvain at this point decides that he w ill joust with the

iqysterious knight (1. 4891ff.); the prose writer would have us believe

that the king requested his nephew to do so (p. 320, 11-12). In both

versions, Gauvain has doubts about his success against sudi a worthy

adversaiy. The tourney threatens to end in a drawl

2Vf*53* It is King Arthur himself tho puts an end to the tourney in

the following part of the romance (11. 4944-3063). Seeing that the two

combatants are equal in strength, the king orders his nephew to make friends with the knight and to invite him to court. Accepting the in­ vitation, Cliges arrives at the court dressed “a la manière des Bretons," according to the prose text (p. 321, 6), "Vestuz a la guise de Eranpois," according to Chrestien (1. 4990). Curiously, everyone recognizes him immediately as the rysterious kni^t and Cliges is forced to admit his change of armor and his true identity. He is, of course, received joy­ fully and royally. While Chrestien is primarily concerned with the ban­ quet, and in particular the preparations for the banquet, given for

Cliges (1. 5026ff.), the fifteenth-century version enumerates the gifts given our hero: "cheualiers et escuiers pour le seruir . auec plente de chiens et oyseaulx pour soi déduire et passer le temps" (p. 321, 21-22). 108

2 A.5^. There follows in the prose text an ^isode which is not

found in Chrestien, the purpose of idiich appears to be to motivate Gli-

gès* return to Constantinople and Fenice. In another sense, it illus­

trates the knight* s duty to console the abandoned, forlorn and suffering

maiden (see 2,2.31.) . Our hero comes across such a maiden in an isola­

ted spot I she is bewailing the absence of her "ami." The situation be­

tween the maiden and her "ami" is exactly parallel to that of Fenice and

Cliges: like our hero, her "ami" "s*en alia serchant son aduenture" (p.

322, 3-4) i like Fenice, the maiden is trying to avoid, an undesirable ma­

riage: "de jour en jour je suis quise par les gens d*un roy qui me veult

maigre moi et oultre ma voulante auoir a feme" (p. 322, 40-41). It is

curious that Cliges makes no effort to find the young man. However, as

the situation reminds him of his beloved, he determines to return to

Greece.

2#4.55« Cliges* return to Constantinople is the subject of the next

part of our tale (11. 5064-5197) • The fifteentk.century version reports

that our hero "comme bien apris ala acoler et baisier" not only his be­

loved, but "toutes les dames et damoisellez" (p. 323» 39)• At their

first private meeting, after certain generalities concerning the health

of the king and Gauvain, Fenice asks Cliges if he has not given his

heart to some lady in Britain, to ^diich he replies that "puis que je me

partis de vous '• non cuer ne me tiust compaignie • ains demoura et le

corpz s*en alia" (p. 324, 16-17). This response, found in both texts,

is significant in light of that Fenice has already stated about the se­ paration of heart and body and her strong determination to give both 109 heart and body to the same man.

2A.56. In the continuation of the scene between Fénice and Cliges,

it is Fâiice‘s turn to confess her love (11. 5198-5280) • Chrestien pa^ rallels Cliges* statement that his heart remained in Constantinople by having Fenice claim that hers traveled to Britain with Cliges, although he did not realize it. She explains the story of the potion to our hero; the prose version here emphasizes that it is Cliges himself who gave the brew to his uncle. Ghrestien, however, makes certain allusions not found in the fifteenth-century text: first of all to Mam and Eve

(“onques ancor ne me conut/ Si com Manz conut sa fame,/ 11. 5238-5239); secondly, he reminds us that he is writing an antimTristan (”Ja n'an seroiz Tristanz clamez,/ Ke je n*an serai ja Yseuz,/ 11. 5260-5261) •

2.4-.5 7 . Ih the next "chs^ter, " a plan is worked out by which Cliges will be able to take Fenice away from Alix (11. 5281-5400). Once again, the facts are essentially the same in the two versions. Cliges wants to take his beloved to Britain where she will be received with as much joy as was Helen of Troy by the Trojans. Fenice responds that she must think of her reputation, that people must not talk about them as they do about Tristan and Iseut. Here, vâien we consider the moral and didactic nature of our mise en prose, it is surprising that the prose writer did Q not pick up Ghrestien* s admonition from Saint Paul: "(W. (hastes ne se viaut tenir,/ Sainz Pos a faire li ansaingne/ Si sagement, que il n*an

9 A possible misinterpretation of Romans 14, 16: "Let not then your good be evil spoken of." n o praingne/ Ne cri ne blasme ne reproche" (n. 5326-5329) • The p lan ev o l­ ves: Fénice w in have Thessala prepare a potion which w in make her ap­ pear dead; Cliges win have a life-sustaining coffin built.

2A .58. Fenice makes her arrangements with her "mestre" in the fol­ lowing part of our romance (n. 5^1-5^66). In both cases, Fenice in­ sists on the great trust she has in Thessala* s secrecy—after an, th e secrecy has already been tested I Thessala, hearing of Fenice* s malady, naturally agrees to prepare the requested potion, swearing—according to the fifteenth-century version—on "mon ame dieu sains et saintes" to do a good job (p. 326, 15). The effects of the proposed brew are des­ cribed in reanstic detail; according to Chrestien, it w in make her

"froide,/ Descoloree et pale et roide/ Et sanz parole et sanz alainne"

(n. 5^59-5^61); similarly, the prose text claims that "il vous fera froide pale matte . et sans ce que poux ne allaine puist estre sur vous

Sentue" (p. 326, 18-20). These effects w in last for twenty-four hours.

2.4.59# After Faiice thanks Thessala, the tale is next concerned with Cliges* arrangements with his worker Jehan (n. 5467-5662) ; The relationship between the two is not one of conçlete confidence as with the two women, but rather one of master and slave: Cliges is not beyond using his power. However, Chrestien*s Cliges immediately tells his ser­ vant that he will be free if the plan is successful (1. 5496ff.); the prose writer waits for the end of the "chapter" to reveal exactly what the recompense will be (p • 328, 3). Jehan, of course, agrees to help.

The improbable part of the episode is that Jehan just happens to have a I l l

secret house and pleasant self-sufficient garden to offer his master.

Qirestien does not bother to e:qplain why or where he found the money

for such an ambitious project. The more realistic prose writer feels

compelled to explain: "I’ouurier qui estoit soubtil auoit trouue en

ceste maison vne minière d'argent par la vendicion de laquelle il s'es­

to it gouueme bien .v iii. ans sans entendre se non a son ouurage etc..."

(p. 327» 40-42).

2.4.60* Cliges and Alix visit the "sick" Fâaice in the next "chap­ ter" (11. 5663-573jy) • This part of the romance is full of contradic­ tions: Fénice and Cliges pretend to be sad on the outside \dien th^r are, actualiy, extremely happy; Alix misunderstands Fenice* s statement con­ cerning the one person who can make her well: he thinks she is refering to God when she is really talking about Cliges. Ihe prose version ela­ borates on certain details not found in Chrestien. The way in vAiich our heroine pretends to be ill is described more explicitly: "Elle se geste et degeste puis ce puis la souuentesfois...et plaindant de tous sez menbres non veuUant gouster d*aulcunez viandes" (p. 328, 28-30).

When Alix offers to engage doctors, Fénice insinuates that they would only be after his money; "ceulx qui pour 1* amour de votre argent mourir me feront" (p • 328, 33)•

2c4.6l. As our tale continues, Fenice "dies" (11. 5719-5788). To make the pretense more plausible, Thessala visits a dying old woman, whom the fifteenth-century text identifies as "vne anchiane fenme char- triere" (p. 328, 45) • Ey testing her urine, the "mestre" is able to 112

determine the day on which she w ill die, on which day she presents the

urine as that of Fénice to Alix, lAo, in turn suhoits it to inspection

by the doctors làio confirm the diagnosis* Thessala has now only to pre­

pare the potion and have the “sick" Fenice drink it* This last act is

perhaps handled more realistically in the prose text as Fenice, in the

presence of Alix, asks for something to drink (p. 329» 13-16); in Chres­

tien, Thessala siaply gives it to her (1* 5578) * The brew is not long

in taking its effect, much to the distress of the enperor*

2,4*62* The following part of the story recounts the mourning occa­

sioned by Fenice*s "death" (11* 5789-5814)• In Chrestien, the mourning

is general, it is "les janz" (1. 5790) iho cry out against death,

against "morz deputeirel/ Horz covoiteuse, raorz englovel" who killed

"La meillor chose et la mieuz painte" (11. 5792-5793» 5800). The fif­

teenth. century version distinguishes three different levels of mourning,

vdiich is directed against three distinct beings or forces * First Alix

accuses fortune, who "me desimes priues exiliez et enchâsses de ma sou- ueraine plaisance mondaine" (p* 329» 29-30), then God himself, who al­

lowed death to k ill "ma joie soulas leesse et celle belle dame qui me faisoit remaindre en vie" (p. 329, 32-33)» Finally, the people cry out against death itself as a "murdriere cruelle" idio "a defforme le plus hault ouurage ou oncques ouurast nature" (p. 329» 44-45)»

2*4.63* As three doctors from Salerno pass throu^ the city, they stop and inquire why eveiyune is grieving (11. 5815-5904) * Their inqui­ ry is more developed in the fifteenth-century text, as they offer to U 3

join in the mourning, if jç»propriate (p. 300 , 9-H )l in Chrestien, it

is the townsfolk vdio wish then to participate (11, 583^5836) • The

rest of the "chapter" is more logically explained ly Chrestien. Hear­

ing that Fenice had refused all medical attention, they become suspi­

cious: "lors lor sovint de Salomon,/ Que sa fame tant le haï,/ Qu'an

guise de mort le tral" (11, 5876-5878), The prose writer once again

failed to pick up a biblical allusion, stating simply that the doctors

are "moult marris" at the death of such a beautiful woman (p. 330» 26),

They offer to do what they can, feel her, and are certain she is alive,

^hich they report to the emperor,

2#4",6^. In the next "chapter" the doctors make a first effort to make Fenice talk (11. 5905-5958), Encouraged by their report, Alix of­ fers the men many riches if they succeed in reviving the enqjress, death by hanging if they fail (the prose version adds another form of death:

"viv escorcier"—p , 330* 43), Cliges (to whom Chrestien adds Jehan and Thessala—1, 5927) would like to object, but does not dare, idien the chief doctor requires all to leave the room. Undoing the shroud in idiich Fenice is wréqjped with their bare hands, they address her, in­ forming her that they know she is alive and offering their services,

Ghrestien insists on the help they intend to give her: “Tuit troi vos asseiirerons/ Qu»a noz pooirs vos eiderons,/ Ou soit de bien ou soit de mal" (11, 5945 - 5947) ; the prose version enphasizes that "nous auons pi­ tié de vostre fresce char tendre et plesant" (p. 33I , 1 ^ 1 5 ) ,

2 ,4 ,6 5 , Their kind words having had no effect on Fénice, the doc- 114 tors try some more violent means to make her talk (11. 5959-5988). first, they beat her with their fists until, reports the prose writer, she "deuient noire par force de batre" (p. 331, 28). They again try to reason with her. While the fifteenth-centuiy text merely states that they threaten even worse torments if she does not cooperate, Chrestien once again brings in the idea that she is doing this to escéçe the em­ peror: "Bien savons que vos vos feigniez,/ Si tressiez l'anpereor"

(11. 5974-5975) • Still getting no response, they begin to her un­ til blood flows. Chrestien is content to state: "Bt tant li batent sa char tandre,/ Que il an font le sane espandre" (11. 5987-5988). Itore dramatic, the prose text multiplies the verbs and specifies where they whip her: "et tant battent doz et ventre que le sang randonne ruicelle et docourt de totez pars" (p. 331, 33-34).

2.4.66. Fénice suffers new and more terrible toinents as our tale continues (11. 5989-6032). In a scene reminiscent of the martyrdom of saints such as Juliane and Marguerite, ^ the doctors melt lead and, when it reaches the boiling point, pour it onto the palms of her hands.

The fifteenth-century text reminds us that she bears all this "par I'en- hortement d* amours" (p. 331* 42-43), When this fails, they plan to roast her. The fire is prepared when the ladies, of whom there are

"plus d'un m illier” according to the original version (1. 6018), come to the door to see that is happening. While Ghrestien does not e^qilain their timely appearance, the prose writer claims that it was because it

10 Cf. Viace, La Vie de Sainte Marguerite 11. 533-538: "Donc a fa it cil fuec aporter,/ Entor li brandons alumer,/ De tote parz le fuec mis l'as/ Mais Sainz Esprit par sa vertu/ Esteint le fuec e la chalor/ Que la virgene n'ot dolor." 115

seemed to them that "lez médecins mettoient trop a faire leur exploit"

(p . 332» 3) • The brave women break down the door, for làiich purpose,

according to Chrestien, they "aportent coigniees et mauz" (1. 6027)*

ZA .67* The women take it upon themselves to avenge the injury done

to Üieir enpress in the next "chapter" (11. 6033-6079). The prose ver­

sion is much more specific than Chrestien about exactly ^riiat is done:

they "les acqueillirent durement en griffant leurz faces flestries arra-

chans leur cheuaulz chanus en détordant leurz barbes grises" (p. 332,

lA -16), follow ing which they are thrown from th e window and d ie and

their bodies, by order of the emperor, are hung on the gallows. Féni­

ce* s body is again prepared for burial. The reactions of the persons

closest to the empress are better recorded by Chrestien: Thessala, her

"mestre," personally rubs the bruised body with "une mout precleus oi- gnemant" (1. 60 65) j poor Cliges is certain that the three doctors have killed his beloved.

2Vf.68. Fenice* s burial is the subject of the following part of our ta l e (11. 6080-6167). It is Jehan vho is commissioned by the emperor to prepare the casket and the tomb. The prose version omits certain touching details found in Chrestien. For instance, in preparing the tomb, "Un lit de plume a dedanz mis/ For la pierre qui estoit dure/ Et plus ancor por la froidure" (11. 6112-6114')'. The service is held at the church, all the bells ring, Fénice is placed in the tomb which is then sealed. Among the mourners is Cliges; however, he s till maintains some hope that his beloved is alive and, rather than succombing com- 116

pletely to de^air, "il attendera jusques il sara la verlte d'elle"

(p • 333» 4-). Chrestien alone reports again the oonçlaint of peoplethe

against death. That night she isgnardoi by th irty knights (1. 6165)

or "hoEimes d*armes" (p . 333» 6) who, according to the fifteenth-century text, were sent by the enqperor himself.

2.4.69. With the help of Jehan, Cliges is able to rescue Fenice in

the next "chapter" (11. 6168-6229). The thirty men vdio are guarding the eitçress fall asleep because they have eaten and drunk too muchf the pros© version specifies that it was the emperor idio supplied "Dons vins et bonnes chars" (p. 333» 12) and that the men "s’eiyurerent" (p. 333»

14). Jehan arms Cliges: the fifteenth-century text xd.sely has him choose arms that match those of the thirty knights so that, should they awaken, they would think he was one of them (p. 333» 17-19) • The pro­ blem of how Cliges m il scale the wall surrounding the church is more logically solved Chrestien. While the prose version claims he does this "a I’ayde d'amours" (p. 333» 25-26), Chrestien provides a tree:

"Pres del mur an ot un [arbre] planté/ Einsi que au mur se tern it./ Or a Cliges ce qu'il voloit,/ Car par cel arbre jus se mist" (11. 6196-

6199).

2.4.70. Believing that Fénice is dead, Cliges once again complains against death (11. 6230-6267). In Chrestien, death is characterized as

"vilainne, " "forsenee, " and "ivre" because it allows old things to live and young, beautiful things to die (11. 6238-6243); Cliges also enphasi- zes his own role in the unfortunate "death" of the empress: "Amie, donc 117 sui je la morz/ Qui vos a morte" (11. 6251-6252) • Ih the fifteenth- centuiy text, death is qualified as "faulse iniuste et deslealle" (p.

32^, 13) j Cliges here seems to insist on the suffering that he will now have to endure since his "amie" is "dead"; he also brings out the role of fate, "cruelle decepueresse" (p. 33^t 1^15)f ;diich sent the three doctors ^ o supposedly "killed" Fâiice. Only in the prose version does

Cliges faint. A sigh reveals that the ençjress is not dead.

ZVf-.yi. Fénice comforts and consoles Cliges and is healed in the following part of our romance (11. 6268-63^6). Although she has en­ dured many torments, the empress now admits that she is near death; how­ ever, if Thessala can be summoned, there is the possibility that she may be brought back to health. There is, of course, no time lost in sending for the "mestre." Chrestien alone reports that it is Jehan who is sent on this mission (1. 6284ff.) and the conversation between Cli^ ges and Thessala vhen the latter arrives at the hideaway. Thessala . promises to heal the enç>ress within fifteen days. Although Chrestien does not do so, the prose version states that "au xiij jour Fenice fu saine et entiere" (p. 33^* 40-4-1). Cliges must now find an excuse to spend time TJit-h his beloved; he pretends that he is visiting some birds of his that are there, "un ostor" according to Ghrestien (1. 6322),

“vng sien faucon et aultrez oyseaulx" claims the fifteenth-centuiy text

(p. 334, 43).

2 .4 .7 2. Having qpent over a year in the hideaway, and inspired by the return of ^ring, Fenice asks Cliges for an orchard (11. 6347-6372). l i s

Although Chrestien is more ^ecific about the length of time vMch has

passed, "Tot cel an et de 1* autre assez/ Deux mois et plus" (11. 63^7-

6348), the fifteenth-century version is much better developed in other

respects. In particular, we have Fenice*s hymn to nature; "0 comme est

nature subtille.. .la renouuellite du tampz pour lequel lez bestes insen-

liblez mesmement en leur entendement considérant la pourete qu'ilz ont

soufferte durans lez briefz jourz et longues nuiys du tampz d'iuer .

et pour le bien qu'ilz ei^oirent a auoir ilz s'esioissent en ce commen­

cement que lez arbres se parent et aduestent de verdure donnans fleurz

et rainceaux doulz et gracieux" (p. 335» 12-19). Cliges promises to

^eak to Jehan about the orchard.

2A.73» In the next "chapter" Fénice and Cliges enter their pleasur­

able orchard (11. 6373-6429). Jehan is not long in satisfying Fénice's

request. Chrestien, in his description of the "verger," enphasizes the

door vMch gives access to it and which Jehan alone knows how to open

(11. 6383- 6392); he also stresses the effect of the sun, "qu'ele n'a- voit piepa veu," on the express. The fifteenth-centuiy version seems to insist more on the flowers: "pare de toutez façons de fleurs au mi­ lieu duquel a vne ente florie," "preiel couuert de margerittez" (p. 335*

3^35» 39-40); it also mentions a stream which is not found in Ghres­ tien: "arrouse d'un ruisseau venant dez fontaines" (p. 335» 40). In both texts, this is the perfect setting for the pleasure and enjoyment vdiich Fenice and Cliges continually give eadi other.

2 .4 .7 4 . The truth is discovered in the following "chapter," vdxich 119 is the second to idiich the prose writer neglected to give a title (11.

6^30-6657) • The fifbeenth-century text follows Chrestien very faithful­ ly; Bertrand* s bird, having escaped, leads its owner to the orchard# re­

cognizing Fenice, he tries to escape but Cliges cuts his leg off; he tells a ll to the ençeror; the lovers escéqje thanks to Thessala; the em­ peror threatens Jehan who is obliged to justify his actions and reveal the story of the potion to Alix. Chrestien has certain geographical precisions not picked up by the prose writer: Bertrand is from Trace

(1. 64-3^); Alix has Fenice and Cliges sought "jusqu'a Pavie/ Et de pa jusqu* an Alemaingne" (11. 6644-66^3) » He also reports that, as Ber­ trand discovers the couple, Fenice is awakened by a falling pear (11.

64-66-64-69) • The prose version, on the other hand, specifies that it was Bertrand* s page who le t the bird escape.

ZJ^*75» The conclusion of the romance isolates how Fenice and Cliges arrive at Arthur* s court, gain his support in Cliges* claim to the crown of Constantinople, learn of Alix* s death and finally are crowned eBçeror and eicpress of Constantinople (11. 6658-6784-). As with Erec. the prose writer gives a completely different moral to the tale. For

Chrestien, aside fixjra the fact that Cliges represents for him an anti-

Tristan. the story also e:g)lains why subsequent eimerors (excluding Cli­ ges, of course) do not trust their wives and keep them closely guarded

(1. 6?62ff.) . The prose writer, on the contrary, ençhasizes the good

Christian life the new ençeror and enqoress lead: "Ilz fonderont plu- seurz chapelle z durant leur vie et par leurz bellez ausmonnez il furent tant ames de dieu qu'ilz eurent de beaux enfans lesquelz venus en aage 120

Cligez et Fenice treqpasserent en paix de ceste vie et leurz enffans voire l*aisne filz se fist couronner" (p. 338» 16-20)* Chapter Three

The prose Erec and Cliges; A Literary Comparison

3 .1 . As the possibility, indeed the probability, exists that our

three prose texts—the Erec. the Cliges, the Gruuthuse manuscript— are

copies of earlier manuscripts, the question arises as to the literary tradition to vdiich they belong. In the case of Erec and the Gruuthuse manuscript, evidence would point strongly to a prototype manuscript in the British tradition. Unfortunately, to date, such a manuscript has not been found* or, in any case, has not been identified.

The first piece of evidence is geographical in nature. Since Erec and Cliges are Arthurian romances, it is only natural to e:q)ect that the most important events would take place in Britain, the kingdom over vAiich Arthur ruled. A review of the geographical allusions in our tales will confirm this. Nevertheless, according to Chrestien de

Troyes, one very significant event—the coronation of Erec and Enide— takes place in Nantes with the bishop of that city presiding. The wri­ ter of the fifteenth-century (Foerster) prose version relocates this event in England, having it occur in London with the archbishop of Can­ terbury officiating; “Mes toutes uoies le roy Artus veuUant couronner

Erec par succession de hoirrie il manda toux ses nobles a vng jour de noel et au plus grant honneur qui puisse aduenir a homme couronna Erec et Enide et les sacra l ’arceuesque de Cantorbie en l'eglise du palais de la ville de Londres en laquelle se faisoit lors l'assamblee" (p. 291, 121 122 43 -292, 4 ).

Regrettably, the writer of the Gruuthuse manuscript does not fol­

low Chrestien*s poem as far as the hero* s coronation; thus, we have no way of knowing whether he would have made a similar change.

In the prose Gliges. much of the essential action takes place in

London itself (as it does in Chrestien—the siege of Windsor Castle, for instance). No significant geographical evidence is noted for an

English origin of the model.

The likelihood that the Gruuthuse manuscript is based on an Anglo-

Norman prototype is increased when we consider the important number of manuscripts of Guiron le Courtois found in England—5. Nevertheless, we must keep in mind that the manuscript BN f . fr. 363 is the onl^' one, to our knowledge, which contains the Erec episode; thus, it is probable that the model has not yet been discovered.

More important to the discussion of the question of the origin of the manuscript is the date at which the various writers fix the wedding of Erec and Enide. The Foerster prose version, agreeing with Chrestien, places the wedding at Pentecost. The Gruuthuse manuscript, on the other hand, has it take place at Christmas; "Et au dit jour de Noel l'arche- uesque de Cantorbie espousa Erec et s*amie qui estoit appellee Elide"

( f o l . 209b) e We have already noted the importance of the Cliristmas sea­ son—in all three versions—for the coronation of our hero and heroine.

Mention should be made here of the significance of Christmas in the

Arthurian romances originating in England. To this point, we would c ite S ir Gawain and th e Green K night. Here, th e actio n a l l centers around the festivities of the Christmas season. As the romance begins. 123 "This king lay at Camelot at Ghristmastide;/ Maiy good knights and gay

his guests were there,/ Arrayed of the Round Table rightful brothers,/

With feasting and fellowship and carefree mirth" (11. 37-40). Later,

it is on Christmas Eve that the mysterious castle appears in direct

response to Sir Gawain*s prayer to the Virgin (1. 763ff»)» etc.

The interest in English literature and the influence of Anglo-

Norman tradition on the French Arthurian romances of the fifteenth-

centuiy is not surprising. We recall that our prose romances were pro­ duced at the Burgundian court for Duke Philip and others of his advi­

sers, and that Burgundy had taken sides with the British against the

French in the second part of the Hundred Years* War. It is only natu­ ral, under such circumstances, that the literature of the later Burgun­ dian court reflect insular rather than continental tastes.

As Arthurian legends had their genesis in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s

Historia Regum Britanniae (1136-1138), we viould also note the interest of the English in French Arthurian romances at this particular time.

I t was during approximately the same period that Sir Thomas Malory was reworking the corpus of Arthurian literature into Middle English prose in essentially the same way as our adapters translated it into Middle

French prose.

3*2* The date of the Gruuthuse manuscript poses several important q u e stio n s. 2 According to Professor Lathuilliere, the manuscript dates from

Marie Borroff, ed. (New York: W. W. Norton, 1967). 124 the fifteenth century. Several facts support this theory. We know that the manuscript belonged to Louis of Gruuthuse, a prominent citizen of Bruges and counsellor of Philip the Good, and that it later came in­ to the possession of Louis XII. This conveniently places it at approxi­ mately the same time and place as the manuscript of the Foerster prose version. The adapter, then, raises an important point when, on folio

213a, he claims that "Erec en emporta le bruit comme l'on treuue en son liure." The identification of "son liure" permits three possibilities; the original Chrestien text, the prose text published by Foerster, a s till unknown prose version. Present information would tend to have us reject the second possibility, given the differences between the two prose versions. That "son liure" refers to the original text is indeed a reasonable assumption, as our coc^arison of the verse and prose ver­ sions frequently shows agreement of the Gruuthuse manuscript with Chres­ tien rather than with Foerster's prose version. The theory of a yet un­ id e n tifie d prose version probably composed in England i s a ttra c tiv e , however, ;Aen we consider the nordic influences present in the text and the number of Guiron manuscripts presently in England. Unfortunately, at the present time, it is not possible to be more precise concerning the dating •

We must remember, too, that our manuscript is part of a six-volume set. In our studying the first part of the first volume of this series

CBN f . fr. 358), vdiich contains an abridged prose version of Wace's Brut. we are surprised to read, in a discussion of the privileges given to the

2 Guiron le Courtois. Etude de la tradition manuscrite et analyse critique (Geneve: Droz, 1966), p. 70. 125 diurches t?y ràiich evil-doers taking refuge within them would be safe

from the law, that "Ces preuileges ont ostez aulcuns papes depuis aulcun

tenps a toutes les églises d'Auignon, ou le pape tenoit siege et court de Romme, fors a l'eglise des Carmes, qui ont deffendus et gardes les

sains preuileges de leurs églises jusques a present, que on dist l'an de

1 'incarnation Nostre Seigneur I 386" (fol. 21b). Realizing that the Gui­

ron tradition dates from the thirteentti century and that the manuscripts

358-359-360-361-362-363 represent a compilation of several sources, the date 1386 must refer either to a model which the writer of I'iS. 358 fol­

lowed or to the date of this historical interpolation—not necessarily 3 to the date of the manuscript itself. Hie nature of the manuscript would lead us to opt for the first theoiy and it is not impossible that one day the source manuscript w ill be discovered.

3 .3 » The court of Philip the Good, in trying to encourage and main­ tain a high level of chivalric ideals, chose certain heroes of the past to emulate. Duke Philip thought of himself as Alexander the Great, but also as Charlemagne. Because of this, certain literary allusions to the

Song of Roland have been added to the fifteenth-century adaptation of

Cliges. in particular.

In her dissertation, Ms. Wallen ^ has correctly pointed out certain

Professor Lathuilliere has confirmed our original feeling that the date was part of the tradition before it was copied in the fif­ teenth century for Louis of C 'uuthuse, and reaffirmed is position that the MSS* 358-359-360-36L-362-363 are from the fifteenth century.

Martha Louise Wallen, The Art of Adaptation in the Fifteenth-Century Erec et Snide and Cliges. Piss. Univ. of VJisconsin 1^72 (Ann Arbor, tiich'igan:' "university Ilicrofilms, 1973)» PP» 13c^l39 * 126

epic themes and elements which were eliminated from the adaptation of

Erec; these include long lists of proper names, the epic fascination of

weapons, and a sp e c ific a llu sio n to the Seng o f Roland when, a f te r de­

feating Mabonagrain, Erec blows the magical horn C-oliphant) with a ll

h is m ight. However, as our ta b le s in Chapter I I have shown, th e prose

writers did not do away with all lengthy lists of proper names, although

in all cases they are less extensive than in the original. Furthermore,

in her discussion of Gliges, Ms. Wallen ^ has clearly demonstrated that,

not only Alexander the Great, but also Arthur and Gliges were forerun­

ners and models of Duke Philip when she claims that "These ixomances were

le s s romans à c le f than c o lle c tio n s of >?orthy models" ( p . 304). But,

she has failed to see that, although certain epic features were deemed

to be outdated and were therefore not perpetuated in the prose lomances, other features were added. These features, for our point of view, are

at least as significant, if not more so. than the elements idiich were d isca rd ed .

One detail connected with the siege of Windsor Gastle episode re­

calls the Song of Roland. This is the unexpected light given by God to help the good men accomplish or complete their mission. This phenomenon

is also found in Chrestien (11. 1700-1708) vhere the moon mysteriously begins to shine on a moonless night. Vfi.th a slight modification—the davai comes earlier than expected—we read in the Foerster prose version that "par le commandement de dieu qui nuist selon justice aux pecheurz le ciel fu enlumine bien heure et demie plus tost que le courz de na-

Op. cit., pp. 302-304. 127 ture n*auoit acoustume de faire" (p. 279» 5-7)» As vie noted in Chapter n (2^.20.), this is clearly a Biblical allusion to Joshua, chapter 10.

While there is no way of ascertaining -whether our writer retained this detf11 because of its Biblical reference or because it recalled a simi­ lar situation in the Roland, other references from -the Roland which he added to the text make the latter theory more probable. He would -chen be remembering the following lines fiom the Song of Roland; "Pur Karle- magne fist Deus vertus mult granz,/ Car li soleilz est rernes en estant."

(11. 24 ^8- 2459 )

A second detail, even more significant since it was added by the prose writer, is the naming of -the person who is to avenge the death of th e Duke o f Saxony's nephev:» VMle in C hrestien th e Duke o f Saxony very generally offers his friendship to the person who w ill bring him the head of the man who has killed his nephew, and while an unnamed knight offers to perform this service, in the prose version the choice is very specific; the duke "appelle vng sien cheualier Terri auquel il promist donner grant cheuance s 'il lui pouoit vne fois aporter le chief de Cli- ges" (p. 312, 20-21) « The name of the knight is apparently very meaning­ ful for the prose writer as he mentions it four more times: p. 312, 21,

27» 39 and p. 313» 4. The essential elements all correspond to the si­ tuation presented in the Song of Roland: a powerful baron-uncle, a slain nephew, a kni^t by the name of Tierri who is chosen by the uncle to avenge the nephew's death; furthermore, in the Roland. Tierri is Charle­ magne's champion against Pinabel-Ganelon. Vhile we do not claim that our adapter was holding the Duke of Saxony up to Duke Philip as a model to emulate, we feel that he had in mind this text from the Roland: "Bels 1 2 8 sire rais, ne vos dementez sil/ Ja savez vos que mult vos ai servit*/.../

Guenes est fais d*ipo qu'il le trait;/ Vers vos s'en est parjurez e mal- itiis%/ Pur po le juz jo a pendre e a mûrir/ E sun cors metre....'* (11. 382^ 3825, 3^29- 3832) Thirdly, an influence of the chansons de geste, if not solely of the Song of Roland, is found in the perpetuation of certain epic formu­ lae, especially of the formula "Si veissiez..." and its possible vari­ ants. Found only once in the prose Erec. it is attested 5 times in Cli- ges. Curiously, the one example in Erec occurs at the moment when our hero blows the horn during the Joie de Oort episode and, as we have seen, the horn in this instance may have been a distant reminder of Roland and the oliphant; "si eussiez veu a l'heure que Erec sonna le cor vng chas- cun a pie ou a cheual entrer dedens le vergier menans la grigneur joie du monde" (p. 290, 19-21). Of the 5 attestations of this formula in

Cligès. 4 have to do with some kind of combat situation as the chanson de geste. 3 ^'ü.th the siege of Windsor Castle and 1 with the joust be­ tween Perceval and Cligès. The last exang)le concerns itself with the emotions eijqiressed on Alixandre's leaving Constantinople: "Si eussiez veu au prononcement de ce mot adieu . vng pleur doulz et gracieux sour- dant d'une amour certaine que le filz auoit enuers le pere . et d'aultre part le pere et la mere enuers le fils" (p. 285, 5-8).

Thus, it is evident that our prose writer(s) did not eliminate every allusion to or influence of the chanson de geste. In fact, they have retained elements thich could most easily have been discarded as outdated—the formulaic language ihich is much more suited to the oral tradition of epic poetiy than it is to the written tradition of the 129 courtly romance and prose. It is also an effective way of making the

reader participate in and visualize the action. The most direct influ­

ence seems to be that of the Song of Roland. This is not surprising,

as Charlemagne was one of the models vhom Duke Philip chose to imitate

(e.g. David Albert's Cronioues et Conouestes de Charlemaine) and as

Charlemagne's capital, Aix, was part of the Burgundian domain.

3.^. Personification and allegorical characters, brought into vogue by the Romance of the Rose, also play an important role in our two fif­ teenth- century romances. Ms. Wallen has briefly discussed these in

Erec (pp. 146-14?) and Gliges (pp. 261-263)* However, there are per­ haps instances where she sees an allegorical personification ràiich the writer did not intend as such. We refer in particular to Ms. Wallen's discu ssio n o f Male Bouche, which she sees as coming d ire c tly from the

Romance of the Rose in the following monologue of Enide; "0 malle bouce procureresse et administreresse de ce grant meschief, veci vng trop soudain desrocement que tu as agguettie enuers mon heur et noblesse"

(p. 269» 23-25). Although Male Bouche is certainly an iiig>ortant charac­ ter in Guillaume de Lorris, we feel that, under the circumstances,

Enide*s words must be taken literally. Rather than some abstract per­ sonification, she is accusing her own loose tongue, the tongue which uttered the parole that started the whole series of adventures. She may even be thinking of the gossiping tongues of the women of the court who first put the idea of Erec's recreantise into her mind.

One of the most common of the allegorical personifications, appear­ ing frequently in both the prose Erec and the prose Gliges is Amour, a 130 character borrowed directly from the Romance of the Rose.

In Erec. Amour is depicted as the god with the golden arrow with which he wounds his chosen victims: "et a amours toute la nuict asses a faire a adraonnester ces deux amans esquels desquels il fiert de sa saiecte doree si auant qu* ils ne pueent toute la nuyt reposer" (p • 257»

23- 26). Suffering is a traditional part of loving• In the Romance of the Rose. Amour declares that "Quant tu avras ton cuer done,/ si con je t*ai ci sarmone,/ lors te vendront les aventures/ qui as amanz sont griés et dures." ^ Eot only does Amour trouble the rest of the lovers, he also has the power of joining two hearts into one bond: "Amour fait de deux cuers qui pueent estre variables vne seule alliance” (p. 265,

22-23* cf. Gruuthuse manuscript fol. 210b). Most inportantly, as far as Enide is concerned. Amour is the god # 0 makes her speak to warn

Erec of approaching dangers, thus disobeying his express command: "mes toutesuoies amour vainct tout et n*y a crainte ne paour . qui lui em- pescent qu'elle ne se retourne vers son mari et die" (p. 270, 10-11), and again "mes an soursault le fiert amours au cuer tant qu'elle tres- sue et samble bien qu'elle doibue morir par grant destroit. Si dist"

( p . 277, 2-4). It is during one such occasion that Amour lectures our heroine concerning her duty to speak to Erec rather than to let him be taken by surprise .(p. 271, 14-20).

The role of Amour and the love dialectic is more fully developed in Gliges. Here, too. Amour is presented as a god with a golden arrow

(p. 267, 21) who, as a king or emperor, sits on a "haultain siege impe-

Ed. F. Le coy, SATF (Paris; H. Ghançion, 1965), vv. 2253-2256. 131 r ia l" (p . 290, 1). Again, the victim of Amour suffers physical and men­ ta l discomfort; "car amours lui [Soredamours] a le cuer enserre et en­

clos tant estroitement qu'elle soupire tressault et par habondance de pencees elle est tellement dolousee que a pou puelt elle reprendre son allaine" (p. 290, 13-15)» Furthermore, Amour is described as a power­ ful judge: "car amours espoir me veult chastier et monstrer sa puissance sur moy ad cestui mien commencement et cuide bien moy que amours qui est juste juge . après ceste griefue souffrance aydera a consoler mon cuer qu'il a trespercie de son dart" (p. 289, 32-35)» He also has certain rules that those vho serve him must follow: "amours veult que je lui soie amiable lealle courtoise et obéissant" (p. 290 , 30-31)» This ü st of qualities required by the god Amour contrasts significantly with those enumerated by Guillaume de Lorris: "Qui d'Amors veut faire son mestre,/ cortois et sanz orgueil doit estre,/ cointe se tiengne et en- voisiez/ et de largesce soit proisiez." In fact, we would recall that largesse is an important trait omitted by Alixandre's father in his outlining a code of behavior for his son before Alixandre leaves for Brittany and King Arthur's court (2.4.3»). It is noteworthy that where Guillaume de lorris prizes elegance, gaiety and lack of pride, the fifteenth-century audience esteems more highly loyalty and obe­ dience. The idea that Amour is a god who must be served is clearly de­ veloped in Gliges: "il n'est chose plus certain que amours vous tient a son seruice" (p. 309» 30- 31)# those who do so are his servants: "priant amours que s 'il fist oncques riens a la requests d'une sienne seruite-

7 Ed. F. Le coy, w . 2217-2220. 1 3 2

resse..." (p. 317, 40-41). As in Erec. Amour speaks once in Gliges.

this time to admonish Alixandre to pay attention to Soredamours (p. 2Ü7»

44-2ÜÜ, 7). Whereas Amour caused Enide to qseak, warning Erec of dan­

ger, Amour causes Fenice to remain silent when she is tortured by the

Salerno doctors: "mes amours les gardera de faire parler la dame et

pour la paine qu'ilz lui feront" (p. 331» 6-7)# A variation of Amour, and an allegorical personification which is

original to the prose writer of Gliges, is Amour Maternelle. The situa­

tion is Alixandre* s planned departure from Constantinople for Brittany

and Arthur* s court for the purpose of learning the arts of chivalry.

At this point, it is only natural that his mother and father should feel

some reluctance and sadness at seeing their elder son leave home. The

fifteenth-century adapter makes the scene more touching and effective by

giving life to their emotion and by having Amour Maternelle appear to

Thantalis and speak to her: "Lasse poure . que deuenras tu quant ton en­

fant se depart de toy et aler s 'en veult aduentureasement transnageant

1*anuyeux chemin es périlleuses vndes de la large et longue mer" (p.

254, 26-28) • These are likely the very thoughts which were going

through Thantalis* mind: the real dangers of a long and perilous sea voyage with the unspoken possibility that she may never see her son a g a in . By personifying these feelings, the writer externalizes them for both the mother and the reader, thereby giving them an existence and entity of their own.

A third allegorical personification found in our two prose roman­ ces is that of Fortune and her wheel. This, again, is a traditional personification found in the Romance of the Rose. In Erec. this charac- 133

ter is most frequently evoked by Enide in discussing her situation;

“Hellas fortune m*auoit trop bonnement adrescie en trop grand exellence

j*estoie honnouree quant par vng soubit admonnestement de uerite estre

exillee me conuendra" (p. 269, 2>.2/) and “0 tres raalheuree dame qui du

hault au tresbas es admenee par vng des trebuchets de fortune que feras

tu poure femme qui es omicide et cause du tresleal cheualier mon sei­

gneur Erec n' a gueres inspifie de la grace d‘ amours" (p. 2Ü3, 31-34-) •

The first case is when Enide thinks that Erec is sending her into exile

because she has spoken the parole, the second when she fears that Erec

is dead when he fails at her feet. It is interesting to note that the

works of Fortune and those of God are at times confused and mixed in

the mind of the adapter. In attempting the .ioie de cort adventure,

Erec is trusting his life both to God's grace and Fortune: "au fort le

corps est tout prest de mettre la vie en aduenture et d'atendre la

bonne grace de dieu et le sort de fortune" ^p. 28b, 38-40).

In Cligès. the personil'ication of Fortune is more developed than

in Erec. However, we do not find here the image of Fortune's wheel.

Kather, Fortune is depicted as being either hostile or friendly to the

character concerned: in the siege of Windsor Castle, she is favorable

to Alixandre's men and hostile to the traitors ("et nous entres leans

moiennant la grace de dieu puissons prendre et loier le desleal homme a

qui fortune soit ennemi et fauourable a nous qui auons juste cause de

ce faire"—p . 298, 39-4-1). Later -the count of Windsor conplains: “0

comme fortune m'est contraire . quant elle me aseruist et subgette a la

pianette rengnant a l'heure et minute que je fus engendre" (p. 300, 38-

40). Alix, likewise, accuses Fortune when he believes Fenice to be dead: 134

"0 fortune qu'as tu fait enuers moy quant tu me desiraes priues exiliez

et enchâsses de ma souueraine plaisance mondaine" (p. 329# 2b - 30) .

Similarly, Cligès cries out against the "cruelle decepueresse" when he

thinks the Salerno doctors have killed his beloved. like Amour, For­

tune is described as a force that can torture and torment her victims;

states Alixandre "mes au contraire en lieu de ceste tresdesiree plesance

je suis occupe de toux les anuyeux tourmens dont fortune puisse tour­ menter cuer de jeune homme en ce cas" (p • 289, 2^26). Furthermore, we

see Fortune as someone \éio tests her victims: "Et au fort puis que je voy fortune veult esprouuer combien je suis lealle en amou[r]s j'endure-

ray ceste souffrance moi monstrant ferme et non variable" (p. 317, 38-

4o). Finally, as in Erec. God' s w ill and Fortune may be evoked in the

same sentence: "et se dieu et fortune lui sont en ayde a son aduenement i l est digne d'estre promeu a haulte loange bien et honneur dont vous deues auoir grant joie d'auoir porte fruit de tant grant vallue" (p. 284, 35 -38). ïtora the preceding, we can see that Fortune is a force vhich is to be respected and feared, as she can arbitrarily favor or harm the object of her attention. It is in this vein that, in the Romance of the Rose.

Reason makes such statements as: "Ceste Fortune que j'a i dite,/ quant avec les homes habite,/ ele trouble leur connoissance/ et les norrist en ignorance/...et que nus fier ne se doie/ en la beneürte Fortune/... la contraire et la perverse/ ...Fortune la mescheanz/" (w . 4839-4862,

4872-4873# 4863# 4919). Fortune is generally presented in a negative l i g h t .

Two other original allegorical personifications are found in our 135 fifteenth-century romances: Desespoir and Enseignement»

Dese^oir appears in Erec to Enide "Kho, seeing her husband fa ll at her feet, believes him to be dead. He addresses our heroine in a rather lengthy monologue (p. 284, 10-23) : “Toy la dame du monde qui plus doibs desirer la fin de tes jours et la briefue heure de ta vie...etc." Assess­ ing Enide*s situation, should Erec indeed be dead, he encourages her to take her own life: as she is the direct cause of the events leading to her husband* s sxç»posed death, by commiting suicide she w ill prove her love for him and she w ill be above reproach (“Et ainsi se tu meurs il ne aura cause de faire conçlainte de toy attendu que pour 1*amours de lui en satiffacion de celle perte tu te seras occise toy mesmes").

Furthermore, should she continue to live, her existence will be a mise­ rable one ("tu demourras comme esgaree inpourueue de bien et honneur comme la plus chetiue qu*oncques fust nee et jamais n'aura fin ton pleur")i on the other hand, her death will bring her honor ("tu en auras en ce ciecle grant loange et guerredon au corps"). As a final ar­ gument, he evokes the classical example of Piramus and Tisbe. Our heroine almost succombs to his reasoning and must be deterred by the count of lâraors from carrying out her plan.

Enseignement, so called presumably because he appears for the pur­ pose of teaching Alixandre something, is responsible for another lengthy monologue in Cligès (p. 289, 41.290 , 6): ">bn beau fils qui enquiers comment amours te puisse auoir feru au cuer...etc." This monologue is in re^ n se to Alicandre*s question as to how Love could have pierced him vri-th his arrow, the arrow entering through his eye, without his eye's being damaged or hurt in any way. Vfe recall that this is possible 136 in the same way that sunlight passes through a pane of glass without breaking it. However, Enseignement ends with a vezy practical piece of advice; rather than worry how he came to love Soredamours, Alixandre should find some means of ingratiating himsell' with the object of his affections ("car mieulx vault que tu treuuez fachon et manière de con- plaire a la bonne grace de celle • pour qui ton cuer fonds tous les iours soupirs et sangloux par cens et par milliers") • This would seem to be a veiy concrete view of love, one in keeping with the Burgundian court’s love of practical details.

Thus, we can see that our fifteenth-century writer(s) at the court of Duke Philip cultivated the use of allegorical personification. Some of these were taken directly from the Romance of the Rose; Amour, For­ tune; others were more original with the Burgundian writers: Amour Ma­ ternelle, Desespoir, Enseignement. These characters represent external forces viiich play with the lives of the protagonists (Amour, Fortune), very personal and deep feelings (Anour Maternelle, Desespoir) or a more objective, philosophical point of view (Enseignement). As such, they are used by the writer(s) to explain why the protagonists feel as they do and t-hy certain things h^pen to them or to allow the protagonists to externalize their feelings and to present them to the reader. Conse- g quently, in our texts, Jens Rasmussen's statement that "Les allegories et personnifications, figures favorites de la rhétorique de la fin du moyen age, sont rarement usitée [sic] dans la prose de fiction par la simple raison que les oeuvres traitent de faits appartenant au monde

8 e . La Prose narrative française du XV siecle. p. 11?. 137

extérieur et non d'idées abstraites" does not apply.

3 »5 • The way in which the main characters of the romances are pre­

sented and described to the reader is particularly revealing.

In the case of Erec, the prose writer presents him In a most natu­

ral way and without any detailed physical or moral description at first.

He is simply a young nobleman vho happens to be in the company of Queen

Guenievre when the royal party sets out to hunt the lAite stag; "Auec

la reyne auoit vng noble cheualier nomme Erec et estoit filz du roy Lac,

lors jeune et de jour en jour croissant en beaulte science et vertu"

(p . 234 , 5-7). The Gruuthuse manuscript is even less specific, stating

singly that he was "le filz du roy lac, qui nouuellement estoit venue

a la court du roy Artus," and that "II estoit bien ayme de la royne et

de toutes dames et damoiselles" (fol. 194a). The reader is quite free

to imagine our hero as he w ill.

The order in which Erec's attributes are cited is significant. We

seem to begin with the more tangible and measurable quality of physical beauty, to move on to the more abstract ones of knowledge and virtue.

It is, of course, Erec who is chosen to avenge the insult done to the queen's maiden, idiich w ill lead him to the home of Ehide and her family.

Here, we have a few more details concerning our hero's appearance, but

s till nothing specific. While the earlier description may be consi­ dered as more or less an objective one (we do not know >dio said or thought this about Erec; it is, rather, a comment of the author), the present one is definitely subjective, as we see the young knight through Enide's eyes; "Quant ceste pucelle de tant haulte façon voit 138

Erec le gentil cheualier elle commence soy hontoier et rougir . pour ce

que james elle ne vist tant bel homme . car dist le compte qu’il pouoit

estre acompare a la beaulte d"Absalon" (p. 255» 40-256, 1; cf. Gruuthuse

manuscript fol. 196b). Not only is this description not objective, it

is even emotional as we witness the embarrassment and blushing of the

young girl. It is interesting that the fifteenth-century adapter

thought it necessary to substantiate Enide’s feeling that she had never

seen such a handsome man by claiming that the compte said that his beau­

ty was comparable to that of Absalon. iigain, we learn nothing new;

being King Lach* s son, he was obviously g e n til, and h is beauty had a l­

ready been commented upon. I t would seem th a t th e fifte e n th -c e n tu ry

writer did not feel that it was especially important to give a detailed physical description of his hero.

The same is not true, however, of Enide. We are immediately enter­ tained with a vivid description of her beauty which contrasts sharply with her poor attire: "Et tesmongne nostre present histoire que chascun s’esmeruilloit comment nature auoit peu ymaginer vng tant parfait chief d’euure ou corps d’une pucelle." Again, we begin with a very general objective appraisal-—what chascun thought and what the story stated.

Again, the writer goes on to back up this general statement with more precise details: "Et pour parler de sa beaulte la cheuelnre d’ïseult la blonde ne faisoit riens enuers les crins dont elle estoit paree . sa char blance comme la fleur de lis par dessus coulouree comme rose fresce et nouuelle estoit de bonne sorte. Ses yeux estoient beaux et plaisans a regarder, de bouce nés front menton et de toute la face elle estoit tant assouuie que il sambloit qu’elle fust faicte pour regarder" (p. 255, 139

43-^1). The Gruuthuse manuscript (fol, 196b) agrees essentially with these details; however, her beauty there is compared generally to that of Iseut, her skin is like snow rather than lilies, the rosebud color of her cheeks is omitted (her face is singly "coulouree"), the adjective

"doulx" is added to the description of her eyes, the details of her mouth, nose, forehead and chin are omitted. Although as a physical des­ cription this is more specific than that of Erec, it is still very gene­ ra l. Furthermore, the images seem to the modem reader very common­ place; snow or lilies to represent her white, flawless skin, roses to depict her rosy cheeks etc. Other than that, we only know that she was made to be looked at. We also note that the description includes only her head; beyond that, a ll we can say is that she is poorly dressed.

Curious too is the fact that the description includes nothing about her moral or intellectual qualities. At first, we must assume from her actions that she is well bred. As for a more subjective evaluation, we learn that Erec* s reaction to Enide is the same as hers had been to him: "Pareillement est il d'Erec quant il voit ceste damoiselle tant gen te" (p, Z36, 1; cl', Gruuthuse manuscript fol, 196b), This adjective gente is the first with any social or moral content to be applied to our heroine.

The first mention we have of Alixandre is when the fifteenth-cen­ tury adapter informs us that the enperor and enç>ress of Constantinople had "deux beaulx fils" (p • 283, 22). Physical beauty is once more the f i r s t q u a lity to be commented upon. More p re c ise ly , concerning the elder son, we learn that "Alixandre estoit bien façonne de toux mem­ bres et lors qu'il eust congnoissance de soy il esleua haultement son 140

franc et gentil corage • et inonstra bien qu'il estoit de noble gendre

descendu" (p. aü'J, . After emphasizing the fact that Alixandre

is a perfect physical specimen, that each part of his body is perfectly

formed, the writer turns to the moral and intellectual attributes of

our hero. Two things are noteworthy here: first of all, it would seem

that, on attaining the age of reason, Alixandre took an active role and

interest in his moral development ("iJ. esleua haultement son franc et

gentil corage"); secondly, it appears that this high level of moral de­ velopment is a natural outcome of his noble birth. One could question whether there is, in fact, a contradiction here. As with the descrip­ tions of Erec and Enide, this in itial presentation is an objective one; we learn about him through the eyes of an outsider rather than through the eyes of one more closely concerned with the narration. Later, idien the young Greeks arrive at Vfinchester and present themselves before Ar­ thur, we have another, still very general description of our hero, this time through the eyes of the king and Gauvain. First we read that Ar­ thur "voit et esgarde ces gentils enfans de Grece. Et entre les autres choisit Alixandre pour sa beaulte" (p. 286, ^5) • Later, in speaking to the young prince, the king states; "Car ton personnage me denotte et magnifeste que tu viens de bon lieu et que noblesse te admonneste en cuer de gouuerner ton beau corpssage plus aduenant que nul aultre que je veisse puis long tençs a" (p. 286, 15-18). Furthermore, Gauvain "le voit doulz et débonnaire" (p. 286, 31). Here, too, Arthur and Gauvain evoke Alixandre's good looks and courtly manners. Vfe are also told that he is extremely mature for his age, as far as "bons propolz et gracieuses deuises" are concerned (p. 286, 32), because of liiich he is 141 never lacking for friends. Soredamours, too, xdien she first sees our hero "Et par ce quelle le voit trop beau et de trop ferme maniéré . il fault qu’elle adjuge a soi mesmes et die que sa beaulte precede les plus beaulz hommes du monde" (p. 287, 19-21). Again, the hero is not presen­ ted and described in very concrete terms = It is for the reader to ima­ gine his good looks for himself.

Cligès is introduced in almost the same terms as was his father:

"au chief des .ix. mois Soredamours se deliura d'un tresbeau filz qui fu nomme Cliges" (p. 303» U-13) « This is the only description we have of Cliges until he acconpanies his uncle Alix to meet Fenice, his un­ cle* s intended bride (p. 305» 37-306, 5). Here the description is much more specific than that of any of the other male protagonists. Ihis time the description is through the eyes of Fenice: "Car il estoit bien façonne de toux raenbres auec ce qu’il estoit en la fleur de son amoureux aage • c’est assauoir de .xvii. a .xviij. ans." The first part of this statement recalls that made about his father Alixandre; the second part is worthy of mention in that it is the only time when the hero's age- even approximate—is given in our prose romances: we only know that Erec is young. As was the custom in the other descriptions, the writer must now go on and substantiate his claim for Cligès’ unusual beauty: "Mais

Karcisus qui son vmbre ama en la fontaine . ne fu pas plus beau de ces­ tui Gliges qui tant aduenant estoit que les beaux dons de nature sam- bloient en Iny amasses . et de tant comme l ’or passe la couleur de cui- ure . d’autretant et pins excedoit Cliges lez belles formes des aultre s hommez comme cil qui de belle fleur estoit issu." Miereas Erec’s beauty was compared to that of Absalon, Cliges' is compared to that of Harcis- l42

sus; as is frequentüy true with such descriptions, nature is responsible

for creating such a perfect specimen; the comparison of Cliges* beauty

and that of other men with that of gold and copper is particularly ap­

propriate. Finally, the writer goes on to describe specific parts of

our hero's anatomy: "Ses crins estoient tieulx comme ceux de sa mere.

Sa face estoit fresce comme la rofse] en may et oultre plus. De nés

bouce sourcilz front corpz gambes et bras estoit il tant bien tourne .

que nature en vng million d'hommes ne sauroit aduenir a en faire vng de

telle four[m]e . n'estoit par la permission de cellui dieu oui rien n'est impossible." This description recalls that of Enide in many res­ pects, in particular the rosy cheeks, which to the modem reader are more appropriate for a woman than for a man. It is significant, too, that God is given some credit for his creation here.

Contrary to vhat we have seen in the other descriptions, that of

Soredamours begins with a statement about her character. This, of cour­

se, is necessary in order to explain why she has resisted until now the tenç>tation to love. As Gauvain's sister, her nobility cannot be ques­ tioned, and she has undoubtedly attracted many eligible suitors. Her physical beauty does not seem to interest our writer primarily, and he refers to her simply as "La belle damoiselle" (p. 287, 17)• It must be admitted that the adapter's words for Soredamours are rather harsh, as he speaks of her "ruide entendement" and that she was "obstine en indig- nacion enuers lez hommes" (p. 287, 25-26). Furthermore, "son cuer fust enrudi . et resistant aux vouloirs de nature . commandemens et semonces d'amours . voire et a raison" and she was "rebelle et non daignant per­ sonne amer" (p. 287, 30-32, 34-35). This is a very harsh, almost cruel 143

portrait of a stubborn maiden who refuses to follow her natural incli­

nations to love one of the raai\y knights at her command. It is important

to note that she is disobeying the laws of both nature and reason. She

harcGy seems to be the typical heroine of a courtly novel. However, our

writer has very cleverly alternated this bleak portrait with a brighter

one of the effects of Love, vdiich w ill eventually help nature and reason

to be victorious. We read that "par vng ray soudein des vertus d'amours

. est corronçu et rendu serf a remirer la beaulte d* Alixandre, " that "il

conuenoit bien a amours monstrer patentement ses vertus" and "Toutes­

uoies en soubit par ce ray qui descendi du soleil estant ou ciel d'a­ mours..." (p. 287, 26- 27, 29- 30, 33- 34 ) . Love has "v ertu s," because i t

conforms to the laws of nature and reason; it is also described as a

"ray, " which recalls that its entering the heart (through the eyes) was

likened to a ray of light passing through a pane of glass. There is certainly a dichotomy here between Soredamours without Love and Soreda­ mours with Love. This description of our heroine is followed by one as seen through Alixandre's eyes. Here the physical attributes of the mai­ den are stressed; however, no specific information is given. Our hero merely "voit incessamment ceste belle damoiselle et en pensant a sa beaulte" (p. 287, 43-44), Later, "II eslieue son cuer a remirer la courtoisie de ceste tant gente pucelle" (p. 288, 5-6). Finally, she is

"la plus belle du monde voire et qui a mon gre trespasse les beaultes dont les femmes pueent estre douees" (p. 289, 8-9).

If we are to believe our prose writer(s), Fenice is the most beau­ tifu l of the three heroines. In fact, she is the only one of whom it is said "reluisant en tant exellente beaulte que l'en ne scaroit tant 144 dire de beaultes &minines qu*en elle n^en soient plus trouues. Et pour ce que je ne suffiroie pas a descripre la figure et tresautentique

forme de ceste belle damoiselle • je m'en déporté disant que chascun

s'esmeruilloit de la veoir" (p. 305» 23-26). like Soredamours, whose name predestined ber to love despite her proud and stubborn character,

Fenice's name is symbolic, recalling that of the phoenix; "Le nom de la pucelle ne lui mentoit pas . elle estoit nommee Fenice . et ainsi que le fenix qui est seul oiseau de son plumage impareil a toux aultre s . pareillement est il de la damoiselle. Car elle est la plus des plus . sans per et sans ce que nulle aultre dame soit digne d'estre comparée a la tierce partie de sa haultaine beaulte" (p. 305* 28-32). Thus, while other héros and heroines may be compared to another historical or legen­ dary person, such will not be the case with Fenice, as she is one of a kind and, as the phoenix, her beauty can never be equalled. So far, the description has been that of the adapter; now he must go ahead and sub­ stantiate his claims: "Et au vray dire chascun disoit qu' il n' estoit pas possible a nature . non obstant qu'elle soit soubtille . qu'elle sceust aduenir a composer de toutes choses vng chief d'euure pareil ad ceste"

(p . 305 * 32-35). The all inclusive chascun is once again the judge; al­ though it is not stated who helped nature achieve such a work of art, we may assume (from other descriptions) that God lent a helping hand.

Finally, we leam that "elle entra ou palaix en chief descouuert . tant que chascun pouoit voir sa face bien admesuree" (p. 305, 35-36).

This is the only specific reference to a particular part of our hero­ ine's anatomy, and as usual it is very general: her face is "bien ad­ mesuree." The fact that her head is uncovered undoubtedly indicates 145

that, at a time when women wore very elaborate head coverings, Venice

not need to cover herself to be beautiful. It should be noted that

not one word is mentioned concerning her character; as far as her social

status is concerned, it is enough to know that she is the daughter of

the German emperor; Cliges' reaction to Fenice is scarcely noted, where­

as hers to him is fully developed.

3 . 6 . The fascination of the Burgundian dukes with such knightly ac­

tivities as tourneys is attested by the vivid descriptions of two such

events in the prose Erec. one following the wedding of Erec and Enide

and a second following their coronation. These are of importance in

that they are among the few episodes to be more fully developed in the prose texts than in Ghrestien.

It should first be noted that these two tourneys are in celebration of a highly significant event: a wedding, a coronation. Thus, the pur­ pose is not necessarily to do physical harm to one's opponent, but ra­ ther to prove one's kni^tly savoir faire; it is a show, a pageant, and 9 not serious combat. Huizinga sees the tourney as satisfying the romantic imagination of the age: "Dramatic art might have supplied it, but the medieval drama in the real sense of the word treated love mat­ ters only exceptionally; sacred subjects were its substance. There was, however, another form of representation, namely, noble sports, tourneys and jousts. Sportive struggles always and everywhere contain a strong dramatic element and an erotic element." This sort of pageantry was cer­

9 The Waning of th e Kiddle Ages (Garden City, Hew York: Doubleday, 1954 ) , p . 80. 146

tain]y to the taste of Duke phiiip and his courtiers. There tourneys

are also well-planned; the one following the wedding took place fifteen

days after the fifteen days during which King Arthur held Round Table^

on the plain of Edinburgh (p. 26^, 3y» ^1) • What strikes one immediate­

ly is the richness and lavishness of the description: "Quant vint au

Ô-our que les cheualiers deuoient toumoier veci seigneurs de toutes

pars qui a grans pompes descendent en la plaine et font tendre tant de

trefs pauillons ouures de soye de drap d'or et de toutes ricesses que

c'est vne infinie et vng plaisir de velor les pauillons diuersement es-

tanceler . contre les joyeulx rays du soleil" (p. 265» 42-46). The

silk and the gold cloth, the multi-colored tents, appeal to our sense

of sight, while the "joyous" rays of the sun set the appropriate atmos­ phere for the event. The richness of the preparations corresponds also

to the nobility of the ^ectators: "0 que belle noblesse conuenue en vng seul lieu a jour preficquie par le mariage de la plus belle du mon­ de" (p. 265» 46-266» 2). The women, too, are present, again indicating the amicable nature of the event: "En chariots et sus beaux beaux pale­ frois descendent illec les dames, si dient que elles oncques ne virent plus belle preparacion et oixionnance pour tournoier en vne seule jour- nee. Elies ont asses a faire a regarder puis cy puis la" (p. 266, 3-6).

The writer also appeals to our sense of hearing when he has the tourney

begin and end by the sounding of tinunpets: "Et lorsqu'il est heure de

soy mettre en armes les chiefs du toumoy d'un coste et d'aultre font

sonner trompettes et haulx clarons tant que la plaine en retentist"

(p. 266, 6-b); "Lie roy ArtusJ eust fait sonner la retraite" ^p. 267»

14). Although men are thrown from their horse?, and horses are not 147

^ared, the main object of the contest is to gain honor, at least this

is vhat is claimed for the last two contestants, Erec and Gauvain:

“LErecJ s’en issi comme cil qui ne quiert que honneur acquérir" (p. 2b6,

Zl^Z2)i "messire Gauain qui veult los et honneur acquerre" (p. 266, ^5-

4 6 ).

The final toumey, following the coronation of King Erec, is the

original addition of the prose writer. If the other contest ended in a

draw between Erec and Gauvain, there is no doubt here that Erec is the

victor, for we read that "il fiert messiire Gauain de I'espee sur le

heaulme en y mettant toute sa force tellement que pour le coup quy füst

grant il fu tellement estonne qu’il perdi les arcons et estriers et

chut a terre" (p. 293» 18-20). There are, indeed, several significant differences between the description of this toumey and that of the ear­

lier one. Wiile an important part of the earlier description was given over to the picturesque preparations for the event—tents, ladies arri­ ving in chariots—this is missing here. The writer, rather than appeal­ ing to our senses of sight and hearing, is more concerned with describ­ ing the action. Active verbs abound: "s’en vient courant comme foudre...

Il lui adresce la teste du cheual et couce la lance...Erec fiert Blio- beris en telle façon qu’il lui perce l'escu et le hauberg et lui fait vne grant plaie au coste senestre en le portant et le cheual a terre... il en porta quatre ou .v. cheualiers ju s...Il abat cheualiers et che- uauls arrace escus des cols et heaulmes des testes" (p. 292, 23-37).

Honor is once again an important consideration, but this time Erec does not share it with anyone. The adapter ecçhasizes the importance of the concept of honor by having the heralds cry in a direct discourse passage: 148

"Honneur soit donnée au cheualier aux armes noirLes] qui vainct tout"

(p . 292, 42-293, 1) which is echoed by Arthur, Enide, Guenievre and

other nobles who, in an indirect discourse passage "dient qu'onques ne

virent cheualier faire tant d’armes ne si agrément soi esprouuer en

toumoy" (p. 293, 3-4). Finally, when Gauvain is brought to the ground^ his men, repeating almost exactly the words of the heralds, cry "fuies

fuies . vees ci le cheualier aux armes noires qui tout abat « a lui ne pourrons nous plus résister" (p. 293, 23-24). Everything clearly leads to an untarnished victory for Erec.

Although there is no question here of a toumey, there is a scene in Cliges in which some details recall those of the first toumey in

Erec. It also has historical significance, as we shall see. The count of Windsor, having taken over the city of London and its treasures and seeing King Arthur and his army arrive back in Britain, fearfully goes into hiding. At this point, the people of London "comme ilz veissent ceux de la faulse garnison au traytre conte de Guinesores enfuis par crainte ilz furent moult joieux et par vng commun acord s’en alerent nuds chiefz sans armes aulcunes prier merci eulx excusans du trahiteur qui par vioUence de force les subiugoit et lez auoit voulu suppediter . auec ce qu’il lez auoit tailliez et fait paier grant somme de deniers"

(p . 293» 3-8) « First, we would note the fear of those vdio are supposed­ ly safe behind their fortifications with tlie happiness of the defense­ less townspeople of London. The fear of Windsor's men corresponds per­ fectly with the force he ençloyed to bring the Londoners to submission.

Secondly, there is the very practical detail—so in favor with the Bur­ gundian audience—o f th e money which he forced them to pay in order to 149

allow him to carry out his treachery. The psychological description is,

indeed, nicely developed by our prose adapter. Historically, the scene

recalls that of the bourgeois of Calais who, in 1347, offered themselves

as hostages to the king of England in order to spare their town from

siege. King Arthur, having pardoned his people, arrives before the

castle and finding it well fortified "II fait illeuc arrester son ar-

mee • si veissiez pauillons vers indes vermaulx blans pers et de toutez

couleur[z] tendre et apointier . tant que c'est noble chose de veioir

le solei raissant dessus les faire reluire et estainceler contsnans de

place plus d'une lewe de long" (p. 293# 13-16). This part of the des­

cription, with the multi-colored tents under the brightly shining sun

is reminiscent of the preparation for the toumey in Erec. Again, it is

a description that appeals principally to our sense of sight. Once

again, we have the very concrete detail concerning how much ground is

covered by these tents. The end of the "chapter" once again returns to

the psychological description of Windsor's men. Once more, as fearful

men, they must put on an outward show of bravery, wishing to show Arthur

that they do not fear "son sens sa force ne son grant monceau de cheua­

liers . ilz saultent et virent sur le grauier comme s'ilz se vouloient

esbanoyer (p. 293» 20-22). This they do by oultrecuidance (p. 293» 17).

The toumey in which Cliges participates, dressed in his variously

colored suits of armor, resembles in certain details the second tourney

in Erec. It is dominated by action, rather than picturesque details;

"Atant suruint Aguichans le roi d'Escoce qui de la lance le feri en

l'escu . mais elle ronpi contre et Cliges l'ala huirter de toute sa force par telle radeur qu'il abbati le cheualier et le cheual. Lores 150

commença vne grant huee sur Aguischans et de toutez parz saillirent che­

ualiers rorq)ans et cassane lancez escus heauZr'ies et haubers* Fiente de

cheualiers furent portez par terre • et lors que lancez furent ronpues .

veci lez espeez ampoignees dont ilz firent grans proessez" (p. 318, 28-

3^)• Our hero, in order to prove himself, must take on one adversary

a f t e r another* The f in a l v icto ry i s gained ^ e n G uivret le P e tit comes

after Cliges with 500 knights. Seeing himself surrounded, he takes on

one at a time until the others flee. We then have a picture of our

lonely hero “non sachant a qui besongnier" (p. 318, 42). 3h a way, this

reminds us of Erec vho, having gained his victory over Gauvain, has rea­

ched the top and no longer has anyone with idiom to contend. As with the tourney in Erec. this toumey is specifically to prove Cliges* superior­ ity in such knightly endeavors. At the very beginning of the "chapter,“ aTter our hero’s victory over Sagramors, we read "dont diascun loe Cli­ ges" (p. 318, 27), and at the end of the contest "Le tournoi cessa a la loange du cheualier aux armes no irez" (p. 318, 42-319» 1) • Cn the next day of the toumey, Cliges is again all alone: "Cliges aemoura tout seul" (p. 319» 25). On successive days of the toumey, Cliges gains victories over Lancelot and Perceval. Finally, he must encounter Gau­ vain himself. Although it is said of Cliges that "entre toux lez mil- leurs cheualiers de 1* uniuerselle terre il pourroit estre esleu sans re- proce franc cheualier courtois et bien maniant vne espie" (p. 320, 29-31), it is only the thought of Fenice that permits him to sustain the battle with Arthur’s nephew. As in the first toum ^ in Erec. it is Arthur who must stop the contest: "Et pour ce qu'il ne veult la destruccion de l ’un ne de l’aultre et qu’il voit Cliges expert ou stille de bien ouurer 151 d*une espee . voire et non plus lasse au desrain qu*au premier . 11 ne

veuit plus que leur tournoiement s'entretiengne" (p. 320, 42-43) »

3«7« The role of the female protagonists in our prose adaptations

is of great irçortance for the understanding of the attitudes of the

Burgundian court. Ms. Wallen ^ has pointed out and clearly defended

the point of view that "The adapter downgrades ïhide as ^stematically

as he elevates Erec." This she feels is due to the fact that the adap­

ter took sides vdth Erec in the quarrel and that he wished to present

his hero as faultless; if Enide also attracted the syrpathies of the

audience, this would naturally diminish Erec's value. Thus, her argu­

ment is based on what she considers to be the writer* s emphasis on mar­

riage and on the individual case of Erec and Enide. We feel that this

is, rather, typical of the general attitude of the fifteenth century to­

ward TOmen. Although not as satirical nor as strong as the misogyny of

the Quinze Joies and the Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, misogyny is present

in our prose Erec and prose Cliges. Ms, Wallen does recognize, however, that "Because the adapter applies the same methods in changing the

characterization of Enide and of the secondary female characters, it

appears that he has a less elevated view of women than Chretien." ^

This attitude towards women can be traced to the quarrel of the 12 Romance of the Rose. In essence, Daniel Poirion considers this as

^ Op* cit.. pp. 107-115*

^ Op. cit.. p. lib. 12 Le Moyen Age, vol. II (Paris: Arthaud, 1971), p. ID3» 152

an opposition between chivalric and clerical tendancies: "S'agit-il en­

core du débat entre chevalerie et clergie, ou plutôt entre courtoisie

et clergie? A celle-ci appartient la misogynie héritée de la Bible et

de la satire latine." In fact, he goes so far as to state that "le pre­

mier problème que doit résoudre l'humanisme est en effet celui du fémi­

nisme," Thus, it is understandable that Ghrestien should have a higher

and more tolerant view of women than that of the fifteenth-century wri­

ter. Ghrestien was writing a courtly romance, in idiich the woman was

traditionally placed on a pedestal. While his Enide may accept part of

the blame for the quarrel, she cannot accept all of it. The fifteenth-

century adapter, on the other hand, is writing a didactic work which is

clerical in nature. For him, despite Enide's good qualities (and she must have some, or she would not be worthy of such a fine knight as

Erec), she is guilty of qjreading the rumors going around among the wo­ men of the court concerning Erec's recreantise,

In Erec, the whole question of the writer* s attitude toward women turns on the famous parole spoken by Enide, It is clear that Enide has forgotten Guillaume de lorris* advice in the Bomance of the Rose; "Or te garde bien de retreire/ chose de gent qui face a teire./ West pas proece de mesdire" (w , 20/5-20??). However, it is important to note in Enide*s defense that she did not begin the rumor of her young hus­ band's recreantise. The prose adapter is very specific in stating that

"Toutes uoies nul ne lui en osoit rien dire si s'en deuisoient aux dames et des dames ce vint a la congnoissance de Enide qui mie n'en fu joieuse"

Ip, 26b, 55-36) . It would seem that médisance is the particular domain of liomen, One could ask several questions here, Vhy did not the other 153

knights speaK to Erec if they were displeased with his conduct? He was,

after all, one of them. Since it is the dames vdio are carrying tales

(and not the damoiselles), could it be that they are jealous that their

husbands did not spend as much time witn them as Erec did with his

bride? Under the circumstances, it is only natural for a young wife to

speak to her husband if she has his interests at heart.

But, does Enide have Erec's interests at neart? It would appear,

from what follows, that she does not. Rather, she is very selfishly

thinking of herself and her own reputation. "Elle doubtoit que se elle

en aduertissoit son seigneur qu'il ne se courroucast a elle; "Et pour

ce a grant mesaise elle portoit en son cuer ces paroULes toucans l'on-

neur de son ami. Conclusions elle qui ne vouloit auoir blasme ne viL-

lonnie une nuyt entre les aultres pensant ad ce propols se prinst a plo-

rer d'encoste son mari" Qp. 26b, 37-41)» First, then, she is afraid

that, if she tells Erec what the gossips of the court are saying about

him, he will be angry with her; secondly, she fears that she will be

blamed if her husband is truly guilty of recreantise. Ihe second fear

being the stronger of the two, she "se prinst a plorer, " as if on pur­

pose. It would seem that she wants Erec to wake up, that she wants to

te ll him everything because her reputation is at stake. If this is the

case, the w riter's statement that "elle ne sceut trouuer tant de moiens

qu'il ne conuint après la coniuration de son seigneur qu'elle congnust

la vérité" (p. 268, 43-44) is more than slightly ironie. Eot one word is mentioned here about her concern for Erec.

The same is true throughout most of the testing of Enide, for it is clearly Enide idio is being tested here, and not Erec's prouesse as 154 -

in Ghrestien.

In her monologue following Erec* s order to get ready for the trip,

although Enide does once mention her husband's plight ("qu'ay je fait

qui ay mis monseigneur qui tant m’amoit en vne anuyeuse entreprise" p.

269, 19-20), she is again chiefly concerned with her own situation. We

read, for instance, "dieux que pourrai je deuenir. J'estoie trop aise

et en trop grant habondance de biens. Du bas j'estoie esleuee par bon­

ne aduenture quant soubdainement descendre m* en fau lt," or "0 malle bou-

ce...veci vng trop soudain desrocement que tu as agguettie enuers mon

heur et noblesse. Hellas fortune m*auoit trop bonnement adrescie et en

trop grande exellence j*estoie honnouree quant par vng soubit admonnes-

tement de uerite estre exillee me conuendra" (p. 269, 21-2?). In this

monologue, there are 9 first person pronouns and possessive adjectives;

Erec is considered only once. This demonstrates to xdxat extent our

heroine is concerned with her future, her good or bad fortune, her hap­

piness. It can, indeed, be questioned whether Enide loves Erec; he is

perhaps justified in his plan to test her.

When she believes Erec to be dead, Enide* s attitude has changed

somewhat, but she s till seems to be very much self-centered. Although

she does praise Erec, saying that "je suis coulpable de la mort de mon

propre mari en cui corpulence s'estoit beaulte muee, sience esparce,

honneur fisdiie, proesse logee, cheualerie, bonté, largesse et preudom- mie l'aurrent ediffie comme le plus parfait qui jamais sera" (p. 283,

36-39)» this is counter-balanced by Enide*s more egotistical observa­

tions. Once again, she evokes fortune ("0 tres raalheuree dame qui du hault au tresbas es admenee par vng des trebuchets de fortune" p. 283, -155

31 -3 2 )» once again she wonders what she w ill do now ("que feras tu poure

femme" p . 283» 33) • ûiide evidently regrets Erec* s death and recogni­

zes his worth; nevertheless, she s till z^pears to be as much or more

concerned with her future; "de quel mort serai je adjugie, de quel pe­

nance serai je diergie pour la recompensacion de ce dur meschief par moy

mesmes aduenu?" (p. 283, 41-43) » Knowing that murderers are punished

for their crimes» Enide is diiefly concerned with idiat her punishment

will be. It is not until Enide stops the battle between Erec and Gui­

vret le Petit that her love for her husband is proven I

In other parts of the romance, emphasis which was once on Erec in

the twelfth-century poem, is now placed on Enide. A good example is the

arrival, after the wedding, of the newlyweds at the court of King Lach,

Erec*s father. In Ghrestien, it is Erec who is honored on this occasion and Enide*s role is secondary. In the fifteenth-century version, after

she is taken to church to give thanks to God, the subjects of King Lach

“lui donnèrent coupes esguieres flacons pos pintes bachins d'or et d'ar­ gent draps de toutes sortes de soie de velloux de damas de satin de pourpre et de pluseurs aultres façons...Le roy Lach entre ses aultres dons lui donna plente de dames toutes heureuses de seruir et d*estre conduictes soubs sa bonne industrie" (p • 268, 3-9) • Erec, although this is his kingdom, is hardly mentioned in this "chapter." Even King Lach, after he receives his son "en grant amour" (p. 267» 38), once he lays his eyes on Enide, turns all of his attention to her. While it may cer­ tainly be argued that courtesy required that Enide be received royally, as the new wife of the prince, it is likewise true that Erec, after an

__ extended absence, should normally receive some attention and gifts X X U 1 » 156 his subjects. Thus, our writer's neglect of the hero at this point is significant.

While Enide and the women of the court are guilty of médisance. this guilt is extended, in the typical spirit of the late Middle Ages, to all women in general. While Erec is resting in the forest and Enide is keeping watch, she exclaims "0 sage Salemon, tu ne mesdis pas quant tu prononças et descrips que de femmes viennent aux hommes les infortu­ nes pestillences et aduersites. Tu estoies bien aduerti de leurs fais quant tu mis en ton liure que femmes ne poeuent rien celier et que par leurs paroUes grans maux sourdent au monde" (p. 272, 26-30). The prose writer is undoubtedly recalling here certain verses from the book of

Proverbs, where we read (KJV); "Give not thy strength unto women, nor thy ways to that which destroyeth kings" (31:3) • Solomon also speaks frequently of the woman who gets what she wants through her flattering tongue and warns men against her; "To keep thee from the evil woman, from the flattery of the tongue of a strange woman" (6:24), "That they may keep thee from the strange woman, from the stranger which flattereth with her words" (7:3)» Although in the prose Erec there is no question of flattery, this Biblical allusion, added by the adapter, is in keeping ifith the didactic nature and misogynie tendency of our mise en prose.

Although Enide is the one prominent female protagonist in Erec. we also note a change in the role of the queen. In Ghrestien, she at times appears to have more power and influence than Arthur himself. Mien Yder is defeated by Erec, for instance, and he presents himself before Gue­ nievre and Arthur, Guenievre alone grants him pardon and keeps him at the court (see 2.2.10.). The fifteenth-century Burgundian writers must 157 have considered this to be an unflattering portrait of a weak king and an overiy-powerful queen. Although tradition required that the priso_ ner present himself to the lady, the prose writers elected to have the final decision concerning Yder's future made by the king, thereby strip­ ping the queen of her power; "A ces paroUes la reyne pria au roy qu»il eust pitie de son prisonnier et qu»il quitast prison moiennant que le demeurant de ses jours il seroit seruiteur a elle. Le roi en fut conqp- ten t...” (p. 261, 8-11); "A ces parolles se lieue la royne et s'en va au roy et lui prye qu'il ait pitie de cheualier et qu'il lui quitte sa prison, moiennant qu'il seroit dores en auant seruiteur a elle. Le roy lui ottroye..." (fol. 204b). Conçlete obedience and service to the

"dame" is apparently no longer a part of the fifteenth-century society.

In f a c t, XX. is possible that the Burgundian court may have inter­ preted the joie de court episode in this light. It was, after all, only in serving his lady that Mabonagrein remained in the orchard, waiting unsuccessfully for the arrival of a knight idio could defeat him. Wien

Erec, in fact, did so, he was actually liberating Mabonagrein from the power the maiden had over him. As he eiqilains: "Je lui acorday [sa re- questej . comme cil qui nulle rien ne luy eusse voulu escondire et elle qui ardoit en mon amour oyant 1'octroy que je lui fis en ce vergier mes­ mes me pria que James d 'ic i ne me partesisse jusques aulcun cheualier me vaincroit aux armes" (p. 290, 4-7). The Burgundians may even have equated the maiden's selfish kind of love, a love which caused the death of many noble knights, with that of Enide. Noteworthy, too, in light of the inçiortance vhich the fil'teenth century accorded to marriage and love within that context (e.g. the end of the prose Erec and prose Cliges) 158

is the fact that our adapter chose to report the wedding of Mabonagrein

and the maiden.

The female protagonists in Cliges are perhaps more subtly down­

graded. In the case of Soredamours* we have already seen that she is

depicted as a stubborn and obstinate young lady ("Le ruide entendement

de ceste damoiselle n'aguerez obstine...ceste malditte obstinacion" p.

237* 25-26, 23) who refused to yield to the wishes of nature, love and

reason ("Car non obstant que son cuer fust enrudi . et resistant aux

vouloirs de nature . commandemens et semonces d* amours . voire et a

raison" p. 237, 30-32). Thus, she has rejected love on every level- physical* emotional* intellectual—and one can really question viietner

she is capable of loving anyone. These are* indeed, strong accusations

which our writer raises against his heroine; on the other hand, this only serves to make Love's conquest and Alixandre* s victory more glo­ rious. Vhen Soredamours finally recognizes Love's victory in her life,

like Enide she thinks of her own reputation. Her monologue on p. 290,

11. 16.46, contains no fewer than 4^ first person pronouns and posses­

sive adjectives. In deciding that she will succomb to Love, Soredamours does so first because of the social graces associated with it—"amours veult que je lui soie lealle courtoise et obéissant" p. 290, 30* 31)— and because she does not want to be "repputee orguilleuse fiere irebelle et sans doulceur aulcune" (p. 290, 31-32). As Enide, she is principally concerned with vdiat others w ill think of her. This is again true when she decides that, as a lady* ^ e must not make the first advances to

Alixandre* so that "en verite les dames ne auront ja reproce de moy"

(p . 290* 44-45). As it was the ladies vho revealed Erec's supposed 1^9

recreantise to Enide, Soredamours is likewise concerned about what tne

"dames" w ill say and does not wish to give them any cause to gossip.

Furthermore, we see that our heroine is not always as frank and honest

as possible. In considering the shirt vhich Soredamours had sewn and

which Guenievre gave to Alixandre, we know tnat she had mixed a few of

her golden hairs with the golden thread "pour sauoir lequel durerait le

plus ou l'o r ou le cheueil" Cp. 29?-. 13). This was, then, deliberate

on her part, however, when confronted with the shirt in Alixandre's

presence, "elle s 'en excuse disant que ce fust par mesaduenture ou mes-

presure" (p. 296, 2^25). This situation is similar to the scene in

which Enide claimed not to be crying; although they do not admit it,

both women want their chevalier to know the truth.

Vhile the case of Fenice is even less clear, one can find in her

the same qualities as in Enide and Soredamours. In the question of her

proposed marriage to Alix and her love for Cliges, she, like the other

heroines, thinks primariJy of her own happiness: "0 lasse dist elle que

je suis de malle heure nee . se ce faulz et desleal pariure paruient ad

ce a quoi il pretend. Certes quelque chose L...J je suis determinee et

résolue en telle conclusion que j'aymerai Cliges a qui je suis donnée .

attendu qu'il doit par raison auoir la juridicion et ençire de Constan­

tinople" Cp • 308, 42-46). This last statement, that Cliges is right­

fully the enperor of Constantinople and that she has been promised to

that ecperor, is Fenice's repeated justification of all her efforts to

consummate her love with Cliges; while literally true, it is likewise true that her father promised her to Alix, believing him to the right­ ful emperor. Her egotistical attitude is further demonstrated when, in 160

ejqplaining her love to Thessala, she states that "Car Cliges nonoostant

qu* 11 soit prlue de son droit vault bien d* auoir vne pucelle belle et

de grant façon" (p. 3JO, 16-1/^. It is obvious to all, of course, that

she, Fenice, is that beautiful and noble maiden. This, again, se^s to

be mereJy a weak excuse and one could question whether there were no

other beautiful, noble maidens idiom Cliges might marry. Some of her

demands on Cliges also appear to be motivated by self-concern and self- pity more than anything elso: feeling that she has suffered enough, she

says "et me samble que james nulle aultre rien ne me faudroit que vng vergier de plaisance ouquel je me poulsisse consoler et passer joieuse- ment le tampz entre lez armonieux chans des oyseaulx" (p. 335» 21-23) .

Did not Cliges also suffer when he thought that the Salerno doctors had killed his beloved? Our heroine* s concern for her reputation is clear­ ly demonstrated when she compares her situation with that of Iseut.

Cliges having proposed to take her off to Britain, Fenice replies: "Car se vous m*emmeniez l'en parleroit de noux deux par tout le monde comme l'en fist de ïseult et de Tristran dont sur ma leaulte je seroie mout despiesanté s'ensi aduenoit et ne seroit nul homme qui ne me tenist et reputast trop baude et vous trop fol" (p. 325» 19-22). True, she does mention Cliges' reputation, but only in connection with her own, and she comes first. As far as dishonesty is concerned, one has only to evoke the potions, Fenice*s pretended death, the elaborate hideaway- a ll done with the knowledge and consent of the heroine.

Some of the other female protagonists are also presented in a less than completely favorable light. We can again mention the relationship between Arthur and Guenievre. In the episode of the siege of Windsor 161 castle, Alixandre presents his first four prisoners to the queen. The reaction of the king and the others is interesting; "Alixandre humble­ ment se mist a genoulz deuant la reyne et lui présenta sa premeraine cheualerie c'est assauoir les .iiij. prisonniers, mais vous deues sa­ uoir que toux ceulx de l'ost prisoient Alixandre et le looient exepte le roy qui ne disoit mot a cause qu' il estoit marri de ce que il ne auoit lez prisonniers pour les faire mourir" (p. 294, 1L«15). As in the case of Erec and Yder, the prisoner must be presented to the lady vtoom one is serving; thus, the king's attitude is perhaps less than gra­ cious. In the following, Arthur requests the prisoners from his wife:

"II lez requist a la reyne laquelle lui [Ijes acorde" (p. 294, 15-16).

Once again, the lady is all-powerful and Guenievre seems strong next to a weak Arthur \dio depends on her wishes and d e s ire s . This s itu a tio n must not have been pleasing to the Burgundian court which sought super­ human male protagonists who could serve as exanples to their duke.

The female protagonists are furtheimore frequently depicted as overly sentimental and emotional. One thinks, in particular, of the em­ press Thantalis then she learns that her elder son Alixandre plans to go to B ritain to become a knight by th e hand o f King A rthur: "E lle ne

8cet sa maniéré et ja la nature du sexe féminin l'a enclinee a plorer

1'angoisseuse de son filz par grosses larmes" (p. 284, 29-31). While it is true that such feelings are natural, especially given the dangerous circumstances of such a journey, the writer is evidently trying to blame a great part of the reaction on her "sexe féminin." We recall, too, that it is at this point that she externalizes her sentiments and that the allegorical Amours Maternelle comes to address her. The attitude of 162 the Burgundians is perhaps more adequately expressed by the emperor, vrtio tries to te ll his wife that she should be hs^py to see he: son go, as he will gain honor in doing so: "0 toj la dame qui de pitie pleures sur la départie de ton gendre « pren en toj vne vertu se tu es raison­ nable . car ton filz est assez sage pour soi gouuemer et ce qui le moeut d'aler a la court du roy jArtus lui vient et procédé d'un noble et bon v o u lo ir" (p . 2tW, 32-35)»

Men, on the other hand, seem to act consistently in such a way as to gain honor* One of the first instances of this concern with honor is ràien Erec asks Enide's old father for his daughter* first for the sparrow-hawk contest, then in marriage. Not knowing what the object of the request is, he replies: "Ja dieux ne plaise...que je soie mal de vous par non vous vouloir a corder vne demande poumeu que ce ne soit contre mon honneur" (p. 256, 42-257, 1). Erec immediately reassures him and the request is granted. This concern with honor is significant, given the difference in social and economic status between him and Erec.

It is frequently stated that combatants in a toumey are only seek­ ing to gain honor. In one case, we read: "Les lances ne sont pas enco­ res toutes debrisies quant Erec après les aultres gentement cheuaul- chant s 'en issi comme cil qui ne quiert que honneur acquérir" (p. 266,

20-22). Several lines later, we find: "D'aultre part messire Gauain qui veult los et honneur acquerre, ne fault pas a soy esuertuer" (p. 266,

45-46). As we stated earlier, these tourneys were generally for the purpose of demonstrating the knight's savoir faire and of showing one's superiority over another.

The question of honor is likewise connected \jith that of Erec's 163 alleged recreantise » In reporting the knights* couç)laints against Erec, the writer states: "ce ne luy estoit pas honneur de laissier l'exercice de cheualerie pour ses baisiers et acolers qu'il prendoit de jour en jour en s'amie et sa dame" (p. 268, 33-35)» And Enide claims: "car j'ameroie mieux estre morte qu'estre cause du retardement de vostre hon­ neur et proffit" (p. 269, 8-9) . Thus, it is evident that honor is con­ nected with certain specific activities, such as tourneys; it can only be gained by following a rigid code of knightly conduct.

This code of conduct apparently also states that no honor is gained in defeating an unarmed opponent, or one who is weaker than the knight seeking honor. This is one reason that Erec gives for not striking the aggressive dwarf: "pour ce que celui seroit blasme s 'il batoit vng naim qu' il puelt tuer a vng seul coup" (p. 25^, 43-44). The same reasoning is later used by Guivret against Erec: "certes quant vous me aures occis

I'onneur sera pettite attendu que je n'ay ne hace n'espee et se vous ce faisies votre los en seroit moindre" (p. 2?ü, 27-29) • This rule of con­ duct is one of i^ich the Burgundians had to be constantly reminded.

The same holds true in Cliges. It is the idea of honor that the ençeror of Constantinople invokes when he tries to convince Thantalis not to be sad about Alixandre's departure: "se dieu et fortune lui sont en ayde a son aduenement i l est digne d'estre promeu a haulte loange bien et honneur dont vous deues auoir grant joie d'auoir porte fruit de tant grant vallue" (p. 284, 35-38). Katner than lamenting the fact that her son is leaving, she should be glad that he is likely to gain honor iriiile in Britain and be proud to be the mother of such a son.

Alixandre him self b rin g s up th e question when he req u ests King Ar­ 164 thur to dub him: "je te prie qu'il te plaise par ta grace moy adouber se je suis propice ad ce . et dieux doint que ce soit a mon honneur et a ton proffit" (p. 292, 2-4). Alixandre, of course, remembers his speci­ f i c purpose in coming to B rita in —to become a knight a t th e hand o f King

Arthur himself. The treason of the count of Windsor gives him the de­ sire and the opportunity to begin his active service as a knight, the re­ sult of which w ill hopefully be Alixandre's honor and Arthur's profit.

The result is, of course, as expected. In the battle with Windsor's men, Alixandre makes four prisoners: "Alixandre entre lez aultres prist quatre des plus asseures cheualiers et a son honneur et grant loange s'en retourna de ceste escremie deuers le roy et la reyne qui bien I'auoient veu besongnier" (p. 294, 7-9) • The writer emphasizes Alixandre's honor here ty adding to it the synonym loange Isee also his father's statement above). The young knight's honor is further increased by the fact that the king and queen saw him at work, and w ill be complete when he presents his prisoners to his lady Guenievre.

King Arthur is likewise concerned about maintaining his honor. In offering the golden cup to the knight who will perform most valiantly during the siege of Windsor castle, he further states that "s'il est che­ ualier qu'il ne saura demander chose nulle qui ne lui soit ottroiee . ex­ cepte sa couronne et chose qui soit touchant encontre son honneur et aul­ tre rien ne reserue il" (p. 296, 3-5)• These words are almost identical to those qioken by Slide's father when Erec was about to request her hand in marriage: "Ja dieux ne plaise, respondi le cheualier, que je soie mal de vous par non vous vouloir acorder vne demande pourueu que ce ne soit contre mon honneur" (p. 256, 42-257, 1). This seems to be a very common 165

restriction idien determining to give a gift and grant a request to some­

one.

It is significant, furthermore, that one of the pieces of advice

>diich Alixandre gives Cliges when he thinks his death is near, is to

think of his honor: "Cliges mon filz le resioissement de mon cuer •

soies seur que tu ne paruendras ja a honneur se tu ne vas seruir le roy

Artus" (p. 304, 8-10). This recalls Alixandre's own youth and his de­

cision to go to Brittany to become a knight; it is natural that he

should wish his only son to follow in his footsteps, even more so now

since his uncle Gauvain is the number one knight. Chivalry is still at

its finest at Arthur's court.

In Cliges* encounter with the duke of Sscnny, the question of honor

is evoked on two occasions. Fenice, who is witness to the combat, de­

cides that "se son ami a son honneur ne isse de son entreprise . elle se

occirra elles mesmes se mourir ne puelt de couroux" (p. 316, 3)» This

reminds us of a parallel situation in Erec then Enide conterçlates sui­

cide. The details are similar: the two kni^ts fight because of their

love for their ladies; thus, the ladies feel personally responsible for

the safety of their loved ones; when they think that their knights are

in danger, dead or vanquished, they prefer suicide to facing the conse­

quences alone.

In the combat, Cliges is forced by the duke of Saxony to touch his

knee to the ground. At this point Fenice cries out, proving her love

for him. Hearing her cry, Cliges "non obstant qu'il ait mis le genoul

a terre . il le relieue et le ressourt vistement et comme cil qui es­ poirs d'auoir vne fois guerredon de son seruice et qui ne chasse qu'a 166 auoir bruit et honneur . il s'esuertue..." (p. 316, 22-25)• This, too, reminds us of idiat was said about Erec and Gauvain when they were about to undertake a toumey. Also, as with Erec and Enide, Cliges* perfor­ mance and strength is dependent on a proof of Fenice*s love for him.

Althou^ the other female protagonists do not seem overly concerned with their honor, F&ice—who thinks of her reputation and what people will say—mentions hers several times. She thinks of Cliges, for in­ stance, as of one who risked possible danger in order to save her honor

(p . 317, 4 3 )f vdien she explains to Cliges about the potion which Alix drank on his wedding night and her determination to keep herself for

Cliges, she speaks of “mon honneur sauue" (p. 325, 3) • Even the Salemo doctors try to influence the empress by “prometans de vostre honneur garder en toux cas" (p. 331, 19-20).

3*8. From Ghrestien, our fifteenth-century romances bave inherited certain ideals of courtly conduct; this is particularly true since the

Burgundian dukes wished to emulate and foster the use of chivalric beha­ vior. However, this was often challenged by the more practical values of the fifteenth century; thus, the courtly manners are sometimes por- 13 trayed in a different light in our prose texts. Jens Rasmussen sees two tendencies in the French narrative prose of the period we are con­ sidering; "une tendance aristocratique et chevaleresque qui continue les aspirations littéraires de la littérature courtoise des XIII^ et e XIV siècles, et une tendance anticourtoise. Celle-ci marque parfois

1 3 Op. c i t . . p . 155* 167 l'avènement du bourgeois, mais se joue le plus souvent a l 'intérieur du milieu courtois, prenant la forme d'une reaction contre la sensibilité qui avait inspiré la chevalerie de l'époque créatrice

The interest of the Burgundian dukes in tourneys and other forms of knightly activities, as we have seen, reflects their desire to prolong an age of chevalry whose values are no longer relevant in a country pre­ sently in the throes of the Hundred Years' Whr. It is precisely these tourneys upon which our prose writers chose to elaborate.

Again, as we have seen, the chivalric ideal of honor was constantly in the minds of our protagonists, from King Arthur himself down to Eni­ de's father, The ways in which honor may be achieved is clearly out­ lined, and our heros at times must be reminded of certain rules pertain­ ing to the acquisition of this most cherished possession: it is earned through showing one's superiority at tourneys, but not in any case by gaining a victory over a defenseless opponent.

Furthermore, the knight—according to the rules of courtly beha­ vior—must serve a lady and defend and protect maidens in time of trou­ ble. These are both clearly demonstrated in Erec» in the episode of

Yder's aggressive dwarf. Erec, in pursuing Yder and the dwarf, is both serving the queen, as he does so at her request, and avenging the wrong done to Guenievre's maiden. This is made even more obvious when he sends Yder back to the court to give him self over in to th e queen* s ser­ vice, which, as we have seen, is the traditional treatment of prisoners in courtly romances. Secondly, in Erec. we have the episode of the mai­ den ^om Erec and Enide find crying in the woods because two giants have carried off her beloved. Here the prose adapter twice emphasizes, in 1 6 8

Erec's exchange with the two giants, that he is serving the maiden; he pursues them "pour 1'amour et bonne querelle de sa dame . a qui je suis

seruiteur" and "pour la clamour requests et suplicacion de sa lealle amie" (p. 282, 11-12, 16-17).

Interesting is the fact that Erec performs none of his knightly adventures in Enide* s service. In fact, all of his adventures are done to test her, rather than to honor or serve her. Even before the parole, in the sparrow-hawk episode, he is acting more to gain honor for him­ self than to celebrate and honor Enide*s beauty, as I4s. Wallen has so lA" aptly pointed out.

In a scene that recalls that of the maiden idxose beloved had been carried off by two giants, Cliges finds a maiden in an isolated spot, crying because of the absence of her beloved. In contrast to the epi­ sode in Erec, Cliges does not undertake any dangerous adventures to save the young knight in question. Rather, he assures her that "dieux vous aydera . car il est juste et raisonnable" (p. 322, 30). The one speci­ fic thing he does is to give her news of the young knight: "La damoiselle preste de respondre lui nomma son ami duquel Cligez auoit bonne congnois­ sance e t lu i en d i s t du bien beaucovç»" (p . 322, 33-3^) •

Contrary, also, to Erec, Cliges does take risks and carxy out dan­ gerous adventures because of his love for Fenice: he had to do combat with the duke of Saxony, for exarple. We also recall that Fenice praised him as the "tresgentil cheualier qui pour mon honneur sauuer par plu­ seurs fois s’est mis en aduenture ou dangler de mort" (p. 317, 42-44).

14 Op. cit., p. Jd'/ff. 169

Certainly, Cliges is completely at Fenice’s command, as far as the pre­

paration of the hideaway and the orchard is concerned.

The shirt into which Soredamours wove one of her golden hairs is

also part of the courtly tradition, as the knight very often carried

something belonging to his lady into battle as a sort of sign or good

luck charm. Alixandre at first does not know vdio made the shirt, but

once he does, it becomes the qmbol of his love and brings out his feel­

ings, although it has no particular role in the battle.

The courtly theme of the knight being revived by the sight (or

sound) of his lady is also present in our two romances: Erec (p. 259» 11-

12)f Cliges (p. 316, Ibff«). Thus, we would disagree with Ms. Wallen's

statement that "according to the adapter, Erec has his own merit and does

not owe any of his worth to Enide's inspiration, an idea Wiich manifests

itself in the adaptation of the sparrow hawk episode."

Although Ms. Wallen finds that "There is only one inportant ves­

tige of courtly love in the adaptation [of Erecl. and that is the casting of the courtly knight as 'le serviteur des dames,'" several other remarks

concerning the portrayal of love are called for.

Enide's inner soul-searching when she is trying to decide whether or not she should warn Erec of an approaching danger, as we have seen, 17 sometimes resembles the type of question debated in the Courts of love; is it better to obey and be silent or disobey and speak? In order to

^ Op. c i t . . p . 125*

I b id .

17 Cf. Huizinga, op. cit.. pp. 121-122. 170

create the "give and take" atmosphere of such a dehate, the adapter con­

fronts our heroine with the allegorical personification Amours who asks

her: "Aimes tu mieulx laissier le sousprendre « et occire que le faire

sage des larrons qui lui ont sa mort juree." Enide's response is, of

course, an immediate "Nennil certes" (p. 271# 18-20).

The very fact that Amours is presented as an allegorical personi­

fication in the tradition of Guillaume de Dorris is an indication of the

w riter's desire to carry on this representation of courtly love. As

such, we have seen that Love is depicted as a god with golden arrows

with \diich he wounds his victims CErec p. 257, 23-26; Cliges p. 2dy, 21).

As the courtly lover, the lovers of the prose adaptations suffer physi­

cal and mental discomfort (Erec p. 257» 23-26; Cliges p. 290, 13-15) «

Amours, as in courtly love, must be served and, thus, has his servants

(Cliges p. 309» 30-31» P* 317» 40-41). Love also has a certain code of

behavior that his servants must follow, although this is different from

that outlined by Guillaume de Lorris (3.4.). It is noteworthy that this

code of behavior, mentioned by Soredamours in Cliges. includes loyalty

and obedience—qualities which would apply equally well, if not better,

to the situation in Erec. Had Enide, after all, been completely loyal

to Erec, she would have defended him against the accusations of the

court ladies; had she been obedient, she would not have spoken when he ordered her to be silent. Of course, in the end, her disobedience proved her true love for him. The courtly rules of elegance and gaiety were probably considered slightly frivolous by the fifteenth-century audience; lack of pride was s till considered essential when we recall

Enide's self-accusation on this point; the neglect of largesse is per- 171

haps the most surprising omission.

Die main way in Wiich love, as it is depicted in our fifteenth-

century romances, differs from the Occitan ideal of courtly love is that

it is presented within the context of marriage. This is contrary to the

typical situation in courtly love, where marriage was impossible, usual­

ly because the lady was already married. Vftiile Ghrestien did try to reconcile the demands of marriage and those of the knightly existence, that marriage and the raising of a family was the logical and obvious purpose of love, as far as the fifteenth-century adapter(sj! is concerned» is demonstrated by the original endings of the prose Erec and prose Cli­ ges. In both cases, the hero marries and becomes a proud "père de fa­ mille" : "le roi Erec prist hommage et feaulte de ses nobles et vesqui de­ puis saintement et glorieusement auec sa belle dame la reyne Enide de la­ quelle il eust pluseurs beaux enfans" (Erec p. 294, 2-4); "il [Cliges et

Fenice] furent tant araes de dieu qu'ilz eurent de beaux enfans" (Cliges p. 33d, 17-ld)• in fact, the sens of the prose Erec would seem to be the demonstration of the importance of love and loyalty in marriage. It may be argued that the situation is Cliges is more courtly, as Cliges loves Fenice who is "married" to Alix. However, the adapter takes great pains to explain to us that, because of the potion, no "marriage" in fact exists and that, since she has been promised to the emperor of Constanti­ nople, Fenice ought to be married to Cliges, as that position is right­ fu lly h i s .

Ihe writer of the prose Erec also shows us another form of love which does not correspond to the highest ideal of courtly love. This is the more physical expression of love as demonstrated by the knight 172

vho begs Enide to be his "amie." Having heard about the young couple

from his squire, he wishes to see them, because "tout le cuer lui euure

de joie pour la belle dame. Il lui samble bien s*elle voit sa belle fa­

çon d'omme qu*elle l'aymera" (p. 273, 35-37). It is quite apparent that he has thoughts in his mind other than honoring a fellow knight. He

loses no time in gaining permission to speak to Enide, his excuse being that he wishes to help her pass the time, as she seems "pensifue" (p.

274, 4). He approaches her "en riant couuertement" (p. 274, 6), which

should already te ll our heroine that his intentions are not completely honorable. Vhen she responds to his courteous bowing, "le seigneur est plus espris d* amours que deuant" (p. 274, 8-9). Later, he threatens to k ill her, "tellement I'enflamboie amours enragee qu'il samble bien qu'il doie faire merueilles" (p. 274, 38-39) • No wonder Enide agrees to his proposalI However, even this is much less explicit than Ghrestien's t e x t .

Certain practical elements also tend to make our prose romances concrete and less courtly. There is, first of all, the concern with money. Vhen we meet Enide, after learning that her beauty is incompa­ rable, we learn that "elle estoit pourement paree" (p. 255. 32). There follows the father's e:g)lanation of why his daughter is "simplement atoumee" (p. 256, 8-18), in whidi he explains what "pourete" can do to someone: although he had been powerful, he was now a "trespoure homme" and it bothers him to see his daughter "si pourement aduestue." Fortu­ nately, even though she is "poure," this has not affected her nobility.

It is as though he is on the defensive, making excuses for the way his daughter is dressed. This note is taken up by Erec when he decides to 173

take Enide to court. His reaction lAen it is suggested that her cousin

provide her with more appropriate clothing is significant: he refuses

"car, dist il, je I’ayme autant en ses poures habis • qu'en plus rices"

(p. 262, 3-4). The same is true when he presents her to the queen:

"Hadame je vos amine ceans ma belle amie qui meschanment est atoumee,

non obstant toutes uoies qu'elle est de noble generacion.. jnais nonpour-

tant ne l'aime je pas moins, ains la tiens ausi chier comme s'elle es­

to it plus ricement atournee" (p. 262, W-42; p. 263, 2-3) •

The question o f money and rem uneration a lso comes up in th e episode

in which the squire offers Erec and Enide food and wine. We recall that

the young couple, having spent the night in the forest, meet a squire who is bringing cheese and wine to the men who are harvesting in the fields. It is curious that, immediately upon seeing Erec and Enide, he offers them whatever they need: "Sire cheualier qui erres par ceste ter­ re s 'il vous fault pain ne vin ne l'espargnyes point, car en vecy a lar­ gesse et ad ce que je voy vous aues grant nécessite de reffeccion pren­ dre" (p. 273, 4-6). Erec, apparently, feels that such an offer is not made without some sort of remuneration being suggested and thus replies:

"Amis, dist Erec, je vous remercie et ad ce que vous ne cuidies pas que je soie reffusant vostre presentacion j'en prenderay voulentiers moien- nant digne satiffacion de deniers ou de chose qui le vauldra" (p. 273»

7-9)• This is a charming little scene, and, although one may criticize

Erec's lack of faith in the sincerity of the squire's offer, it certain­ ly adds a note of practicality to the romance. The barter and exchange for goods and services was a part of everyday life . We know that the squire did not receive any "deniers"; he rather accepted one of the 174 h o rse s .

Another scene in which we see the increased is^rtance of the value of money is in Cliges» Wiere the writer is discussing the agreement reached AHxandre and Alix. As we recall» at the death of the empe­ ror of Constantinople and Thantalis, Alix, believing his brother to be dead because of a false report, has himself crowned ençeror, although he is the younger son. On Alixandre's return to Constantinople, the brothers reach an agreement “que Alix porteroit seulement la couronne et jamaix ne prendroit femme . et Alixandre d'aultre part aroit les proffis et seroit honnoure comme empereur . moiennant certaine somme de deniers qu'il deliureroit a Alix son frere durant sa vie chascun an“

(p. 304g 1-4). The reason for Alix* s never marrying is obvious, as it would leave the title of emperor available to Alixandre*s son(s) at the time of Alix* s death; the reason for Alixandre*s being treated and honored as enperor is also clear, since he is the elder son and thus should rightfully be emperor. The reason for the exchange of “deniers" is less apparent. We have no reason to think that Alix really needs this money; it is rather, perhaps, that an agreement is more official, more binding, if some money changes hands. If this is true, it certain­ ly reveals something concerning the Burgundian mentality.

That men w ill frequently do something for the financial condensa­ tion involved is also evident in Cliges. When, seeing Fenice sick, Alix offers to sent for the doctors, Fenice replies: "Médecins . dieux 1 dist

Fenice. Hellas sire estez vous saoule de ma vie et me voulez vous mettre es mains de ceulx qui pour 1* amour de vostre argent auoir mourir me feront?" (p. 32Ü, 31-33). Of course, only pretending to be sick. 175

Fenice has other reasons for not wishing to be examined and treated by the doctors. Alix, a rich man, is apparently convinced by this argument­

ât least temporarily—and does not persist. Ironically, Fenice*s fears are well-founded, as is demonstrated in the episode of the Salerno doc­ tors. When the traveling doctors suspect that the empress is not dead and offer to treat her, Alix says; "Dieux te doint grace de bien beson- gnier et s’il est ainsi que tu m’as dit je te ferai rice homme et te donrray la plus part de mon trésor ou sinon vif escorcier ou pendre te ferai" (p. 370, 41-43)» The doctors, naturally, accept these conditions, and in their zeal to obtain a part of the ençeror’s fortune do, indeed, almost kill Fenice. It is only her love for Cliges that sustains her through the unbearaole tortures.

Along with their interest in money and finances, the men of the fifteenth century were apparently also impressed by all that conveyed the feeling of richness and lavishness—such as fine jewels, furs and rich fabrics. Such richness was especially typical of the Burgundian lb court, reports huizinga: "It is well known how much importance the dukes attached to the magnificence of their household...Charles the Bold, especially, had the passion of magnificence." These jewels, furs and fabrics, combined in an ideal of simple elegance, creates an impression of beauty, in and of itself. To this point, we would cite the descrip­ tion of how Enide is dressed by Queen Guenievre: "puis Ini fu deliuree vne cotte sinple, es poignes de laquelle auoit plus de demi marc d’or bien ouure et enuironne de piererie rubis saphirs esmeraudes et deamans" lü Op. cit.. p. 41. 176

(p, 263» 16-IW). In contrast to the simplicity of the "cotte" we have

the richness of the gold work and the precious stones which the adapter

is careful to identify as rubies, emeralds, sapphires and diamonds—

indeed, some of the most precious. Interesting, too, is the fact that he specifies the amount and value of the gold worked into this elegantly

sing)le garment. He continues: "Sur celle cotte fu elle vestue d'une robe fourree d* ermines, puis luy fu affuble le manteau ouure de chief en chief et estoffe de toutes choses dieux scet quellement" (p. 263* 1^

20). A fur usually associated with royalty, ermine is the logical choice of the adapter for the decoration of Enide's dress. But this is not a ll—on her head is a golden hat: "Puis vindrent deux demoiselles qui le chief aflXiOierent d'un chapeau d'or ouure subtillement de toutes les maniérés de fleurs que l'en scaroit demander. Ouitre plus lui char­ gèrent le col d'un rice collier et tant bien l 'adoubèrent que james n'auoit este veue plus belle dame" (p. 263* 20-24). The adverb "subtil­ lement" emphasizes once again the ideal of single elegance. The rich necklace conpletes the picture and, although we have been told how beau­ tifu l our heroine is—even in her poor clothing—a ll this adornment seems necessary to create the impression "que james n»auoit este veue plus belle dame."

The list of gifts which Enide receives on her arrival in Erec's kingdom also serves to create an impression of richness. Here the enpha- sis is on the precious metals—gold, silver—and rich fabrics: "Ils lui donnèrent coupes esguieres flacons pos pintes bachins d'or et d'argent draps de toutes sortes de soie de velloux de damas de satin de pourpre"

(p. 268, 3-5)• Certainly, as the writer is careful to point our, these 177 are gifts fit for a queen or princess. Since the writer reports that these gifts were given by "nobles et paysans," one might question how many of them the peasants were able to give to the young bride. The adapter, of course, does not concern himself with such problems; he is only concerned with creating the impression that she was received ro y a lly .

Another scene in which the richness of detail is apparent is the description of the hideaway provided by Jehan for Cliges and Fenice.

Appealing once more to our sense of sight, the writer tells us that

"Jehan le mena es sales verres et paintes d'or d'azur d'argent de sino- ple violet vermeil voire et de toutes couleurz" (p. 327, 23-25). ïhis veritable rainbow of colors also includes those which evoke the rich metals—gold, silver. The door of the hideaway is of marble (p. 327,

27). Entering, "ilz trouuerent belles fontaines doulces et cleres comme argent raachonnees de porfire a manierez de pipes . entailliez de plus de cent façons de diuerses bestez et oiseaux . qui par leurz gueu­ lez rendoient l 'eaue de cez fontaines" (p. 327, 30-33) • This descrip­ tion, which again depends on a visual ingression, is completed by

"baingz estuues piscines chambres vaultees cleres et plaisanz garnies de lis encortines et de mestierz a ouurer de soye" (p. 327, 3^-36).

The fifteenth-century writer obviously realized than the practical minds of his Burgundian audience would question—and rightly so—how a mere servant could find the time and the money to undertake and complete such an ambitious project. Furthermore, what possible use could he have for such a place? The adapter answers these questions as follows; "I'ou- urier qui estoit soubtil auoit trouue en ceste maison vne minière d'ar- 178

gent par la vendicion de laquelle il s'estoit gouueme bien .vii j . ans

sans entendre se non a son ouurage (et auoit pou daultre chose et) auec

ce auoit il trouue ce lieu vaulte de prime face . si n'auoit en a faire

si non a agencyr et a y faire besongnes soubtillez pour soi racheter

vne fois du seruage ou il estoit" (p. 327, 40-44).

Thus, we can see with Jens Rasmussen that "C'est son caractère

visuel qui est le trait le plus remarquable de la représentation réa- e t liste du XV siecle." The passages we have just discussed exemplify

another aspect of fifteenth-century style: "Dans la description des

choses, le réalisme des détails est très poussé, mais la reproduction

est surtout quantitative. Au lieu de définir a fond un aspect des

ê 20 choses, les écrivains aiment a accumuler les objets." Reality seems

to be expressed by the quantity of gold, silver and precious stones in

Enide's dress, by the number of gifts given to her at her arrival in

Erec's kingdom, by the enumeration of colors, fountains, baths, pools,

rooms etc. in Jehan*s secret hideaway. The process seems to be one of

filling the visual field with objects.

In apparent contradiction to this tendency is the opposite one of

refusing to enumerate certain details. As we have seen, lists of

knights present at various court functions are in every case less exten­

sive in the prose romances than in the twelfth-century original. Con­

cerning the festivities viiich accompanied the wedding of Erec and Enide,

we read: "Des mets, entremets, vin, ypocras ne fera nulle mencion nostre

19 Op. cit.. p. 1 5 1 .

^ I b id . 179

compte • car ce seroit trop longue chose a descripre et aussi chascun

puelt bien pencer et considérer que l'en ne les saroit dire. Des chan­

teurs harpeurs taburins menestreuls joueurs d'aparloise trompettes bui-

sines clarons et aultres pluseurs instrunniens ne ferons nous pour loing

racomptement" (p. 265» 4^9)• However, it is obvious that even in his

supposed refusal to enumerate, for reasons of concision, the writer sup­

plies the reader with a list of nouns which are general enough to stimu­

late the reader's imagination, yet specific enough to create the desired

atmosphere. The same can be said of the descriptions of the heros and

heroines. When we read of Cliges that "De nes bouce yeuljc sourcils

front corps gambes et bras estoit il tant bien tourne . que nature en

vng million d'hommes ne sauroit aduenir a en faire vng de telle four[m]e

. n'estoit ce par la permission de cellui dieu a oui rien n'est inços-

sible" (p. 306, 2-5), we are at liberty to imagine our hero according to

our own concept of physical beauty; yet the adapter has mentioned eight

specific and tangible parts of his body.

Do the prose adaptations, then, demonstrate the fifteenth century's

concern with detail, and does this love of detail correspond to their

prose form? In their choice of details, our writers would seem to be

very selective. Our comparison of the verse and prose versions of Erec

and Cliges has shown over and over that in most cases Ghrestien is more

specific than the prose adaptations. Yet, in certain areas, the prose writers are more concrete. This is particularly true where the motiva­ tion of a character's actions is concerned, in the descriptions of such

knightly activities—such as tourneys—which were especially in favor with the members of the Burgundian court, and the rich and lavish side ]B0 of the courtly life, and in the practical details of everyday life. In the interest of concision, many details are left to the imagination of the fifteenth-century reader. The fact that we are dealing with a reading public is important here, as it is only such a public that could stop and reflect on what it had just read without the fear of missing the next episode of the narration.

3 .9. The didactic nature of our mises en prose is demonstrated by the proverbs or maxims tdiich are sometimes used to illustrate a particu­ lar episode of the romance. There are three such sayings, all of idiich— curiously—are in the prose Erec. Does this indicate that the story of Erec lends itself more readily to moralizing than does that of Cliges?

Does it inply perhaps that different writers were responsible for the two adaptations and that maxims were part of one's style and not of the other's? Although, as we shall show, the prose adaptation of Cliges picks up Biblical allusions less consistently than does that of Erec. we tend to feel that the difference in frequency of these proverbs is due to the nature of the tale itself: the testing of Enide by her young hus­ band provides a perfect opportunity for moralizing; Cliges is perhaps less adaptable to such a purpose. However, the very similar endings of the two romances certainly prove that the writer (s) had a didactic pur­ pose in mind. Both romances stress the ideal of love and faithfulness in a Christian marriage which is blessed with children as a gift from

God.

The writer uses the first maxim to warn the reader that something is going to happen tx) disturb the idyllic relationship of Erec and I f l l

Enide. Following the wedding, we read: "Enide fu grandement honnoree et bien aymant son seigneur Erec dieux les entretiengne en leur amour . mais il n*est si bon cheual qui ne chope comme ^ res sera dit" (p. 265» 21 31-33) • Having just been married, the young newlyweds are very much in love and at this point think that nothing could ever possibly happen to make their relationship less than perfect. The adapter even expres­ ses the wish that God keep their love as it is. However, as he knows, even the best horse may stumble and, perhaps, fa ll. Being human, Erec and Enide—de spite their great love for one another—are likely to change with time and sentiments other than love may come to the surface.

He is, of course, looking ahead to the time ^en Ehide will confront her husband with his alleged recreantise. He is actually looking three

"chapters" ahead, since between the warning and the actual fact he in­ serts the tourney following the wedding in which Erec excels, his de­ parture from Britain and return to his own kingdom. His is not a story, he warns, in viiich the couple will live h^pily ever after.

The second proverb is also one taken from the animal world. Re­ gretting that she has spoken the unfortunate parole. Enide says: "helm las fortune m*auoit trop bonnement adrescie et en trop grand exellence j'estoie honnouree quant par vng soubit admonnestement de uerite estre exillee me conuendra. Certes le prouerbe est bien vray qui dist: Tant 22 grate chieure que mal gist" (p. 269, 25-28). The meaning here is ob­ viously that people do not recognize vdien they are fortunate and well-

21 This proverb is got found in Joseph >forawski. Proverbes Français antérieurs au XV siècle (Paris: Champion, 1925). Cf. "Il n'est chevaux qui n'ait itiehaim," op. c it.. p. 33. 22 torawski, p.83 . 1B2 off; in trying to better or change their situation, they frequently make it worse* This is certainly true of Enide*s case; by marrying

Erec she had bettered herself socially and economically; but she was not content and because of her pride ^read the court gossip concerning

Erec wiich would result in her being tested by her husband* The image

suggested by the maxim is the habit, which maqy animals share, of

scrying and scratching and pawing tne materials on the ground in order to prepare a place to lie and rest* The implication is that, the harder they work to prepare a comfortable spot, the less comfortable it may become, with the result that the animal "mal gist*" Do not try to change good circumstances, warns the adapter; the change is frequently for the worse*

The final saying has nothing to do with animals; rather, it exem­ plifies one of the characteristics of love. In trying to decide whe­ ther to warn Erec of the fact that Guivret le Petit is pursuing him,

Enide weighs her love against the possible harm which Erec may do her if she again disobeys him, she concludes: "car quelque mal que mon sei­ gneur me face jamais je ne le pourroie hayr . pour ce dist on je n’en doubt mie: Cil qui bien aime tart oublie* Et quant est de moy, mon amour est tellement fermee et enclose que s’il me faisoit toux les mauls du monde, je le s porteroye v o u le n tie rs pour l ’amour de luy" (p . 23 277, U>-15) • fh is maxim c le a rly îçip lies to Enide h e rs e lf ra th e r than to Erec* She is saying that if she really loves Erec, idiatever he may do to her cannot change that love; true love is not easily nor

23 fcrawski, p. 67* 183 quickJy forgotten and can endure many pains and hardships. When she does, indeed, speak, it is clear that Erec also understands the since­ rity of Enide's love for him; “Car il congnoit pai’ ezperience qu'elle

I'ayme par telle amour que nulle plus grande ne puet estre, car ceste amour ne craint deffence n'aultre chose, ains est ardant tant qu'elle vainct tout" (p. 277, 18-21).

I t i s s ig n ific a n t to note th a t th e re are two maxims in G hrestien not picked up by the adapter(s), one in the Joie de cort episode

C“Teus cuide avoir/ Le jeu joe, qui puis le pert" "—Erec, 11. 392^5923) and the other at the time of Cliges' second encounter with Archades

("Mais teus cuide, se il li loist/ Vangier sa honte, qui I'acroist"--

Cügès. 11. 293^ 2932). The prose writer(s) perhaps thought that tnese would no longer be understood by his fifteenth-century audience, or that they were not e^ecialJy relevant for the new sens which he wished to give his romance(s).

The didactic nature of the mises en prose is further emphasized by Biblical allusions. Again, some of these are original to the prose adaptations, others found in Ghrestien are not picked up.

The most iiiportant original contribution in this area as far as the prose Erec is concerned is when Enide evokes Solomon's charge that women cause the downfall of men (see 2.2.23.). The prose writer fur­ thermore conçares Erec's beauty to that of King David's son, Absalon

(see 2.2.4.).

Ihe most significant omission of Biblical references in Cliges is that of Saint Paul's admonition concerning the fact that one should act in such a way as to appear blameless in the eyes of our neighbors m

(see 2*4.57.)• Clives» adapter also failed to pick up the comparison of Fenice to Solomon* s wife vdio so hated her husband that she pretended to be dead (see 2.4. 63). Tne prose writer undoubtedly felt that such references were too vague, and thus decided not to incorporate them in­ to his romance. He did, however, on the occasion of Cliges* encounter with the twelve Saxons who are guarding Fenice, conçare our hero's strength to that of Samson (p. 314, 27}•

Thus, we can see that there is a decided difference in the use of maxims and Biblical allusions in our two prose texts. Although they both had a didactic purpose, the moral of Erec is perhaps more generally applicable than that of Cliges. In Cliges. the adapter was quite clear­ ly portraying a model which his duke could emulate; it is natural, then, that his one allusion to a Biolical source should conçare a Biblical hero to his own hero. References to general modes of conduct (Saint

Paul) or comparisons of other characters to Biblical ones (Fenice:

Solomon* s wife) were rejected for the same reason. Although Erec is likewise a character worthy of emulation, his testing of Enide leads to more general proverbs which apply more universally (the nature of women, human n a tu re as a w hole).

I f Erec i s ric h e r as f a r as maxims and proverbs are concerned,

Cliges shows more interest in the natural world.

Vfe have seen, of course, that two of the proverbs quoted in Erec are based on observations of the natural world. The one original addi­ tion to the text appears in the episode in which Erec defends Enide's right to the sparrow-hawk. Between the two parts of the contest with the "eneiry" knight Erec rests, seated "sur la praerie qui verdoie par 185 joieux herbages" (p. 259» 3Û-U)* "eniny la prayerie" (fol. 201b) • Al­ though this is not a precise description of the setting, it is important from several points of view. First, such a refreshing spot contrasts with the bloody battle scenes on either side of it. Second, the

"joieux herbages" are in opposition to the attitudes of the two contes­ tants, who at this point are anything but joyous. Third, the descrip­ tion appeals to our sense of sight, the green of the praerie against the blood which has been shed. This predominance of the sense of sight is a trait which the writers share with the artists of the fifteenth centu- 24 ry—Jan Van JJyck, fo r in sta n c e . While i t i s claimed th a t E re c 's strength is renewed by the sight of his beloved, it is also likely that this atmosphere did much to improve his psychological attitude and his physical condition.

The only other nature description in Erec is that of the orchard in the joie de cort episode. Here, again, the details are missing. King

Evrain tells Erec sinply that "illec a vng vergier ouquel jamaix yuer ne este n*a defaulte de nouueau fruit no de fleurs" (p. 287, 12- 13); the fruits and the flowers are not named. This detail is necessary, furtherw more, to explain how Mabonagrein and the maiden can stay there year in and year out. Later, "Erec entra en ce plaisant lieu bel aorne de fleurs arbres et telles besongnes et quant il fu vng petit auant il trouua vng arbre chargie de testes de cheualiers, ouquel pendoit vng cor" (p. 288,

8-11). Besides trees and flowers, nature here is reduced to "telles be­ songnes." Again, the mention of the tree on which are the heads of the

24 Cf. Huizinga, op. cit.. p. 284. 186 unsuccessful contestants for the joie de cort is indi^ensable to the

e:q)lanation of Wiy the maiden is being guarded by Mabonagrein in such a place. Furthermore, this cannot truly be considered as a natural set­ ting; its purpose is rather to create a supernatural and mysterious at- mo^here to coiqplenient the supernatural episode for vpdvich i t provides the setting. This contrasts sharply with the art of the period, in which much attention is given to rendering the landscapes in naturalis­ tic detail (e.g. the Van Eÿcks* "Virgin and Child with the Chancellor

R o lin ")•

The orchard provided by Jehan for Cliges and Fenice is quite dif­ ferent: "ilz prendent a regarder ce plaisant [vergier] pare de toutes façons de fleurs ou millieu duquel a vne ente florie duite par telle ma­ niéré que lez brances de verdure et belles fleurz couuertes descendent p ar coiqpas jusques a te r r e rendans vng gracieux vmbre a vng p r a ie l b e l ouure . qui est scitue emuiron la circuite ou rondeur du maistre estoc de 1* ente autant grandement que lez rainceaux de l 'ente s* e^ardent"

(p. 335» 34-39)* This orchard is clearly constructed to provide the maximum amount of comfort for the young couple; the greenery and flowers create a pleasant atmosphere for the consummation of their love, and the writer is careful to provide shade against the noonday sun. The adapter seems especially interested in the flowers growing here; he specifies that they are "margerittez" (p. 335* 40) and later speaks again of the

"bellez fleurettes" (p. 335» 43-336, 1)• The pleasure of our hero and heroine is increased by the stream vdiich the writer is careful to pro­ vide for the watering of the flowers: "un ruisseau venant dez fontaines du lieu vautis qui cour de si bonne façon que 1* eaue samble argentee 187 dont ces deux amans se delictent grandement a velor ce lieu serain priue

et mieux conduit que nul aultre" (p • 335 » 40-43) •

C liges, of course, provided this orchard in req)onse to Fenice's

request and her lyrical hymn to spring and nature* Vfe recall that "elle

sentist le tampz resioir . lez vens abaissier et les oisillons chanter

diuersement et mellodieusement a cause des belles robez • dont ilz

veioient aux arbrez prendre liuree dez dons de nature" (p. 335 » 5 -b ) •

She then goes on to distinguish a particular bird—the nightingale (p.

335» 8). This causes her to praise nature as, despite the fact that she

is isolated from everything and everyone except Cliges, she is moved by

the return of spring; "lez bestes insensibles mesmement en leur entende­

ment considérant la pourete qu'ilz ont soufferte durans lez briefz jourz

et longues nuys d'iuer . et pour le bien qu'ilz espoirent a auoir ilz

s'esioissent en ce commencement" (p. 335» 15-18) • Finally, she mentions

the trees xhich "se parent et aduestent de verdure donnans fleur z et

rainceaulx doulz et gracieux" (p. 335» 18-19) • The change of the sea­

sons, the song of the birds, the budding and blossoming of trees and flowers are all very poetically evoked here, as is their psychological

effect on both animals and humans.

IJature can also be used as a way of foretelling the possible out­

come of an event* We think of Alixandre's projected trip to Britain to

leam the arts of chivalry* We have already noted Thantalis' concern

for her son in undertaking such a journey; "Toutes voies ilz le con-

uoient a grosses larmes . jusques aux dicques de la mer. Ilz la voient

paisible * et amiable. En prendent sur ce bonne esperance" (p. 285» U"

13)* The sea being calm and "friendly," the emperor and empress are 188 optimisÆic about the successful completion of Alixandre*s trip, such is

the confidence they have in natural signs.

In another sense, we have also seen that nature is given credit for

the unusual beauty of the heros and heroines involved in our tales. This

is, first of all, true of Enide, of idiom we read that "nature asses auoit

en elle mis de beaulte pour vng m illier d*aultres" (Erec p. 255, 32-33^ •

The same is true of Fe^nice; "chascun disoit qu'il n*estoit pas possible a. nature • non obstant qu'elle soit soubtille . qu'elle sceust aduenir a

conçjoser de toutes choses vng chief d'euure pareil a ceste" (üligès p,

305 , 32- 25 ). Concerning Gligès, too, "les beaux donz de nature sam- bJoient en luy amasses" (Cliges p . 304, 41). Twice at the time of Fe­ nice's "death," death is accused of destroying one of nature's most per­ fect creations (Cliges p. 329, 45; p. 330, 19). Vfe have seen, in our des­

cription of the heroines of the prose versions that physical beauty is their only outstanding quality, and that their moral character is ne­ glected. This is again reflected in our discussion of nature's role in their creation; nature is only given credit, among the male protagonists, for Cliges' perfection. This makes even more ironic the claim, by the knight who begged Enide to love him, that; "moy qui cuide estre le plus parfait des euures de nature seroie tout joieux s 'il vous p laisoit moy auoir si bien en vostre Donne grace que j'eusse licence de moy esbanoier auecque vous" (Erec p . 2?4, üO-22). 25 Ihe Burgundian dulces' interest in hunting is reflected in tne episode in which King Artnur leaves Britain to go to Brittany. The pur-

25 C f. Richard Vaughn, Philip the Cood: The Aoogee o f Burgundy (New lork: Barnes and ibble, 19/0), pp. 149-150. 189 pose or the excursion is at first singijy identified as "jouer" (p. 28/,

1). Later, we are xoon more specifically that "Le roy met pie a terre

et a grant joie du peiq>le est conuoie en vng sien chasteau . ouquel il prent par pluseurs jourz son déduit en chasse de grosses bestez et en

gibier" (p. 288, 24-26). The love of the hunt was as great as that of the pageantry of the tourney and required much less elaborate prepara­ tion. In this connection, we might also mention Bertrand vdio was hunt­ ing viien he discovered Cliges and Fenice.

3.10. "Die style of our prose Erec and prose Cliges is dominated by what Jens Rasmussen calls the "style curial." The problem, states

Rasmussen, is that narrative prose in the fifteenth century lacked a stylistic tradition which could serve as its model: the roman and the nouvelle vrere not popular genres in Antiquity. Although the history of

French prose dates fix)m the thirteenth century, its use in chronicles did not encourage the development of a distinctive style: the events presented were more inçortant than the style in which they were presen­ ted. This led to an iitç»ersonal type of vocabulary and a simple sentence structure. "Cependant, au XV® siecle, le goût n*était plus à la sirpli­ cite et il était plus naturel que ce fût un style de prose pleinement réalisé qui faponnat d'une manière décisive la prose narrative. Ce mo- ' 27 dele d'un style de prose se trouvait réalisé dans le style curial."

The "style curial" is that style which had been elaborated by the curia

26 Op. cit.. p. 32ff, 27 Op. c i t . . p . 32. 190

Romana. administrative organ of the Roman Catholic Church, and idiich

was in turn imitated by the local ecclesiastical administrations* From

the Church, it passed to the lay sector of society and influenced

prose fiction. This is certainly not surprising, as it was the same

Church clerics idio were the writers of secular literature.

Vfe have already noted some aspects of the "style curial." For

example, we have seen that the style is "nominal." Vfe have seen this

in our romances where the writer(s) often give(s) extensive lists of nouns and in particular its application in descriptions of heros and heroines, where parts of the body are enumerated ( 3 »5 *)—o r ^ those of

court functions, such as the musicians 'viio entertained at the wedding 28 of Erec and Enide. Reports Rasmussen "Le style nominal est naturel dans les actes et diplômes parce qu'ils traitent en premier lieu d'ob­

jets et d'idées. Dans la littérature narrative, les formes nominales dominent dans les descriptions, qui sont souvent rédigées comme un in­ ventaire meme si l 'auteur présente une action." This impression of an inventory aptly describes the style of our prose romances. Connected 29 with the "style nominal" in our opinion is idiat Rasmussen classifies as "un effort pour épuiser le sujet." Vfe have noted (3.8.), further­ more, that the adapter at times depends on the reader's imagination to coDçlete the enumeration lAich he has started—in this way he is sure that nothing which the reader considers important w ill be omitted. 30 The "style curial" also provides, according to Rasmussen, "le

28 Op. cit.. p. 37. 29 Op . c i t . . p . 35» 191 modèle de termes de référence, qui sont devenus d'un usage si général

qu'il n'y a pour ainsi dire pas un texte de prose qui n'en soit par mar­

qué." These are terms such as ledit or dessusdit, which permit the rea­

der to place an action or character within the frame of reference pro­

vided by the narrative. Both of these phrases are found in our two

prose romances. In Erec we read, for example: "il respondi qu'il estoit

nomme Yder le fils Nuth et estoit comptent d'aler deuers la reyne et de

ce faire donna il foi a Erec . qui ne lui sceut plus que dire, ains le

laissa aler Erec après les choses dessus dictes" (p. 260, 14-16) and "au

dit jour de penthecouste l'arceuesque de Cantorbie e^ u sa les deux

amans Erec et Enide" (p. 264, 44-45). And in Cliges: "Comme dessus est

dit laissa Cliges ceux de Saxonne relouer l'un 1'aultre de la riuiere a

quoi i l les auoit abbatus" (p. 308, 29-30) and "Qy s'ensieult l'istoire du noble et vaillant empereur Cliges la quelle est deuisee en deux pe- titez parties c'est assauoir la premiere contient les fais du noble

Alixandre pere de Cliges et la seconde contient les aduentures dignes de memore qui aduindrent au dit Cliges filz de Soredamours" (p. 263, 10-

13) . These exarçles ail seem to have an official overtone about them: the final results of a battle, a wedding, the distribution of the sub­

ject matter of the story. 31 Another category, reports Rasmussen , is that formed by "Les mots appartenant a la sphère ' curiale'." Expressions such as c'est assauoir and son honneur saulve are so classified. It is highly significant that

^ Op* c i t . . p . 33*

Op. c i t . . p . 37* 192 these are never used by the adapter of Erec; on the other hand, in Cli­ ges we find 34 examples of c'est assauoir and 2 of son (mon) honneur sauue« Ms read, for instance: "La belle damoiselle dont nostre conpte fait mencion c'est assauoir Soredamours est assise ou bateau face a face deuant Alixandre" (p. 287, 17-3B), or "il me conuient rendre et faire ce qu'amours me anonce c'est assauoir beau samblant au plus gracieux damoi- sel qui soit soubz le ciel" (p. 290, 28-29), and "Et ouitre plus le roi lui prie qu'il le requiers d'aulcune chose et que le don ne saura estre si grant qu'il ne lui oltroie son honneur sauue" (p« 301, 25 - 2?) o r " si vous pri Cliges mon ami que vous pencez ad nostre fait qui bien sera entretenu au plaisir de dieu . son honneur sauue • car aultre chose ne desire je" (p. 325» 2-4). This would certainly seem to be an important stylistic difference between the two prose texts.

S till another aspect of the "style curial" is seen in what Rasmus- op sen calls the "caractère circonstancié" by which "certaines e:q?res- sions se développent jusqu'à comprendre les divisions d'une catégorie du tenps, du nombre, du sexe, du mode, etc." In our prose texts this is most frequently employed to distinguish various categories within groups of people who are mentioned or who perform a certain action. To create the atmosphere of King Arthur's court, Erec's adapter claims:

"Car de roys dues princes contes seigneurs cheualiers auoit il lors plus auec lui que james il n'auoit eu pour un jour. De dames et damoi- moiselles de hault et noble lignage demander de fault pas" (p. 253 » 13-

15). Later, vhen Erec returns to Enide's house: "Cheualiers dames et

Op. c it., p. 35' 193 damoiselles le conuoierent. Il descend! et atant veci cheualiers et es- cuiers qui s'aduancent pour le desarmer" (p. 261, 2ÿ-31)• In Cliges, the writer wishes to distinguish two groups of messengers who come to warn Arthur of the duke of Windsor's treason; "messages vindrent de Lon­ dres et Cantorbie" (p• 291, 19)• In the siege of Winsor castle, "quen-, nonniers•».gettent canons bonbardes culeuurines crapeaudeaux weuglairez feu gregois" (p. 293, 10-11). This, again, is related to the "style nominal."

FinaDy, and still related to the "style nominal," is the use of 33 f ê ê synonyms. Reports Rasmussen "Les synonymes ont sans doute pénétré par plusieurs voies — les habitudes de traduction y sont pour une bonne part au stade où la mode a été lancée — mais la synonymie est le plus profondément enracinée dans le style curial parce que, dans ce genre, le procédé a une valeur fonctionnelle, celle d'exprimer la précision et l'em­ phase." In our prose romances, synonyms in various grammatical catego­ ries—noun, verb, adjective—are common. In Erec. Enide's mother is des­ cribed as "la dame et raestresse de leans" (p. 255, 30), whereas Cliges wishes to become a knight by the hand of King Arthur because in matters of chivalry Arthur "auoit le bruit et la renomee pour ce tanpz" (p. 284,

3). When Erec hears the praise Enide's father has for her, "il le prise et loe en son cuer" (p. 256, 20-21)j on the other hand, the emperor tells

Thantalis that Cliges* desire to go to Britain "lui vient et procédé d'un noble et bon vouloir" (p. 284-, 35). Concerning the knigût those lady has won the sparrow-hawk in the past, Erec claims that "il est dur et rebelle"

33 Op. cit.. p. 36. 194

(p. 256, 37)# idiile in his prologue, Cliges* adapter asks the reader's

indulgence for his "dur et mal aome langaige" (p. 283, 9) •

The above examples clearly demonstrate that the prose Erec and the

prose Cliges were influenced by the "style curial." The modem reader may rightfully question whether the style truly corresponds to the con­

tent of the romance. Since the courtly romance and the "style curial"

come from tw separate trahitions, the application of this style to such

a work may seem out o f p la c e . However, when we consider th e d id a c tic na­ ture of our mises en prose and the new sens which the adapter( s) was

(were) trying to give his (their) tales, such a stylistic tradition be­ comes justifiable. In fact, it may be argued that the adapter(s) did not envisage the prose Erec and prose Cliges as courtly novels. Chapter Four

Erec and Clices: A Question of Authorship

4 .1 , In IB 90, when he first published the prose version of Erec,

Wendelin Foerster ^ commented on the sim ilarity of the manuscript with that of Glides: "Die Handschrift ist ebenso wie der Leipziger Prosa-

Cliges auf demselben Papier, von demselben Schreiber und in derselben pikardisch angehauchten Hundart und derselben elenden, ausserlich 2war elegant scheinenden, beim naheren Zusehen aber beispiellos fluchtigen und stellenweise kaum noch lesbaren Kursivschrift verfasst," Thus, we see that the two texts are closely related as far as the handwriting, type of paper used and, at least according to Foerster, dialect are con­ cerned, Such evidence would seem to indicate that one scid.be executed the two manuscripts, but not necessarily that the same author was res­ ponsible for the two mises en prose.

Several years later, in 1909, Georges Doutrepont ^ went one step further, indicating that one man was likely the author of the two works:

"Quant au second, qui est dénommé Histoire du noble et vaillant cheva­ lier Erec, il n'a point de date, mais il doit être de la même époque.

Vraisemblablement appartient-il au même auteur que le prem ier [ i . e .

Cligès], et cet auteur paraît bien être un tenant de la cour de Bour-

^ Op» c i t . , p . XVI,

^ La littérature française, p, 6?,

195 196

gogne, puisque les deux seuls manuscrits connus qui nous ont conservé

les deux textes viennent de là." Unfortunately, Doutrepont does not

carry his demonstration any further, and one can wonder whether he was

influenced to make this statement by Foerster* s observations cited

above concerning the manuscripts. 3 Indeed, thirty years later Doutrepont seems to reverse his deci­

sion. He speaks of Picardian elements found in Erec. but not in Cliges.

thereby contradicting his own statement as well as Foerster*s observa­

tions. He also stated that "Du reste, à un autre point de vue, elles

nous paraissent s'affirmer comme étant sorties de deux plumes, et non

d'une seule: le style de Cliges a certain tour ample et même emphatique

ou ' rhétoriquant' qui ne se rencontre pas dans Erec." Again, one would

have hoped for a more complete demonstration and examples. While dia­

lectical features can be isolated and defined, could the difference in

style be attributed to a difference in subject matter? Also, where

does the role of the author end and that of the scribe begin?

Unfortunately, Georges Doutrepont did not have a computer at his disposal with which to prove or disprove in a more scientific way that

the same author executed the two mises en prose in question, nor has any­ one else attempted to deal with this problem. Yet, the two texts would

appear to be ideal candidates for such a study, given the resemblances

in the manuscripts. Furthermore, the fact that these are single manu­

scripts would lead us to believe that there were not very many copies of the works circulating in Burgundy; thus, the texts were not submitted

^ Les Mises en prose, p. 456f. 197 to numerous scribes over many years (as in the case of Guiron le Cour­

tois) and are probably quite close to the form in which the author

envisaged them.

Although we humbly acknowledge that extreme caution must be exer#

cised in carrying out such a study, especially in eliminating elements

attributable to the scribe or to the subject matter, and that statis­

tics can very often be made to prove what one wishes to prove, we have

been encouraged by the success of recent conçiuter studies in the area

of author attribution to at least make some statement about the proba­

bility that one man was responsible for the mises en prose of Erec and

Cliges. Indeed, if one keeps an open mind, one may very well come out

with results tjhich are diametrically opposed to one’s preconceived

id e a s . To th is p o in t, we would c ite Yehuda T. Radday, who, s ta rtin g

out to demonstrate that the book of Isaiah was the work of only one au­

thor, found, through the computer, that several writers contributed to

Isaiah and their contributions broke down exactly as other scholars had

claim ed.

Thus, realizing that one’s speech is as distinctive as one’s hand­ writing, using concordances prepared with the help of the IBM S/3?0

K0D165 computer from the prose texts of Erec and Cliges published by

Wendelin Foerster- we w ill compare certain lexical, syntactical and

stylistic features in the two texts. Then, as our two mises en prose appeared just prior to the time when David Aubert became formally

4. "Isaiah and the Computer: A Preliminary Report," Computers and the Humanities. 5, 2 (1970), 65-73. 198

attached to the Burgundian court (I4j8), we w ill compare our results

with those of a similar number of lines from his Croniques et Conquestes

de Charlemaine to see if Erec and Cliges may have been early efforts

which brought him to the attention of Duke Philip.

4.2. Among those lexical indices to be considered is the frequency

of certain common words which are part of everyone's vocabulary. In

this part of our study, we are indebted to Professor Charles Muller, ^

vdio has pointed out that these words "échappent à la fois au danger du

choix arbitraire et tendencieux et à 1*inconvenient des faibles fré­

quences." With this in mind, we will study the frequency of the arti­

cles, the pronouns, the prepositions and the choice of negative words

in the fifteenth-century prose Erec and Cliges.

4.2,1. One of the most common words in any language is the article.

Rosalyn Gardner and Marion A. Greene ^ claim that the end of the

[fourteenth] century the definite article was established in its present

forms. Yet the nominative li occurred sporadically throughout the four­

teenth and into the early years of the fifteenth century." It should be

noted, then, that none of these inflected forms is found in our two prose texts.

The statistics which follow are based on the prose Erec and Cliges

% Paper presented at the 13® Congrès international de la Société de linguistique romane. Laval University, Québec, Canada, August 30, 1971, p . 4 ^ A Brief Description of Middle French S?/ntax (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 19jb), p. 8. 199 as published by Wendelin Foerster. The Erec covers some forty-two pages of text, the Cliges fifty-six; each page of print includes approximately forty-four lines. More precisely, we have a total of

23,264- words for Erec and 31,066 for Cliges. In establishing frequen­ cies, the difference in length of the texts will be resolved as follows: the total number of attestations of the word being discussed will be di­ vided into the total number of words for each text; the result will then be divided into ICO, thus producing the "frequency" per hundred words for that particular word in each of the texts; the difference between the "frequencies" of the two texts will be known as the "^read."

The frequency of the definite article in the prose Erec and the prose Cliges is as follows: LE—Erec. 4-11; Cliges, 4-12; LA—Erec. 4-20;

Cliges. 515; LES—Erec. 162; Cliges. 156; L«—Erec. 237; Cliges. 338 fo r a t o t a l o f Erec. 1230; C liges. 14-21.

It would seem reasonable to us to consider the total number of de­ finite articles in each work, rather than individual forms, because chance may have determined the to tal number of feminine or masculine, singular or plural substantives and because of the confusion between LE, the masculine article, and LE, the Picardian form of "'.he feminine arti­ cle ("il le fit trebuchier contre vne bise pierre si fort qu'il a le teste enfondree." Erec p . 271, 44; "il vit desoubz le ente florie Cliges et Fenice acolans l'un l'aultre," Cliges p. 336, 13). Thus, the total frequency for the two works is Erec. 5*287; Cliges. 4.574 for a spread o f . 7 1 3.

Although the definite article is used regularly, it is frequently omitted in a long enumeration ("Des mets; entremets, vin, ypocras ne 200

fera nulle raencion nostre compte," Erec, p. 265» 4-5; "mez des esbate-

mens bienuignans disners et soupers qui furent fais...," Cliges, p. 323»

4 3 ). The indefinite article is found less frequently in our two prose

texts. The singular VNG (UKG) is found 144 times in Erec and 137 times

in Cliges; the feminine VNE (UI'JE) 68 times in Erec and 73 times in

C lig e s.

The plural forms are of particular interest here, although they

are used less often than the singular ones. It should be stated that

we are only considering those which are evidently plural forms of VNG

and VUE, not the true partitive in the modem sense nor the DES which

is a contraction of the preposition DE anu the definite article. We

find, then, three possibilities. First, we would cite the plural form

VUES, which occurs 5 times in Erec and only once in Cliges ("Se par

bien deseruir il vous plaisoit de moy faire auoir mes armes," Erec. p.

256, 37-38; "H treuue vng cheualier a vnes indes armes," Cliges, p.

297» 36-37). Tt-jo further remarks are called for: first, the masculine plural does not appear at all in our two fifteenth-century texts;

secondly, of the six feminine attestations, it is curious to note that

three refer to armes and one to armeures. According to Sven-Gosta Ueu- 7 raann, the plural of the indefinite article was used in three cases:

"A) Devant les substantifs qui étaient toujours du pluriel, ...B) De­ vant les substantifs dont le pluriel pouvait s’employer avec le sens

Recherches sur le français des XV^ et XVI siècles et sur sa codification car les théoriciens de l’éeocue (Lund: Gleerup/ Copenhague: î-Iunlcsgaard,• 1959), p . 132.- 201 d'lm singulier ...C) Devant les pluriels qui désignaient des choses al­

lant par paires." Our attestations would seem to fall within the second

category. Secondly, DSS appears once in Erec and, again, only once in

Cliges ("deux varlets qui portoient des gasteaux du vin et du Acommage aux faucheurs...," Erec. p. 2?2, 41.42; "il conmet espies qui de jour en jour vont a Coulongne sauoir des nouuelles.. " Cliges. p. 311, 35-36) .

Finally, we have, as in modern usage, the plural indefinite article which becomes DE before a plural noun preceded by an adjective. This occurs tvrice in Erec. only once in Cliges ("De belles cheualeries font

Meliador et 1-ielis," Erec. p. 266, 16; "il furent tant ames de dieu qu'ilz eurent de beaux enfans...," Cliges. p. 338, 17-18).

The total frequency for the indefinite article is Erec. 218; Cliges.

212, giving a frequenpy of .937 for Erec and .682 for Cliges. the spread being . 2 5 5 *

Although the partitive article is typically a development of the

Middle French period, it seems to appear very rarely in the prose Erec and the prose Cliges, this in ^ ite of the fact that Rosalyn Gardner Q and Marion Greene report that in the fifteenth century "its occurren­ ces were less infrequent." We are referring here only to the partitive which expresses quantity rather than multiplicity (the plural of the indefinite article) or, to quote Gardner and Greene, "an indeterminate part or fraction of either a determined or an indeterminate quantity"

(underlining that of the authors). Cases can be found, however: "Et pour ce par mon conseil vous prendras des railleurs cheualier s de céans..."

D Op. cit., p. 20. 202

(Erec, p . 269, 35-36)i "Cliges doncques seruist son oncle du vin enchan­ te " (C lig es, p . 3 1 1 * 1-2). Because of the relatively small number of this type of partitive, the difficulties involved in distinguishing be­ tween the partitive expressing multiplicity from that e:qpressing quanti­ ty from the DES coming from the contraction of DE plus the direct ob­ ject, we feel that an analysis of the frequency of these articles would not be especially revealing in our study.

4.2.2. The use of subject pronouns, which became important during the Middle French period, may also be a valuable point of comparison in our two te x ts . We fin d th e follow ing number o f a tte s ta tio n s in th e prose Erec and prose Cliges: JE--Erec. 201; Cliges, 287; TU—Erec, 28;

Cliges, 80; IL—Erec, 326; Cliges, 500; ELLE—Erec, IO 6 ; Cliges, 112;

ECUS—Erec, 21; Cliges. 32; VOUS-Erec, 83; Cliges, 66; ILS (ILZ)—Erec,

101; Cliges, 148; ELLES (ELLEZ)—Erec. 9; Cliges, 3, for a total of

Erec, 874; Cliges, 1228. The total frequency for the two prose texts i s 3*757 for Erec and 3*953 for Cliges, giving us a spread of .196.

Concerning the use of the subject pronouns, Rosalyn Gardner and Marion 9 A. Greene report that "As early as the first years of the fourteenth century we find subject pronouns being employed in more cases than they were omitted." While this is certainly the case in our two texts, it is surprising to note that even in these romances of the middle of the fif­ teenth century, the subject pronoun is occasionally omitted, especially the inpersonal IL following a conjunction: "II s'esuertue et elle lui

9 Op. c i t . , p . 8 9 . 203 euure le cuer tant qu'il ne sent mal ne douleur et PUIS VIENT a sa me­ mo re qu'il a promis a la damoiselle de la reyne Guenieure qu'il la ven­ gera ou corps de son cruel aduersaire, si d ist..." (Erec, p. 259i 12-14);

"car amours m'a trop asprement enuahie ET GONUIENT que je amodere mon corage et que je obtempère aux soudains commandemens d'amours . aux­ quels j'ay longuement contredit et résisté que plus faire ne puis"

(Cliges. p. 290» 25-28). The subject pronoun is omitted a total of 69 times in Erec and 91 times in Cliges.

The weak forms o f th e personal pironouns are used as d ire c t or in­ direct objects of the verb, as they are in modern French.

For the direct object pronouns, we find the following occurrences in the fifteenth-century texts: ME—Erec, 12; Cliges. 41; M*—Erec. 13;

Cliges. 12; TE—Erec. 2; Cliges. 15; T'—Erec. 1; Cliges. 4; LE—Erec.

187; Cliges. 183; LA—Erec. 37; Cliges. 49; L'—Erec. 89; Cliges. 77;

NOUS—Erec. 3; Cliges. 4; VOUS—Erec. 31; Cliges. 23; LES—Erec. 33;

Cliges. 48, for a total of Erec. 4o8; Cliges. 456. The frequenpy for

Erec is 1*754, for Cliges. 1.468, giving us a spread of .286. The pro­ nouns, as in current usage, are placed before the '.erb: "II la menace de faire occirre présentement Erec s 'elle ne s'acorde a lui et telle­ ment l'anflamboie amours enragee..." (Erec. p. 274, 37-39); "[La reyne] maintenant appelle Soredamours sa niepce et de coste elle le fait soir"

(Cliges. p. 302, 5). In this last exançle, we again note the use of the Picardian form of the pronoun, LE, to denote a feminine noun.

Similarly, the weak forms as indirect object of the verb are used as they are in modem French. A count reveals the following number of indirect object pronouns in the prose Erec and the prose Cliges: ME— 204

Erec, 3 1 » Cliges. 57» M* —Erec. 12j Cliges, 14; TE—Erec, 4; Cliges, 26;

T'—Erec. 0; Cliges. 2; LUI—Erec. 241; Cliges. 229; MOUS—Erec. 2;

Cligès. 4; VOUS— Erec. 68; Cliges, 37» LEUR—Erec, 15; Cliges, 36» for a total of Erec. 373» Cliges. 405« This is a frequency of I. 6O3 fo r

Erec. 1 .3 0 4 for Cliges. for a spread of .299» As with the direct ob­ ject pronouns, the indirect object pronouns are regularly placed before the verb: "II lui présenta son logis s 'il lui plaisoit prendre la pas- cience de leans . mais Erec reffusa tout" (Erec. p. 274, L-2); "si lui manda qu'il lui rendist le roiaulme ou si non qu'il pouruerroit de re- mede" (Cligès. p. 303» 39-40). It should be noted that a variant form of the third person singular, LI, is not found in either of our texts, although it is frequently attested for the period ty Gardner and Greene. 10

The strong forms of the personal pronouns are likewise attested in our prose renderings of Erec and Cliges; KOY (or HOI)—Erec. 62; Cliges.

64; TOY (or TOI)—Erec. 8; Cliges. 28; LUI—Erec. 49; Cliges. 5 8 ; ELLE—

Erec. 18; Cliges. 19; NOUS—Erec. 0; Cligès. 4; VOUS—Erec. 21; Cligès.

23; EULX (or EULZ)—Erec. 9i Cligès. 16; ELLES—Erec. 1; Cligès. 1, for a total of Erec. 168; Cligès. 213. The frequency for Erec is .722, for

Cligès .686, giving a spread of .036. The strong forms of the pronoun are used as object of a preposition: "je te commande que ains la nuyt toi la pucelle et ton naym vous en aies rendre a la reyne et la salues par moy affin qu'elle face de vous ce qu'elle vouidra" (Erec. p. 260,

9-11)» "Ce n'est pas pour moy et ne suis pas saige de le vouloir amer"

(Cligès. p. 290, 17-18). In the first example we see that the strong

^ Op. cit.. p. 49ff. 205

form of the pronoun is used as part of a compound subject of the verb.

Curiously, we sometimes find the strong form used where usage would re­

quire the weak form: "se par bien deseruir il vous plaisoit de moy

faire auoir vnes armes..." (Erec, p. 256, 3V-38)» "Je te pri qu'il te

plaise par ta grace moy adouber" (Clives, p. 292, 23). In the first

case, this is probably due to the influence of the preposition DE.

4 .2 .3 . The prepositions we find in our fifteenth-century texts are usually the same as those in modern French and are used in much the

same way.

far, the most common of the prepositions is DE of which we find the following count in its various forms: DE—Erec, 773» Cligès, 1136;

D»—Erec. 175; Cligès, 290; DU—Erec, 125; Clines. 152; DES—Erec, 68;

Cliges, 59» for a total of Erec, 1141; Cliges, 1673• The frequency, therefore, is 4.904 for Erec, 5*3^5 for Cligès, giving us a spread of

.481. The most common uses of DE are 1) as part of a prepositional phrase qualifying a substantive ("Erec fist I'escu de Kex hurter si fort contre son heaulme qu'il I'estonna et estourdi I'abati a terre," Erec. p . 279» 35-36; "II hurte a la chambre de Fenyce et Thessala la vielle lui euure I'huis," Cliges, p. 328, 17-18) and 2) as an integral part of the verb ("[Le sire du chasteau] le pria de soi logier en son chasteau,"

Erec, p . 261, 16-17; "Archades le voit en belles . si le recongnoit et dist qu* il se vengera de luy, " Cligès, p. 312, lû-U ). At other times, we find the preposition DE plus the strong form of the personal pronoun where we wnuld normally expect to find the possessive adjective in modem Froncli: "...et pour vengier la mort de luy il picque contre 206

Erec..." (Erec, p. 2?6, 10-11); "et dist bien en soy que ou corpz de lui

[CligèsJ a vng vaillant champion" (Glides, p. 308, 19-20).

Another very common preposition, also possessing contracted forms,

is A. The number of attestations is as follows: A—Erec. 467; Cligès.

675; AD—Erec, 27; Cliges. 32; AU—Erec, 143; Cliges. 162; AUX—Erec.

48; Cliges. 57, for a total of Erec. 685; Cliges. 926. The frequency

i s 2 .9 4 4 for Erec. 2.981 for Cliges. giving a spread of .037. As with

DE, among the most common uses of A are 1) as part of a prepositional phrase, usually indicating the manner in which an action is accomplished

("[Erec] meine a tel fin le cheualier qu'il le abat a terre tant greue

qu'il n'en puelt plus," Erec. p. 289, 24-25; "Toutes voies ilz le con- uoient a grosses larmes . jusques aux dicques de la mer," Cliges. p.

285, Urn 12) and 2) as an integral part of the verb ("[il] commence a faire tant grans fais de cheualerie qu'ils ne sont pas a descripre,"

Erec. p . 292, 35-36; "Amours le fiert et soudeinement lui commence a faire cest aduertisseraent," Cligès. p. 287, 44-288, 1). As we would expect, A is also used to introduce the indirect object of the verb.

Here again, A plus a strong form of the personal pronoun is sometimes used where we would expect to find the -vreak form of the indirect object pronoun ("[Erec] reuint a Enide et la fist cheminer atout les .ü j. cheuaulx en lu i commandant q u 'e lle se te n is t bien de p a rle r a lu i,"

Erec. p . 270, 39-40; "Car mon ami c'est pour mettre le coipz de Fenice qui selon droit appartient a moy par pluseurz manierez, " Cligès. p . 327»

Cf. Lucien Foulet, Petite Syntaxe de l'ancien français (Paris: Qiampion Reprint, I 968), p . 25. 207 12

Other frequently used prepositions are POUR, PAR, SANS, AUEC anfi 0,

As it does today, POUR indicates purpose, intention and cause. Of significance is the use of POUR \ri.th the compound relative pronoun CE

QUE, Cleaning "parce que": "il ne l'ose ferir pour ce que celui seroit blasrae s 'il batoit vng nain" (Erec. p. 25^, 43-44); "pour ce qu'il ne pouoit aduenir a la teste . il lui trenca la gambe" (Cliges, p. 336,

25-26). We find POUR 171 times in Erec. 194 in Cligès. The frequency 13 is .735 for Erec, .624 for Cliges. with a spread of .111.

Less frequent in Erec, but very common in Cligès. is the preposi­ tion PAR, idiich generally indicates manner. PAR occurs 151 times in

Erec, 275 times in Cligès. The frequency is .649 for Erec, .885 for

Cligès, creating a spread of .236. Curiously, we fint PAR CE QUE next to POUR CE QUE in Cligès, but not in Erec: "et lui sambloit q u 'il eust le cuer ouuert par ce que le buurage labouroit en luy" (Cligès. p. 3H»

3-4). This accounts for 4 of the attestation of PAR in Cligès.

Ihe preposition SAI'IS appears twice as often in Cligès than in Erec. the total being 29 for Erec and 58 for Cligès. This gives a frequency of .125 for Erec, .187 for Cliges, with a spread of .062. The use is the same as that in modern French: "A ces paroUes conuint Erec coucier la lance, car le bringant le venoit assaillyr sans deffiance" (Erec. p.

271, 3O-3I) $ "car sans vostre science je ne puis paruenir a mon entre­ prise" (Cligès, p. 326, 10-11).

^ Cf. Foulet, p. 111. 13 Cf. Foulet, pp. 29O-292, and Gardner and Greene, pp. 97» 134. 208

The opposite of SMS, AUEC or AUECQUES or AVEC appears a to ta l of

31 times in Erec and 37 times in Cliges » We have, then, a frequency of

.133 for Erec, .119 for Cliges, and a spread of .014. Again, its usage

is the same as in modern French: "Erec de son hoste et de la dame fust prie de souper auec euls" (Erec, p. 256, 4-5); "si [Soredamours] y auoit enlacie vng cheue1 auec le fil d'or" (Cligès, p. 292, 12-13).

An old preposition, having the same meaning as AUEC but no longer in use after the beginning of the seventeenth centuiy, is 0, which is attested 6 times in Erec and 5 times in Cliges. The frequency is .026 for Erec. .016 for Cliges, with a spread of .OK). It is regularly fol­ lowed by the strong form of the personal pronoun: "il tire en chemin me­ nant o soy sa chiere dame" (Erec, p. 267, 31)i "[je] ayme mieulz yci o vous languir que viure ailleurz" (Cligès, p. 334, 30)*

4.2.4. In studying the grammarians of the period with respect to the 14 use of NE and KE...PAS or POIl'IT, Sven-Gosta Neumann comes to three conclusions: that PAS and POINT were used to give emphasis to the nega­ tion, that (quoting Palsgrave, 1530) PAS and POINT were used especially if the verb were indicative and the last word in the sentence, and that none of the grammarians were able to formulate a firm rule concerning the question. This last statement reveals the lack of consistency which we find in Kiddle French texts where the question of negation is con­ cerned .

The variety of possible negative constructions is most interesting.

14 Op. c i t ., p . 190 . 209 far the most common of these negative constructions is the sim­ ple negation, KB, without the support of another negative word. This type of sentence is found 225 times in Erec and 230 in Cliges. This gives a frequency of .967 for Erec. .7^ for Cliges with a spread of

.2 2 7. Quite often, this occurs with one of the modal auxiliaries: "La reyne escoutoit voulentiers ce déduit de chasse, combien que veoir ne la pouoit" ÇErec. p . 25 ^ , 12- 13); "mon pere me donne a fenme au faulx pariure le viellart de Constantinople que je ne pourroie chérir ny amer"

(Cligès. p. 309» 44-310, 1). We note that the first example contradicts

Neumann’s second observation, which by his own admission seems absurd to the modern reader. Although we might expect PAS or POINT to be omitted with one of the modal auxiliaries, there aure other cases: "Nostre compte ne s’arrestera pour a parler des dances joustes et aultres esbatemens"

(Erec. p. 253; 17-18); "Tant que la nuit dura le duc ne prist repos comme honme tourble en cuer pencee et corage" (Cligès. p. 315 , 22-23)»

Kbre inportant, this predominance of the simple negation serves to indicate the archaic character of our fifteenth-century texts. Rosalyn

Gardner and Marion A. Greene state that "ne.. .pas had surpassed ne alone by the beginning of the fourteenth century." From a different point of view, Sven-Gosta Neumann explains the continued use of the simple negation by "Le style littéraire, latinisant et conservateur" and "Le souci, chez les auteurs qui se surveillaient, de ne pas détruire une locution verbale formant un bloc, ou d’éviter le voisinage immédiat

Op» cit.. p. 1 1 9,

Op. cit.. p. 2 1 6 . 210 de deux syllabes accentuées."

Further evidence for the archaic character of our texts is the

continued use of the old NE...MIE and I'IE...ONCQUES constructions.

Although found inlTequently, NE...MIE was already being generally

replaced by NS...PAS and KE...POINT in the I'liddle French period. We

find it, however, 3 times in Erec and twice in Cliges: "De ceste res-

ponce est bien joieuse la reyne, mais elle ne se taist mie atant" (Erec.

p. 261, 4-3); "il ne s'abuseroit mie s 'il me nonmoit amie" (Cligès. p.

294, 34-35).

NE...ONCQUES is found more frequently in our texts, 10 times in

Erec and 11 in Cliges. although it is generally being replaced by the 18 construction NE...JA or NE...JAMAIS : "si dient bien que elles onc-

ques ne virent plus belle preparacion et ordonnance pour tournoier vne

seule foumee" (Erec. p. 266, 4-5); "celle qui ne daigna oncques amer

cheualier ny escuier tant fust preu ne hardi" (Cligès. p. 28?, 15).

I f there i s a reminder o f the Old French declension system in the prose Erec and the prose Cligès. it is the nominative s appearing on the negative word RIENS, vdiich occurs only tvdce in Erec. but 9 times in Cliges: "la cheuelure d'Yseult la blonde ne faisoit riens enuers les crins dont e lle e sto it paree" (Erec. p . 255» 3&-57); "L'empereur la re­ lieue le plus tost qu'il puelt en la resconfortant et priant qu'elle cesse son duel . mais ce ne lu i vault riens" ( Cligès. p .284, 23-24).

A résumé of the principal negative constructions used in our two

17 Gardner and Greene, p . 125 • 18 Gardner and Greene, p . 121ff. 211 texts is as follows:

Construction Attestations Attestations Frequency Frequency Spread Erec Cliges Erec Cliges

KE alone 225 230 .967 .740 .227 KE. • .P AS 6b 113 .292 *364 .072 KE...POIKT 11 12 .047 .039 .008 KE...KUL 16 25 A) 69 .ObO .011 KE...GUERES 5 2 JOZl .006 .015 KE...ÜAIS 4 3 .017 .010 .007 KE...PKJS 17 15 .073 .04b .025 KE...JAI-IAIS 17 20 .073 .064 .009 KE...JA 1 15 .004 .048 .044 N E ...MIS 3 2 .013 .006 .007 KE...QUE 9 13 /)39 .042 .003 NE...RIEN 10 13 .043 .042 .001 WE...OKCyUES 10 11 .043 •035 .008

4.3* In discussing the question of means of coordination and sub­ ordination in the sentence structure of our two fifteenth-century texts, and later that of patterns in sentence attacks, certain problems must be fa c e d .

First of all, what is a sentence? This apparently simple question becomes less single when we note that medieval manuscripts do not pro­ vide us with any marks of punctuation. The editor of any medieval text must, accordingly, provide these aids for the modern reader. But, can we be sure that we are not imposing a twentieth-century concept of

"sentence" which the earlier writer or reader would never have under­ stood? Certainly, looking at an early manuscript, one has the impres­ sion of a never-ending series of clauses joined by ET, SI or one of the subordinating conjunctions. Vhy is it more correct to break the text before one ET or SI rather than another? That two very excellent scho­ lars can disagree as to the punctuation of a text is demonstrated by 212

Jean I^chner, who, not infrequently, rejects Jean Frappier's phrasing

in the latter's edition of the Mort Artu» Wendelin Foerster, it should be noted, was extremely conservative in his phrasing of our prose Erec

and prose Cliges; in general, we have accepted his punctuation, but on rare occasions have taken the liberty to break dovjn some of his longer

sentences.

The second problem, then, is, how far does one go in breaking dovai 20 the sentence? Jean Rychner distinguishes between vhat he calls phrases, segments and syntagmes î "J'appelle segments les unites séparées de leurs voisines par des pauses dont une au moins n'est que suspensive, et phrases celles qui sont isolées par deux pauses conclusives tout en tolérant d'etre elles-mêmes interrompues par des pauses su^ensives...

Le syntagme est formé de l'ensemble d'un principal et de ses subordon­ nées ou d'un déterm iné e t de ses déterm inants." However, as we s h a ll see. Professor Rychner recognizes phrases beginning with ET and SI. To our point of view, this is an unnatural distinction as, generally, these two conjunctions indicate that the pause is suspensive rather than con­ clusive. as that which they introduce is a continuation of that which precedes them. This is especially true of SI, since that vhich follows is usually the logical conclusion of that ;-hich precedes. We, there­ fore, w ill not distinguish between phrase and segment, and the term

"sentence" will apply to both.

19 L'Articulation des phrases, e.g. p. 26. 20 Op. cit.. pp. 9-10. 213

4.3.1. ]h discussing the means of coordination and subordination in

the sentence structure of our texts, the conjunction ET, the most usual

means of coordination, presents a stylistic problem that must be dealt

■with first. In speaking of coordination, we refer to coordination be­

tween clauses in the sentence, or between one sentence and ano'ther. We

do not refer to the ET lAich joins tvra nouns or tvro infinitives (e.g.

"Erec et Enide," "lirre et escouter"). Thus, the total number of attes­

tations of ET (1154 for Erec. 1395 for Cliges) will be drastically re­ duced for our purposes here.

The number w ill be further reduced by the fact that one very im­ portant stylistic feature of our texts, as of fifteenth-century texts 21 in general, is the doubling or tripling of synonyms. Jens Rasmussen attributes "this to the style curial: "le courant ^ynonymique a été nourri par pluseurs affluents. Le vieux style épique tel qu'il se mani­ feste dans les chansons de geste représente déjà une tendance à la Qmo- nymie. Ensuite la littérature de traduction a contribué pour une bonne part à établir la coutume. Mais l'accès principal semble avoir été le s ty le c u ria l." Examples o f synonyms o r near synonyms abound in the prose Erec and the prose Cliges; "ce ne luy estoit pas honneur de lais- sier l 'exercice de cheualerie pour ses balsiers et acolers qu'il pren- doit de jour en jour" (Erec. p. 26Ü, 33-34); "ains laisse conuenir son fils qui acorpaignie de sa femme a grans regrets pleurs et cris il se part" ÇErec. p. 269, 41-42); "Alixandre tresleal seruiteur . qui sercez

■ton aduenture et enquiers par ■toy façon et moyen de paruenir a aulcune

21 La prose narrative, p. 4?. 214

haultesse" (Clives, p. 302, 7-8); "Alix se couronna et prise hommapce et

fe a u lte de ses hoitmiez" I Clives» p « 303* 25) •

Having discarded all these attestations of ET, there still remains

a considerable number of cases where ET is tru]y a conjunction joining

two clauses within a sentence, or one sentence id.th another. The num­

ber of instances is 304 for Erec, 353 for Cliges, This results in a

frequency of l«306for Erec, 1,136for Cliges, id.th a spread of ,170,

These conjunction may, as we have stated, join two clauses within a

sentence; "Les loanges faictes chascun se mist au retour et dieu scet

les presens que les nobles et paysans du roiaulme firent..." (Erec. p.

268, 1^3)» "Dont sans mot dire il broce le destrier d’Arabe et au pre­ mier cheualier qu’il encontre il fist widier les arcons" (Cligès, p.

314, 22-24). Or, ET may begin a sentence, therefore joining it to the preceding one—at least it begins the sentence as far as Foerster con­

ceived of it: "car sa bonté et beauite valent bien qu’elle ayt fils de

roy üuc ou grant prince a mariage. Et s*elle est poure sa noblesse n’en est pas moindre" (Erec. p. 265, 15-17)f "car je n’ose contredire a mon pere qui fiancee m’a a aultre que mon tresame. Et lui qui est hom­ me a vng mot vouidra nécessairement tenir sa promesse" (Cligès. p. 310, 8-11).

Essentially the same remarks can be made about the particle Si,

another very frequentJy used means of coordination. However, SI seems to inpJy more strongly than does ET tnat vhat to Hows it is the result or logical conclusion of that which precedes i t . Vfe find 80 attesta­ tions of SI in Erec V7 in Cligès. This results in a frequency of .344 for Erec. .312 for Cligès. vriLth a spread of .032. As vri.th ET, SI can 23^

join two clauses in the sentence: "Erec eust voulente de dormir si s’ar-

resta soubs vne aube espine enuironee de belle herbe drue" (Erec»P» 272,

1L-I3)i "A ces parolles congnoist bien Thessala que Fenice n'a pas en amours ce qu'elle desire si lui respond" (Cligès» p. 309» 29-30)• In the first example, Erec's stopping is the direct result of his wishing to sleep, and thus he chooses a favorable spot# in the second, Thessa­ la* s response to Fenice is the logical conclusion of her realization that Fenice is unhappy in love. The particle SI, again like ET, can be used to begin a sentence: "elle lui acorde d'estre s'amie et luy donne jour a I'andemain. Si vient a celles conclusions ce seigneur qu'a grant plente de sergans et varlets..." (Erec. p. 2?4, 42-44); "II fut long taiîç>z a la court du roy auquel prist vng jour voulente de soy en aler jouer en la petite Eretaigne. Si assembla ses barons..." (Cligès. p. 286, 44-237, 1). Again, the count's plans are the direct result of

Enide's promising to be his "amie," and the king's assembling of his men is the logical conclusion of his wanting to go to Brittany. In this last instance, it may be further noted that the writer (or scribe?) may have perceived even a greater break than usual between the senten­ ces, as the s is preceded in Foerster's edition by the sign indicating a new paragraph or one of the more ornate letters.

I-Iore popular than SI was the conjunction CAR of tjhich we find 93 exarrples in Erec and 144 in Cligès. This calculates to a frequenpy of

.400 for Erec and .463 for Cligès. leavin" a spread of .063» This con­ junction, expressing the notion of cause and introducing a clause which justifies the reasoning or action of the first clause, again may be used to join two clauses of the same sentence: "mais il n'a talent de 216

luy faire mal, car il congnoit par experience qu’elle l ’ayme" (Erec, p.

277, 18-19)i "et te facez congnoistre a messire Gauain ton oncle . car

entre les aultres il a le plus grant bruit" (Cligès, p. 304, lL-12).

It is because Erec knows that Enide loves him that he does not wish to harm her, because of Gauvain’s reputation that Cliges should make him­

self known to him. CAR can likewise introduce a sentence; "sachiez .

que la cause n’est pas petite. Car deux jayans fauls et oultrageux m'ont robe mon tresdesire ami" (Erec, p. 2Ü1, 36-37); "elle vey Cliges qu’elle regarda voulentiers. Car il estoit bien façonne de tous men- bres" (Cligès, p . 305t 37-38). Because the giants have abducted her

"ami," the maiden has good reason to complain; because Cligès is nand- 22 some, Fenice looks at him willingly.

Another very popular means of coordination in the texts is the conjunction MAIS which appears b3 times in Erec, 103 times in Cligès.

This represents a frequency of .357 for Erec. . 33I for Cligès, with a spread of .026. Unlike the other coordinating conjunctions, MAIS indi­ cates an opposition between that which precedes and that vAiich follows it. like CAR, ana unlike ET and SI, it is generally preceded by some mark of punctuation, showing a greater break between the two elements it joins. As is frequently the case in Mladle French, it is followed by the inversion of subject ana verb 3 times in Erec and 10 times in

Cligès. Agam, it can join two clauses of a sentence: "Comment la da­ moiselle s’aproca pour prendre I'espriuier mais Erec I’en destourba"

(Erec. p . 258, 6-7)» "Hellas se je luy eusse descellee . il ne s’en fut

22 Cf. II, 1421. 217 pas aile . mais espoir il reuendra” C Cligès» p . 322, 6-7). It can also be used to introduce a sentence: "il ne scet que dire car il n'a espie glaiue bourdon ne lance. Mais toutesucies il oste toute paour de son cuer" ÇErec. p. 293» 12-14); "et deslors lui eust voulentiers ottroie son amour s 'il l'en eust requise, liais Cliges a pou n'ose parler a elle" (Cliges, p. 315, 1-2).

4 .3 .2 . The subordinating conjunctions can be divided into two cate­ gories: those which are regularlollow ed by the indicative and those whicii are regularly followed by the subjunctive.

Anong the subordinating conjunctions followed by the indicative, one of the most popular appears to be QUMT. Used much as it is today,

QUAl'lT is attested 95 times in Erec and II 3 in Cliges. This results in a frequency of .408 for Erec. .3b4 lor Cliges. the spread being .044. In most cases, QUANT is used exactly as i t is today: "Quant Erec a entendu les parolles de son hoste il le prise et loe en son cuer" (Erec. p. 256,

20-21); "lasse poure . que deuenras tu quant ton enfant se depart de toy et aler s' en veult" (Cliges. p. 284, 26-2?). It is also used after a coordinating conjunction, thus indicating a closer connection with what precedes: "Ils tirent en voie et sont conuoies bien loings et quant ce vient au départir..." (Erec. p. 252, 15-16); "Toutesuoies Jehan l'ouuri dont Cliges s'esmeruilla. Et quant ilz furent entres dedens..." (Cligès. p . 327, 29- 30)• The fact that Erec and Enide are accompanied is very closely associated with tne final leave-taking; Jehan's opening the en­ trance to the orchard is the logical prelude to Fenice and Cligès' en­ te rin g i t . 218

The conjunction AINS was also used extensively, though not as of­

ten as QUAI'JT. We find it used as a pure conjunction 22 times in Erec

and 19 times in Cligès. This calculates to a frequency of J09^ fo r

Erec. .061 for Cliges, leaving a spread of .033» Expressing the notion

of opposition, it is stronger than MAIS and would proOaoiy best trans­

late in modern French as "mais, au contraire": "elle ne se taist mie

atant, ains demande au cheualier son nom de quel estre et de cpiels raar-

ces" (Erec. p. 251, 5-6}f "Car il ne plaint or ne argent ains en des-

pent largement comme son estât le puelt porter" (Cligès. p. 286, 40-41) .

It is clear that tne queen* s questioning of the knight is in complete

opposition to her keeping silent; in the same way, Cligès' liberal

spending is opposed to the idea of being concerned with money. In

these cases, the wiuer apparently felt that the conjunction MAIS did 23 not exclusively enough express his meaning.

A conjunction that rivals CAR is POUR CE QUE. It is, however, not

as popular as CAR, appearing only 1? times in Erec and 32 times in Cli­

gès. v^ereas CAR appears 93 aM 144- times respectively. The situation has reversed itself in modem French, and one is reminded of Voiture's witty letter to Mademoiselle de Rambouillet in defense of the little three-letter word. In our two texts, the frequency of POUR CE QUE is

1373 fo r Erec. .103 for Cligès. giving a spread of .030. It must be no­ ted th a t POUR CE QUE and OAK, unlike MAIS and AII'JS, are indistinguish­ able in meaning; they both express a causal relationship: "mais lors le naim 1*^roce et pour ce qu'il sceut son maistre arme et Erec non . il

23 Cf. FEW, VI/1, 31b. 219

lui donne tel coup des escorgees travers le col . que pou s*en fault

que le sang l»en saille" (Erec. p. 2^, 40-42)^ "Or ca ma dame . voyr

est que je me fie en vous pour ce que je vous sens lealle et secrette"

(Cligès. p. 326, 2-3).

TAET QUE is a conjunction vàiich can express several nuances. It

is attested 2/ times in Erec. 3!) times in Cligès. This results in a fre-

quenqy of .116 for Erec. .106 for Cligès, creating a spread of DIO. In

the majority of cases, TAi'JT QUE is used much in the same way as we use

.iusou*a ce oue or jusqu' au moment où in modem French: "les chiefs du

toumoy d'un coste et d* aultre font sonner trompettes et haulx clairons

tant que la plaine en retentist" ÇErec. p. 266, 7-8); "ains s'en vont ilz

par les diuers gouffres et bras de mer singlans radement tant qu'ilz se

treuuent au port de la petite Bretaigne" (Cligès. p . 288, k:k^24). lûth

an expression of duration, it can also have tne meaning aussi longtemps

que: "A grans regrets disoit Enide ces parolles et tant que la nuit dura ne fina oncques de soi doullouser" (Erec. p. 272, 35-3b); "Tant que la nuit dura le duc ne prist repos comme honme tourble en cuer pencee et

corage" Cligès, p. 315, 22-23)• There are other cases which fit into neither of these ti-jo categories. In the follovring quotations, for in­

stance, TAÎ3T QUE seems to connote the idea of result; "pour 1* amour de vous j'en ferai tant que vous en seres coup tend de moy" (Erec. p. 263,

9-JJJ); "si veissies pauillons vers indes vermauxx olans pers et de tou- tez couleurL%] tendre et apointier . tant que c'est noDie chose de veioir le solel naissant dessus les faire reluire et estainceler" (Cli­ gès. p . 293, 13-15)•

rbre nur,;erous are the subordinating conjunctions wiiich are fol- 220

lowed by the subjunctive. Ho:vever, as we shall see, our texts do not

seem to be very consistent in the use of the indicative or the subjunc­

tive after these conjunctions.

One of the conjunctions which is of particular interest to us be­

cause it is a creation of the I-Iiddle French period (fourteenth century) 24 is AFFHi QUE. Used to express the notion of purpose, as it still

does today, AFFHJ QUE is found 7 times in Erec, 16 times in Cliges.

This represents a frequency of .030 for Erec, .051 for Cliges. leaving

a spread of .021. AFFU'Î QUE is followed by the subjunctive in the fol-

lowông examples: "je te commande que ains la nuyt toi la pu ce lie et ton

naym vous en aies rendre a la reyne et la salues de par moy affin

qu'elle face de vous ce qu'elle voudra" (Erec, p. 260, 9-H)» "il appela

sez barons plain de grant ire . et affin qu'ilz soient attainnes de pren­

dre vengance de la rebellion de son subget . il leur dist..." (Cligès. p.

291, 24-26) . However, we also find it followed very clearly by the indi­

cative: "La biere fu faicte et Erec eust son heaulme relachie et LfuJ

couchie de sus et sur deux cheuauls loie affin qu'il ne peult cheoir"

(Erec. p . 2 8 5 , 3-5)» "recomptes nous la cause pour quoy vous demenes ce duel angoisseux . affin que nous passans le chemin sentons du mal que vous portez" (Cligès, p. 330» 8- D ) .

Tne conjunction AVANT QUE, according to Rosalyn Gardner and 2‘Iarion 25 A. Greene, was preferred over other conjunctions of time by the fif­ teenth century. Here again, our prose versions of Erec and Cligès reveal

24 Cf. i n , 562a and 586b n . 16. 25 Op. c i t . . p . 99» 221

th e ir somevjhat archaic character; AVMT QUE i s found only once in the

tTO texts; "Cela fait il s 'en entre en la plus grant presse et auant

qu'il ait son glaiue rompu il en fait autant que cheualier en puisse

faire" (Erec, p. 292, 32-34). This is interesting, since Garner and

Greene find twice as many examples of AVMT QUE in Antoine de la Sale's

La Salade (completed by 1442) than they do of its nearest competitor

among the possible conjunctions or time, AH'iCOIS QUE, which is not

attested at all in our texts. Vfe note that, in our one example, AVANT

QUE is followed by the subjunctive.

To oqpress the notion "before," our texts prefer the conjunction

AINS QUE, idiich we fin d 13 tim es in Erec and 13 in C lig ès. However, respecting the difference in length of the tivo versions, the frequency

is .056 for Erec, .042 for Cligès. the spread being .014. As with AVAIo'T

QUE, AINS QUE is followed by the subjunctive: "II ne scet sa manière et ains qu'il soit desadoube amours cent fois lui fait baisier et acoller

sa lealle amie" (Erec, p. 265, 17-18); "il mande secrètement Thessala qui vint deuers Fenice et après lez baisierz et salutacions elle promet de le liurer saine et garie ains qu'il soit .xv. jourz passée" (Cligès, p . 334 , 37-39)' On the other hand, we also find cases where AINS QUE is followed by the indicative: "Aduint doncques que le roy Artus ains que sa faste l'a passée pour ce qu'il auoit plente de cheualiers voult aler en la forest aduentureuse chasser le cerf" (Erec, p. 253» 24-26);

"laquelle chose ne se fist pas sans la mort de .xi. cheualiers ou es- cuiers . car il fu par .v. fois rabbatu ains qu'il peult estre remonte"

(Cligès. p. 307, 34 - 36). Again, there seems to be no apparent distinc­ tion betxrcen the use of the indicative or the subjunctive after AINS QUE. 222

Another conjunction of time, JUSQUES A CS QUE (more frequently

ju s t JUSQUES— 23 times as over against 3)» takes either "subjunctive

or indicative, regardless of the time of the action," report Rosalyn

Gardner and Marion A. Greene. This is certainly true of our texts,

where we find 10 attestations of this conjunction in Erec and 16 in

Cligès. This calculates to a frequenqy of .04-3 for Erec. .051 for. Cli­

gès, vri.th a spread of .008. Followed Dy the subjunctive, we find: "et vous prie que reposer vous venes en mon hostel jusques vous et moy

soions guaris de nos playes" (Erec. p. 279» 2-3); "car on m’a voulu ma­

rier . et fault que maigre moi je me tiengne en ce lieu . jusques j ’aye

quelque bonne nouueile" (Cligès, p. 322, 9-iOj. Likewise, followed by

the indicative: "car le cheualier ne vous renierons nous pas, ains le tourmenterons incessamment par de Docage jusques mort nous l ’aurons rendu" (Erec, p. 282, 14-15)j "et jura de soy jamais non partir d’ii- leuc jusques il aura prins la ville de Londres par amours ou par force"

(C ligès, p . 292, 27-28).

The conjunctions indicating the notion of concession are present in our te x ts ; COJBIEM QUE and NON OBSTANT QUE.

We find the conjunction COKBIEi'J QUE attested 6 times in Erec and

16 tines in Cligès. This represents a frequency of .026 for Erec, .051 for Cligès, the spread being .025. Again, inconsistency in the choice of mood to follow this conjunction is evident. It is followed ty the subjunctive, in agreement with Rosalyn Gardner and Marion A. Greene

Op* cit.. p. 99' 27 Op. c i t ., p. 100 223 who list it with those conjunctions governing the subjunctive: "Ce dont dieux le garda car combien que le cheualier aux armes blances lui empor­ tât vne piesce du heaulme escu et hauberg au premier coup . toutesuoies i l ne l ’a ta [ ijn d it p o in t au v if" (Erec. p . 259» 21-23)* "Combien que je ne vaille pas a appllcquier mon freille entendement au commun stille de transmuer de ryme en prose les fais d* aulcuns nobles anchians . toutes voies. . (Cligès. p. 2Ü3, 1-3^• On the contrary, it may also govern the indicative, as is shown in the following exanples: "...suis vng trespoure homme de mon estât combien qu'il n'y a si grant cheualier en- uiron ce pays qui non obstant mon infortune ne prist voulentiers ma fil­ le a femme" (Erec, p. 256, 13-15); "car il vault bien d'estre nonme par son droit nom et toutesuoies je ne scey s 'il me ayme . combien que de moy ne mentiroi je pas" (Cligès. p. 294, 32-34).

A sim ilar confusion is found with the conjunction NON OBSTANT QUE, which we find tmce in Erec and 12 times in Cligès. This gives a fre­ quency of .008 for Erec. .039 for Cligès. leaving a spread of .031. The conjunction NON OBSTANT QUE is followed by the subjunctive in the follow­ ing cases: "Erec n'est pas bien comptent de ce et non obstant qu'il soit naure il lui dist..." (Erec. p. 279» 21-22); "Car non obstant que je me veulle reposer et cesser de pencer a lui . ce ne me vault . car amours m'a trop aspreraent enuahie" (Cligès. p. 290, 24-25). It can also, how­ ever, be followed by the indicative: "Madame je vous amaine ceans ma belle amie qui meschanment est atournee, non obstant toutesuoies qu'elle est de noble generacion" (Erec. p. 262, 43-44); "Desquelles nouuelles oyr le roy s' esmeruilla grandement et non obstant qu' il en fu marri il ap­ pela sez barons" (Cligès. p . 291, 23-24). 224

Two remarks concerning COÎ-IBIEW QUE and NON OBSTMT QUE are c a lle d fo r:

First of all, it is interesting to note the significantly higher number of attestations of these two conjunctions in Cligès than in Erec.

One can wonder if this is necessitated by the nature of the tale, the psychological makeup of the characters involved, or if it is, rather, a stylistic trait of the author.

Secondly, vdien these conjunctions are followed by the indicative, there seems to be a more positive emphasis, although it may be expressed negatively: Enide's father wants to assure Erec that the greatest knight in the region would be happy to have his daughter as his wife; Soreda- mours wishes to state that, for herself, she would be truthful in cal­ ling Alixandre "ami"; in presenting Enide to Guenievre, Erec emphasizes his future wife's nobility; in spite of the king's displeasure, he takes positive action and calls his men.

Another conjunction which is attested many more times in Cligès than in Erec is SANS QUE or SANS CE QUE; appearing only twice in Erec

(1 SANS QUE, 1 SANS CE QUE), th ere are 14 exarples ( a l l SANS CE QUE) in Cligès. Calculating to a frequency of .008 for Erec. .045 for Cli­ gès, we are left with a spread of .037» This is one conjunction which seems consistently to govern the use of the subjunctive : "et quant elle l'a cent fois acoUe et baisie sans qu'il se face congnoistre en vie . e lle ia p lu s dolloureuse du monde se desachemme e t comme femme perdue esgratine son visage" (Erec, p. 283, 21-23); "Dont le roy est moult comptent de lui . et ausi la reyne » sans ce que Alixandre trouuast aduenture qu'a compter face" (Cligès, p . 286, 42-43) • 225

flnalüy, the conjunction SI NON QUE or SINON QUE, although i t is found, infrequently in the prose Erec and the prose Cliges—»onlv once in Erec and, again, once in Cligès—is of some interest oecause of the 2Ô mood for vjhich it calls. Rosalyn Gardner and Marion A. Greene spe­ cifically state that either the indicative or the subjunctive followed this conjunction. In both cases, our writer(s) chose the indicative:

"A ces parodies ne dist mot Erec si non qu’il délibéra en soi d'es- prouuer se Enide sa femme I’amoit bien lealment" (Erec. p. 269» 9-H)»

"je ne scay mais que je feray . sinon qu’en attendant sa tresdesiree reuenue que dieux veulle abregier il me conuendra prier qu’il ait bonne aduenture" (Cligès. p . 317, 36-3ü).

4-A. As we discuss the various types of sentence attacks used by our writer(s), we shall continue to be concerned with the question of frequency in order to determine whether the relationship between the methods of attack remains the same in the prose Erec and the prose

C lig è s.

In this demonstration, we will be greatly influenced by Jean %rch- 29 ner’s study of the sentence structure of the Mort Artu. Finding that "le travail du verbe comme le travail au bois obéit au moyen âge a V 30 des techniques, a des recettes moins nombreuses qu’aujourd’hui,"

Professor Rychner distinguishes six different "recettes" used by the

28 Op. c it., p. 101. 29 L* Articulation des phrases narratives (Genève: Droz, ly7ü). 30 Op. c i t . . p . ?. 226 31 author of the Kort Artu in beginning his sentences. The sentence

may be introduced by;

1) a noun su b ject;

2) a pronoun subject;

3) a temporal noun;

4) a temporal clause;

5) a temporal adverb;

6) th e p a r tic le SI an d ).

These categories, which we plan to adopt for the purpose of our study,

may or may not be preceded by a coordinating conjunction. That this is

certainjy true can be seen from our discussion of the methods of coordi­

nation and subordination in the two fifteenth-ccntuiy mises en prose. 32 Professor Rychner has, furthermore, assigned specific values to

each type of attack which reveal the relationships viaich structure the

text. These relationships he defines as "la relation temporelle, la re­

lation dramatique, la relation predicative." From a literaiy point of

view, these notions will be useful in determining the type of text with

which we are dealing and the atmosphere the writer(s) wished to create.

As we are studying texts which date from some two hundred years af­

ter the mort Artu. it will also be significant to note if we find types

of sentence attacks which do not fit into one of the six categories or

whether the sentence structure remained essentially the same.

31 Op. cit., p. 14. 32 Op. c i t . . p . 2 3 3. 227

4.4.1. As one might expect, sentences introduced ty a noun subject are among the most common found in our prose Erec and Cligès. We find

201 examples in Erec and 160 in Cligès. This lesser number for Cligès noteworthy, given the fact that Cligès is substantially longer than

Erec. Based on a total of 856 sentences for Erec, 934 for Cligès, this gives us a frequency of 23.481 for Erec. 17.130 for Cligès. leaving a spread o f 6 .3 5 1 »

Ihe noun subject may be of various types: proper names, frequently the names of the most important characters: "Erec et Enide se mettent a pie, puis veci le roy qui fait comme il est de coustume au bienuignier son ami" CErec, p. 281, 8-10); "Alixandre haulca l'espee et fiert le traitre sur le heaulme . mais ce coup guency de coste" (Cligès, p. 289,

10-11). Allegorical characters may also have their name begin a sen­ tence: "Amours fait de deux cuers qui pueent estre variables vne seule alliance et a grant soulas les fait baisier embracier et acoler I'un

I'aultre cent mille fois" (Erec, p. 265» 22-24); "Car amours par vng soudein desir naisant de la fontaine du cuer s 'il le ataint vne fois viueraent . il le fera aduancier" (Cligès, p. 291, 11-12). Noble titles are frequently found used in this way: "Ce cheualier du vergier est moult joieux quant il entend de Erec qu'il est fils du roi La ch" (Erec. p. 289, 39-40); "Le roy met pie a terre et a grant joie du peuple est conuoie en vng sien chasteau" (Cligès, p . 288, 24-25). Finally, inani­ mate objects are also used as the subject of the sentence: "la biere fu faicte et Erec eust son heaulme relachie et [fuj couchie de sus et sur deux cheuauls loie affin qu'il ne peult choir" (Erec. p. 285, 3-5); "Le tournoi cesse pour venir bienuignier Cliges aux armez blancez" (Cligès. 228 p. 321, 3).

Concerning the value to be accorded to such attacks, without con- 33 junction, Jean Rychner states that "on pourrait croire que, dépour­ vue de tout élément conjonctive, elle ne tient que très faiblement a la phrase précédente et affirme ainsi une grande indépendance. Il n'en est rien pourtant. Le sj nm [-sujet nominal] introduit de la sorte re­ présente le plus souvent (dans 50 des 5^ ex. recueillis) une personne qui est déjà en scène, mêlée a ce qui se passe, et qui agit en consé­ quence." Thus, in our texts too, while the subject may introduce a new theme, the action develops without a break. The situation remains generally the same and the author does not introduce a completely new perspective into his tale.

The subjects may be preceded by a coordinating conjunction, most frequently ET, out also KAIS and CAR: "Et Enide couca auec la reyen qui moult le tenoit chiere et I'amoit de grant amour" (Erec. p. 28l, 18-20);

"Et Cliges qui s'esraeruilloit de celle voix ouir . eust pitié d'elle et la quist tant qu'il la trouua en vng buisson espez et raassis" (Cligès. p . 322, 15 -17); "Mes l'escuier qui ne sauoit sa conxenance pour son gen­ til cheual penadant s'en aloit parmi les rues" (Erec. p. 273* 17-18);

"riais harcisus qui son vrabre ama en la fontaine . ne fu pas plus beau de cestui Cliges" (Cligès. p. 305, 39-^)* "Car deux jayans fauls et oultrageux m'ont robe mon tresdesire ami" (Erec. p. 281, 3^37); "Car

Fenice fu transportée en la maison de Jehan sans ce qu'aulcun enpesce- ment leur fust fait" (Cligès. p. 333, 37-3^).

33 Op. cit.. p. 18. 229

For Jean I^chner, ^ the attack constructed with a noun subject preceded ly the conjunction ET has a certain dramatic effect: "Notre auteur répugne donc à introduire tout nus en tete de phrase les acteurs du drame les plus actifs, ceux qu’il désigne de leur seul nom; il anime leur entrée en scène et les oppose les uns aux autres de fapon propre­ ment dramatique." Thus, as is demonstrated in our texts, this type of attack is more expressive than that without the conjunction and tends to point up the inçortance of the new subject.

However, in our texts, as in the Mort Artu, MAIS links the subject more closely to tne preceding sentence than does ET, "car elle engage la phrase précédente dans la reserve qu* elle exprime par rapport à elle .

Mes / sj nm est plus logique, et f sj nm plus expressif," also reports

Professor Rycliner.

4.2.2. A second very important type of sentence attack is provided by the pronouns. These account for 170 attestations in Erec. 1?4 in

Cliges. This calculates to a frequenqy of 19.860 for Erec. 18.630 for

Cliges. resulting in a spread of 1.230.

The most important group of pronouns is the personal subject pro­ nouns. As with the noun subjects, these, too, may or may not be prece­ ded by a conjunction. Compare: " I I le f i s t sau o ir aux dames qui lu i firent grant honneur a son reuenir et ajugerent selon leur descrecion qu'il estoit le milleur cheualier du monde" (Erec. p. 293# 36-38); "II

34 Op« cit.. p. 2 1 .

Op. c i t . . p . 3 6 . 230 ensengne son fils "estre humble courtois seruitable et dilligent en ses besongnes" (Cliges. p. 284, 14-15) with: "Et elle qui bien est aduicte de honneurs faire lui en refait aultretant" (Erec. p. 274, 7-8); "Et lui qui veult exploitier de bien en mieulx . a vng poindre fiert le premier et le second d'un eqaie par tel façon que tous deux les fait tresbu- chier" (Cligès. p. 314, 32-24) or: "Mes il ne oublia pas a enquérir quel part le roy Artus tenoit sa court" (Cligès. p . 285, 35-36)• Preceded by the conjunction ET, the attack focuses attention on the future and advan­ ces the action of the narrative; preceded by MAIS the attention is direc­ ted, rather, toward the past.

The most striking use of the personal subject pronouns in the Mort

Artu. according to Professor %rchner, is idien they are preceded by the conjunction ET and introduce a subject viiich has just been the re­ ceiver of a speech, question or command. As such, it would tend to in­ troduce the character's reaction to the statement, question or order.

It is curious to note that this use does not appear in the fifteenth- century Erec and Cligès.

Besides the personal subject pronouns, other pronouns are used to introduce a sentence:

1) the impersonal CE: "Ce seroit foUie d'aler par le pays tout seul" (Erec. p . 269, 34-35) • This is, however, part of King Lach's ad­ monition to Erec, and therefore is not a narrative sentence as Professor

%rchner defines it.

2) CHASCUN: "chascun les regarde par especial Erec qui bien fait a

36 Op. c i t . . p . 69» 2)1 regarder" (Erec. p. 257. 35-36). Here Foerster did not envision a

"sentence." However, we feel it is justified, given the change in sub­

ject and perspective, from Erec and Enide to the spectators.

3) CEULX: "Ceulx du chasteau s'en donnent garde . si se mettent pa­

reillement en point et font quennonniers venir auant" (Cligès. p. 295,

9-1 0).

4) LEQUEL: "Lequel eschape a quelque meschief est deuant le duc

conuenu . si luy a racompte son aduenture" (Cligès. p. 314, 40-41).

This, of course, must refer directly back to the preceding sentence idiere we learn that it designates one of the Saxons guarding Fenice.

4 .4 .3 . The sentence attack consisting of a temporal noun can be con- 37 sidered from two points of view, according to Jean Rychner. It, of

course, situates the action with respect to the events of the narrative.

It may also, however, situate the action more generally within the frame­ work of the calendar as we know it.

This type of sentence attack accounts for 30 examples in Erec. and

33 in Cliges. The frequency, therefore, is 3.505 fo r Erec. 3.533 fo r

Cliges. resulting in a spread of .028.

The expression viiich most clearly demonstrates the dual value of the nominal attack is L*El'JUiil'lAII^ (MATIN), which appears once in Erec. and once again in Cliges: "Et I’endemain matin I'aube du jour ja creuee

Erec se leua et son hoste pareillement" (Erec. p. 257, 27-28); "Lende­ main que ceulx de Londres matin se leuerent..." (Cliges. p . 293» 3)* In

37 Op . c i t . . p . b j f . 232

both cases, while the day has a particular dramatic inç>ortance in the

development of the story, it is only a particular moment of time in

g en eral.

Another more frequently used expression is A CES PARCHES : "A ces

paroUes se retourne ûiide vers son seigneur et en fondant grosses lar­

mes . randonnans de ses yeux . elle lui prent a dire" (Erec, p. 277, 15-

16); "A ces parolles congnoist bien Thessala que Fenice n'a pas en a-

mours ce qu'elle desire si lui respond" (Cligès, p. 309, 29-30). The

situation is quite different here: A CBS PAROLLES introduces the reac­

tion of one character to what another has just said; it therefore has

value only in the dramatic unfolding of the romance.

The same can be said about those sentences introduced by a noun

preceded by the preposition APRES: "Apres les bienuingnans Erec la dame

et les barons descendirent et furent menes au chasteau amont en vne

salle riceraent paree" (Erec, p. 287, 32-34-); "^res ces entrefaictes

Alixandre cerche tant q u 'il treuue bien .xx. hommes armes en vng cauain qui illeuc s'estoient mis pour reposer comme ceulx qui auoient toute la nuit veillie" (Cligès, p. 299, 32-34-) . Time here has only to do with the succession of events in the narrative.

In order to pinpoint a particularly dramatic moment, the writer(s) of the prose Erec and the prose Cligès use(s) A CELLE (or UESTE) HEURE:

"A celle heure que le roi Erec vint au tournoy, messire Cauain auoit pris vne grosse lance et reprenoit vng pou son allaine a part" (Erec. p.

292, 20-21); "et a ceste heure j'ay souuenance a Thessala qui le jour qu'elle espousa mon oncle . elle me fist bonne chiere et me bailla d'un buurage dont je seruis mon dit oncle" (Cligès. p . 323, 12-14-). Both of 233 these examples are particularly dramatic, involving the heros of the respective romances.

Finally, mention should be made of the expression A HEURE OOI-îPE-

TEHTE, xdiich is used to indicate that a given action takes place at the most appropriate moment in the development of the plot: "Et a heure com­ pétente le roi atourne noblement monta a cheual" (Erec. p. 233* 3^-25^,

1); "A heure compétente Thessala eust mis en point l 'enchantement et lors qu*elle vit soir les empereurs a table et elle eust aguette par qui elle puisse furnir son fait..." (Cligès. p. 310, 36-38).

This type of attack in "complément temporel" appears to be a very strong and independent one. It announces the beginning of a new aspect of the action as well as the completion of what has preceded it. AL- though the new action may be the result of the preceding one, it is an independent entity. As Professor Rychner ^ states: "Le comportement phrastique du cp tp [-complement temporel] est donc bien digne d'une attaque qui, au-delà de la phrase, inaugure souvent un épisode."

4 A In his analysis of the Mort Artu. Jean Rychner distingui­ shes three categories of sentence attacks using a temporal clause: "1.

Le verbe de la pp tp [-proposition temporelle] est un verbe de percep­ tion, perception physique (veoir. entendre, oir) ou intellectuelle (sa­ voir. connoistre etc.]...2 . Le verbe de la pp tp présente le procès q u'il esprirae sous un aspect achevé; le procès de la pp pc [-proposition

^ Op. c i t . . p . 96.

Op. cit.. p. 96. 2 3 4

principale] est donc postérieur à celui de la pp tp..»3» Le verbe de la

pp tp présente le procès qu'il e^qprime sous un aspect parallèle et place

ainsi le procès de la pp pc dans la simultanéité de celui de la pp tp."

In our two fifteenth-century texts, we find a total of 88 sentences

introduced by a temporal clause, 36 in Erec. 52 in Cligès. This gives a

frequency of 4.206 for Erec. 5*567 for Cligès. the spread being 1.361.

One of the most common subordinating conjunctions used to introduce

a sentence (22 times in Erec. 34 in Cligès) is QUANT: "Et quant les he-

rauls voient les grans effors de cheualerie que le roi Erec va faisant

et qu'il ne vient en lieu ou il ne se face congnoistre, ils commencent a

crier toux d'une voix" (Erec. p. 292, 40-42); "Quant le roy Artus et sez

baronz voient ceste bataille . ilz en aprocent vng petit et s'arrestent

pour les regarder" (Cligès. p. 320, 35-36)* It is obvious that these

exaiîç)les belong to Professor Rychner's first categoiy; the intention is

clearly to prepare the reaction of the subjects of the sentence to vàiat

they have just witnessed.

A second conjunction used by our writer(s), appearing 3 times in

Erec and 4 in Cligès is AINS QUE (-aussitôt que in Modern French): "Ains

qu'il entrece au chasteau de la ville il mande au roy sa venue" (Erec.

p. 267, 33-34)f "Ains que la criee fu faicte Alixandre s'en ala veoir la

reyne . comme il auoit acoustume" (Cligès. p. 296, 7-8). This, then, would correspond to Professor itychner* s second category, as AINS QUE re­ quires that the action of the principal clause follow, rather than pre­ cede, that of the dependant clause. Itafortunate, however, is the fact that syntactic studies of Old and Middle French (Foulet, Gardner and

Greene, Gougenheim) do not d iscu ss such s ty l i s t i c co n sid eratio n s. 235

In keeping, too, with the second category is the use of LORS QUS,

■fcdiich is attested 4 times in Erec and 4 times in Cliges; "Et lors que le cheualier aux armes blances est venu au deuant de 1* espriuier il prent a dire a s'amie" (Erec, p. 25d, 9-10); "Et lors qu'il a vne grant e^ace souffert et endure lez coups des cheualiers . vng soudein vouloir lui vient tel qu'il s'esuertue" (Cligès. p. 320, 2-4). Clear]y, the tense sequence—passé composé, present—indicates that here, indeed, the ac­ tion of the principal clause follows that of the temporal one.

VS.th the conjunction TAI'ITOST QUE, the sentence may f it either cate­ gory two or three, depending on whether the action of the principal clause is conceived of as posterior to or simultaneous with that of the dependent clause: "Et tantost que Erec celle part est arriue veci la dame et mestresse de leans et sa belle fille qui souruiennent illeuc"

(Erec, p. 255» 29-31)» "Tantost que Fenice fu endormie comme dessus est dist . l'en alla publier et rapporter par pluseurz lieux qu'elle estoit morte" (Cligès, p. 329» 22-23)• This conjunction is used to introduce a sentence 2 times in Ebrec and on]y once in Cliges.

Certain tençoral conjunctions are found in one text, but not in the other. APRES CE QUE is attested once in Erec: "i^res ce que chas­ cun eust laissie le toumoier, cheualiers furent tost mis hors de leurs armes" (p. 26?, 18-19), EMDEKEüTIERS QUE twice in Cliges: "Car endemen- tiers que le roy estoit en la petite Bretaigne lui qui estoit garde des grans trésors les auoit enfondrez" (p. 292, 37-38)•

In the above examples, the number of times the conjunction is pre­ ceded by a coordinating conjunction (et, car) indicates the inçortance of these clauses in linking two separate actions in the minds of the 236

re a d e rs .

4 .4 .3 . The fifth type of locution that can introduce a sentence is

the temporal adverb. These sentence attacks account for 43 examples in

Erec and 59 in Cliges. The frequency, therefore, calculates to 5 «023

for Erec, 6.317 for Cliges, leaving a spread of 1.294.

One adverb -which Jean Rychner does not discuss, perhaps because it

does not exist in this function in the Mort Artu, is ORES. Yet, it ap­ pears 3 times in Erec and 4 in Cliges to begin a sentence; "Ores ne

l'ose elle I'esuillier pour ce qu'il a jure de le courrecier s'elle pa- rolle plus a luy sans ce qu'il l'en arraisonne premièrement" (Erec, p.

275, 10-12)i "Ores lui est il besoing de trouuer les maniérés de sauuer

sa vie" (Cligès, p . 292, 30-31) • ORES points up a very significant mo­ ment in the narration: it is at that very minute that Enide does not dare to awaken Erec for fear of his wrath, or that the count of Windsor must find a way to save his life. As such, it would seem to us a most effective means of calling attention to the problem.

A second frequently used adverb (12 times in Erec, 9 ifi Cliges).

PUIS, does not have such an attention-getting quality: "Puis s'assist a table auec la reyne entre lesquels deux estoit Enide la belle dame des nopces haultement atoumee de joyaulx et rices bagues" (Erec, p.

265 , 2-4)f "Puis vient a l 'empereur son pere et Thantalis sa mere . plorant tendrement au prendre congie" (Cliges, p . 285, 4^5)• Professor

I^chner has pointed out the weak quality of PUIS, idiich is conjunc-

4o Op. cit.. p. 155ff' 237

tive rather than phrastiquej this is even more apparent vdien we note

that the suoject (which must be found in the preceding sentence; le roi

Artus, Alixandre) is not repeated. PUIS merely indicates the succes­

sion of events.

The adverb AT ANT is also used 1? times in Erec and in Cliges to

introduce a sentence: "Atant il se part et se adresce au logis ou est

Erec e t Enide . i l entre en la chambre ou i l s se ra fre c h isse n t e t re - prindrent leur allaine trauaillie" (Erec, p. 273* 37-39)» "Atant s’est elle leuee et vng petit se pourmeine . puis comme esprise d'amours se vient soir d'enpres Alixandre pensant quel sera le premier mot qu'elle lui dira" (Cligès. p . 294, 26-28). ATANT is frequently used following a passage in discourse, either direct or indirect; however, the propor­ tion in our two texts varies greatly: whereas in Cliges, out of 15 at­ testations, 8 follow a discourse passage, in Erec the proportion is 4 our of 17. The valeur phrastique of ATANT cannot be douoted; it is of­ ten used as a transition from one episode to the next. 41 Concerning LORS, Jean %rchner reports that it creates a rapport immealat witn what precedes it: "entre le monent précédent et le moment en lors il n'y a pas de place pour un autre moment.": "Lors serre elle sa bouce affin qu'elle ne raisonne chose qui desplaise a son chier tenu"

(Erec. p . 277» 1^2); "Lors fu Fenice amenee deuant son pere re lu is a n t en tant excellente beaulte que l 'en ne scaroit tant dire de beaultes fe­ minines qu' en elle n'en soient plus trouuees" (Cligès. p . 305» 22-24).

The connection is much doser, for instance, than if the writer had cho-

0P« c i t . , p . 223. 238 sen to use a temporal noun or clause.

It is ijnportant to mention the question of the inversion of the

subject and verb, which is "a dominating tendency and not the rule it 42 had been in Old French." In our examples, we note that it is defini­

tely the tendency after ORES and LORS; the question is less clear with

ATANT, %diere 23 cases with and 11 without inversion are attested; as

the subject is frequently not repeated after PUIS, the problem does not

arise. It would seem that the stronger adverbs are the ones that re- 43 quire inversion. lucien Foulet would likely explain the indecision

evidenced by ATANT as a confusion between adverb and conjunction.

4.4.6. Ihe sixth and final sentence attack discussed by Jean ch- 44 ner is the one introduced by the particle SI. Corparing SI to LORS, he states that, whereas LORS distinguishes tvra actions on the tençoral level—"en longueur"—" si le fait entre le thème et prédicat, en épais­ seur [...] il n'y a pas de place pour un autre prédicat entre le thème précédent et le prédicat en si." In our two texts, we discover that th e sentence a tta c k in SI accounts fo r 6 exaitg>les in Erec and 11 in C ll- pes. The frequency for Erec. then, is .701, and for Cligès 1.1??, re­ sulting in a spread of .476. As we have already stated (4.3.1.), SI in­ troduces an action which is the logical result of the preceding one; "Si n’ont pas demi jour chemine quant ils passent par vng boys et de loings

42 Gardner and Greene, p. 143. 43 Petite Syntaxe de l'ancien français (Paris: Chanpion Reprint, 1968), p . 30d f f . 44 Op. cit.. p. 223. 239 en vne lande elle parchoipt trois larrons" (Erec, p. 2?0, ^ 5 ) i "Si re -

doubte de l'aultre part qu'elle ne le sace par enchantemens et pourtant

elle prent le serement de sa mestresse qu’elle lui sera secrete" (Cli­

gès. p . 309» I7-I 9). SI also introduces one of the last vestiges of

the formulaic language of the chansons de geste in the expression SI

VEISSIEZ or SI EUSSIEZ VEU; "si fut atant entre le roi et les seigneurs de la terre la joie de court, si eussiez veu a l'heure que Erec sonna

le cor..." (Erec. p. 290, ltU20)f "Si eussiez veu cheualiers armer et archierCsJ saisir toursses et bons ^.rs" (Cligès. p. 295» ^5)» This

construction is found onüy once in Erec and, as we can see, Foerster did not treat it as a sentence attack; it appears 5 times in Cligès.

The difference can likely be erolained by the nature of the subject: whereas Erec is concerned with individual knightly encounters—thus less picturesque and grandiose than larger battle scenes—, Cliges recounts several larger battles between the Greeks and the Saxons, vdiich is pre­ cisely the type of scene SI VEISSIEZ or SI EUSSIEZ VEU traditionally introduced.

The relations expressed by the sentence attacks in the fifteenth- century Erec and Cligès. as in the Mort Artu. are dramatique (nominal and pronominal), temporelle (temporal noun, clause, adverb) and predicative (si—'and').

4 .4 .7. The texts, however, present frequently other types of attacks which are TOrthy of mention. We w ill not discuss here the attacks typi­ cal of the discourse passages, as these will De part of the next section.

Adverbs other than temporal may be used to introduce a sentence. Filmed as received without page(s) 240

UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS. 2kl

ges into indirect discourse.

The chief advantage of the direct style is that the characters

present their o>m ideas and feelings, without the intervention and/or

inteipretation of the writer. Indeed, the writer takes on the role of

a reporter, faithfully recording eveiything he hears precisely as he

hears it. Secondly, the use of direct discourse lends a definite dra­

matic quality to the narrative. The principal disadvantage, if one is

writing in octosyllabic verse, as was Qirestien, is that the discourse

appears artificial and contrived; one siiiçly does not speak in octo­

syllabic couplets ! Why, then, did the Burgundian writer(s) of the prose Erec and Cli­

ges find it necessary to transform these passages into indirect dis­

course? We would point out that even the earliest adapters of Chrestien

in the late twelfth century apparently found the amount of direct dis­

course in his romances overvhelming. Vdshing to make his poem more nar­ rative and to take a more active role in the development of the charac- ters and plot, Hartmann von Aue eliminated many of the direct dis­

course passages. Thus, we see that it was not the prose form that im­ posed the stylistic transformation. changing the type of discourse,

the writer becomes an editor rather than an omniscient, omni-present

reporter; he no longer must record every word, he may paraphrase, edit

the ^eeches and comment upon them.

In our fifteenth century Erec and Cliges. we find three types of

^5 Gf. Valhelm Kellermann, "L" Adaptation du roman d 'Erec et Snide de Chretien de Troyes par Hartmann von Aue, " in Melanges de langue et littérature du moyen age et de la Renaissance offerts a Jean Frappier, I (Geneve: Droz, 1970), 509-522. 242 discourse: 1) a considerable amount of direct discourse, taken over from the twelfth-century prototype, 2) indirect discourse introduced by

QUE, much of \Aiich has been reworked from Chrestien* s direct passages, and 3) indirect discourse without the introductory QUE.

We shall attempt to determine qiecific patterns in this transfor­ mation from direct to indirect discourse. For instance, are there cer­ tain characters vho consistently use the direct form and others the in­ direct? Are there patterns in the way in which these discourse passa­ ges are introduced? What is the relationship between the three forms of discourse and the general effect each produces?

4 .5 .1 . Despite the fact that the fifteenth-century adaptations sys­ tematically transformed Chrestien's direct discourse into indirect, an impressive number of direct discourse passages remain in the prose Erec and prose Cliges. Out of 204 discourse passages in Erec. 122 are in th e d ir e c t s ty le , conç»ared to 95 out of 177 fo r C liges. This represents a frequency of 59.805 for Erec. 53.674 for Cliges with a spread of

6 .1 3 1 . The characters vdio consistently use the direct form of address are of interest. As we may expect, the main characters account for half or more of the passages in question: EREC, 40; ENIDE, 21; ALIXANDRE, 12;

SOREDAI'DURS, 5i CLIGES, 18; FENICE, 16.

However, we are surprised to see Erec outnumber Ehide 2:1. In reading the tale, one definitely has the impression that Enide's role is much more iiqxjrtant than these figures would seem to indicate. And, after all, was it not her malle bouce which started all the series of 243 adventures?

It is also significant to note the relatively small number of di­

rect discourse passages ascribed to Arthur and Guenievre, since they are

king and queen. Arthur speaks directly only once in Erec (p. 253» 31)

for the purpose of emphasizing his royal authority, and 3 times in

Cliges (p. 206) for the purpose of welcoming Alixandre to Britain and

of flattering him: "Beau filz dist le roy je suis moult joieux de ta venue" (1. 13); "De la venue a 'un tel escuier dist le roy je me doibs moult esioir" (11. 21-22); "Mon bel ami a bon port soies tu arriue"

(1. 25). The queen speaks 3 times in Erec, first to request that Erec seek revenge for the injury to her maiden done by the dwarf (p. 254, 32), secondly to state that she would recognize the dwarf is she saw him again (p. 260, 28) and finally to inquire after Erec's well-being (p.

260, 44), and twice in Cliges in order to confront Alixandre (p. 302, 6) and then Soredamours (p. 302, 36) with their love for each other. It would seem that, except for Arthur* s speech in Erec, the writer is using the king and queen to glorify and set off Erec and Alixandre ra­ ther than themselves.

The rest of the passages in direct discourse are distributed among the minor characters with whom the major characters come into contact. There are, nevertheless, two inqjortant uses of direct address which are vrorthy of mention: speeches by allegorical characters, and speeches pronounced by groups.

The only exarçle of an allegorical character speaking in Erec is in the episode where Amours comes to admonish Enide and to try to con­ vince her to warn Erec about the robbers who are following them and to 244 ignore her husband's orders: "Hellas es tu plus subgette a vng edit que tu ne es a 1* aduertir de son bien" (p. 271, 14^19)• More varied is the. use of allegorical characters and their discourse in Cliges. Curiously, these passages all come fairly close to one another, and at the begin­ ning of the romance. In the first case, Amours Maternelle comes to

Thantalis to bring to her attention the dangers of Alixandre*s projec­ ted sea voyage; "Lasse poure . que deuenras tu quant ton enfant se de­ part de toy et aler s 'en veult aduentureusement transnageant I'anuyeux chemin es périlleuses vndes de la large et longue mer" (p. 284, 26-28); secondly. Amours appears to Alixandre for the specific puipose of kindling his love for Soredamours, "la plus doulce creature qui viue"

(p. 288, L-4)i finally. Enseignement comes to Alixandre to explain to the bewildered young knight that love "getta sa saiette qui dedens ton cuer entra sans blecier le corps comme le soleil passe parmi la varrié­ ré sans le casser" (p. 289, 41-290, 6).

Although, in general, the fifteenth-century Erec and Cliges avoid the use of large groups and crowd scenes, there are instances where the crowd speaks in chorus, somewhat in th e manner o f th e chorus o f a Greek tragedy. There are 2 scenes where this technique is used effectively in Erec. First, at the scene when Erec brings Qiide to take the spar­ row-hawk, the spectators, not knowing him, inquire as with one voice

"Qui est cil qui la belle fille ammaine" (p. 257, 37-38)» More impor­ tantly, the other scene is part of the text added by the adapter, tdio uses the crowd to p ra ise King Erec, disguised in black armor a t the tourney: "Honneur soit donnée au cheualier aux armes noir[esJ qui vainct to u t" (p . 292, 42-293, 1) and "fuies fuies . vees ci le cheualier aux 2^5 armes noires qui tout abat" (p. 293, 2>2^). The siege of Windsor

Castle provides occasion for choral peaking in Cliges; Arthur's escher- gueteurz awaken the men with cries of "Aux armes sus frans cheualiers legierement" idien Vûndsor's men try to surprise them at night (p. 297,

9-11); when Alixandre's men invade the castle, Windsor's men cry out

"Trays trays sonmes nous" (p. 299, 12-13)• However, the most effective use of choral speaking in Cliges is at the time of Fenice's false death.

First we have the people's complaint against death: "0 mort mort . qui te raoeult de pourchaissier enuerz nous ce contraire et ceste inportune pestillence" (p. 329, 37-^5), which is followed by the inquiry of the

Salerno doctors: "0 vous gens troublez en corage . s 'il vous vient a piesir recomptes nous la cause pour quoy vous demenes ce duel angois- seux" (p . 330, 8 -1 1 ),

Direct discourse certainly adds a dramatic quality to the text.

This is indeed true of Chrestien's poem and is also true of some of the earlier prose romances (e.g. the Mort Artu) . That our prose versions have substantially reduced the number of direct discourse passages makes them more narrative than dramatic. Furthermore, we can see a certain pattern in these passages, reducing the variety which could be found in tne use of discourse. In addressing anouner character, the speaker usually begins by stating the title of the person to whom he is speaking. In Erec: "Vassal tires vous ensus de celle place..." (p. 25^,

38); "Sire cheualier par vostre foy je vous prie que..." (p. 256, 22);

"Ma belle demoiselle qui toute estes gente a droit..." (p. 258, 11) etc.

In Cligès: "Mon bel ami a bon port soies tu céans arriue" (p. 286, 25);

"Sire dieu te sault et acroisse ton honneur" (p. 306, 33); "Belle mes- 246

tresse dist Fenice je vous remercie" (p. 326, 23}• The language is

s till veiy much stylized and formulaic.

Direct discourse is also used in lengthy monologues in which the

characters analyse their feelings. These are very often complaints and,

as such are introduced by an interjection. In Erec. these monologues

are part of Enide's self-examination, and in 4 such passages, she be­

gins her complaint in three different ways: "Hellas meschante chetiue !"

(p. 269, 19-28)i "Hellas pour quoi fus je oncques nee" (p. 272, 21-34)j

"0 lasse, que dolante journee quant je voy..." (p. 277, 4-13)f "0 tres malheuree dame" (p. 283, 31-284, 3 )» In Cliges. Alixandre, Soredamours and Fenice a ll analyse their love in long monologues: Alixandre—"Poure affolle que veulz tu faire" (p. 289, 4-43); Soredamours—"0 lasse comme suis je folle et musarde..." (p. 290, 16-46) and "G que poure est mon noble et leal cuer..." (p. 291, 6-16); Fenice—"G lasse dist elle que je suis de malle heure nee..." (p. 308, 42-46). Again, certain simila­ rities in the passages are obvious.

4 .3 .2 . The second style of discourse found in our two prose texts is indirect discourse introduced ty QUE. There are 71 such passages in

Erec. 77 in Cliges. This calculates to a frequency of 34.804 for Erec,

4 3 .3 0 3 for Cliges. resulting in a q^read of 8.699 •

As with the direct discourse, the main characters account for the largest percentage of these speeches: EHEC, 24; EKIDE, 4 (again, a re­ markably small total, especially as Erec outnumbers her 6:11); AUXAI^DHE,

8; SGREDAI-ÎGURS, 4; CUGES, 9i FENICE, 3 .

Again, the role of the king and queen is negligible. ARTHUR is 24?

responsible for 3 indirect discourse passages in Erec. and 6 in Cliges;

GUENIEVR2 qpeaks indirectly 3 times in Erec and not at a ll in Cliges.

Of these twelve passages, no fewer than nine are for the specific pur­

pose of flattering the hero (or in 2 cases, the heroine) of the romance.

In Erec. the queen suggests that Arthur choose Enide to receive the

kiss (p. 264, 9)f the king admits to the fact that, indeed, Enide is the

most beautiful girl (p. 264, 12); after Erec's encounter with Key,

Arthur sends Gauvain to bring him back to court (p. 280, 7)» in the

adapter* s addition to the text, after Erec’s final victory in the tour­

ney, the king asks his identity (p. 293, 34). A similar situation is

revealed in Cliges; Arthur consents to dubbing Alixandre before the

siege of Windsor Castle (p. 292, 4); after Alixandre’s outstanding per­

formance during the siege, the king offers him whatever he might ask

for (p. 301, 26); Arthur asks Gauvain, the number one knight, to joust

with Cliges in an encounter vhich will end in a draw (p. 320, 11), af­

ter which he asks him to make peace with the s till unidentified Cliges

(p. 320, 46); finally, Arthur offers to help Cliges take vengeance on

his uncle Alix lAo has taken over the throne of Constantinople (p. 337»

38) • It is obvious that the king and his court are only present to pro­

vide a baclcground against which the hero may shine in all his glory*

It seems apparent that the writer(s) felt that the proper use of

indirect discourse was to emphasize ceitain important scenes in which minor characters play a major role. Unfortunately, space w ill only permit us to comment on a few of these scenes.

In Erec. this is most evident in the scene where the five robbers are deciding among themselves how they w ill divide up the booty. They 248 speak, singly or two together, 5 different times (p. 271» 4, 5» 6, 8,

41). It should be pointed out, however, that here the adapter is fol­ lowing his twelfth-century model; Chrestien’s robbers also use indirect discourse, although the poet does add some variety by having the fourth use direct address: "’Et je le blanc I’ ce dist li quarz" (1. 2951)»

Another interesting passage in this respect is at the end of the tale, vàien Guivret reveals to Erec the secrets of Brandigan and the Joie de la

Oort. Here, in order to shorten the episode, Guivret’s remarks are con­ sistently transformed from direct into indirect discourse (cf. 11. 538?-

5414, 54-26-5446 and p . 28?, 9, IB, 2 0 ). S im ilarly , a f te r th e successful outcome of the Joie episode, the adapter has transformed the knight of the Joie’s request to know Erec’s name and his remarks concerning his stay with lüng Lach into indirect address (p. 2By, 51, 40).

In Cliges, perhaps the most important scene in this respect is the one with the doctors from Salerno. In Chrestien, they usually use the direct form of speech (1. 5860ff.; 1. 5«99ff.» 1* 5937ff-» 1* 5972ff.;).

Although in the prose version they also use this form of address (p.

330» 8, 30, 43; p. 331» 12), this episode is again shortened by the use of indirect discourse in several passages (p. 329» 10; p. 330» 26, 29; p. 331» 29; p. 332» 1). The knight Bertrand, althougn a very minor character, has a most important role, as it is he vlao discovers that Fe­ nice is alive. In the prose version, he peaks 3 times using the indi­ rect form of address, 2 of which have been transformed from Chrestien's direct discourse (cf. 1. 6452ff., 1. 6496ff. and p , 336, 10, 30, 33)»

In both Chrestien and the fifteenth-century Cliges. messengers, as minor characters, use "Uhe indirect form of address: the messengers vAio te ll 249

Arth'.r of the count of Vûndsor’s revolt (cf. 1. 1058ff. and p. 291» 20);

the messenger -tho tells Alix that Alixandre is dead (cf. 1. 2409ff• and

p. 303, 32).

Other special uses of indirect address are attested in our texts;

it may be ased to record the remarks of the vniter, or those of the

vague CHASCUi'î.

Although the viriter(s) does occasionally interject his own perso­

n a l comments in to th e romance, he generally does so d ire c tly and n arra­

tively, using his own words, but without the need of quotation marks,

of course. Once in Cliges. however, he chooses the indirect means of

address: "Et pour ce que je ne suffiroie pas a descripre la figure et

tresautentique forme de ceste belle damoiselle . je m'en déporté disant

que chascun s'esmeruilloit de la veoir" (p. 305 , 24-26). After report­

ing his oxm inadequacies, he uses the indirect form to state how others reacted to seeing Fenice.

It is also in Cliges that we find the use of indirect discourse applied, in 2 places, to CHASCUI'I. This seems particularly vague to the modem reader, more so than statements attributed to certain groups of individuals who at least have some kind of identity: townspeople, knights etc. Concerning Fenice's beauty, "chascun disoit qu'il n'estoit pas possible a nature . non obstant qu'elle soit soubtille . qu'elle sceust aduenir a conçoser de toutes choses vng chief d'euure pareil ad ceste" (p. 305 , 32-35), and about Cliges, "chascun s 'esmerueille et dient que passe long temps ilz ne veirent venir a la court cheualier de plus grande façon" (p. 319, 18-20). 250

A few examples w ill serve to demonstrate to Tdiat extent the re­

duction of the text and the change from direct to indirect discourse has, in certain passages at least, destroyed the dramatic quality of

Chrestien*s poem.

In Erec. for instance, the scene where the people see Erec and

Enide arrive for the taking of the sparrow-hawk:

lA uns dit a l'autre et conseille : Les ungs aux aultres "Qui est, qui est cil chevaliers? enquierent: Qui est l'but doit estre hardis et fiers cil qui la belle fille Qui la be le pucele an mainne. amtnaine, mes ils ne le Gist puet bien desresnier par droit sceuent congnoistre si Que ceste la plus bele soit." adiugent et déposent a lA uns dit a l'autre: "For voir la disposicion qu'ils Geste doit l'esprevier avoir." voient ou corps de ce lA un la pucele prisoient, cheualier • qu'il a Et mainz an i ot qui disoient: bonne façon qu'il est "Deus I qui puet cil chevaliers estre, de bon hostel et qu' il Qui la bele pucele adestreî" est bien pour enporter "Ke sai." — "we sai," ce dit chascuns; l'espriuier, car plus "Mes mout Ü siet li hiaumes bruns beau ne plus belle ne Et cil haubers et cil escuz pueent conuenir en place. Et cil branz d'acier esmoluz. (p. 257, 37-4-l) ' Mout est adroiz sor cel cheval. Bien ressanble vaillant vassal. Mout est bien fez et bien tailliez De braz, de janbes et de piez." (11. 752-772}

Although it may be argued that this last example is due to the prose w riter's disinterest in groups and crowd scenes and that, there­ fore, he wished to de-emphasize them, the same cannot be said of the fol­ lowing very different passage from Cliges. In Chrestien, Soredamours* monologue, in vàiich she debates with herself concerning her love for

Alixandre, is veiy lively and dramatic; this is transformed by the adap­ ter into a less animated and more academic explanation of the inception of love in the maiden's heart. The texts, in part, read as follows:

Et dit; "Oel! vos m'avez traie. Le ruide entendement de ceste Par vos m'a mes cuers anhaxe, damoiselle n'aguerez obstine 2 5 1

Qui me soloit estre de foi. en indignacion enuers lez Or me grieve ce que je v o i. hommes par vng ray soudein des Grieve? Kon fait, einçois me siet. vertus d'amours . est corrom­ Et se je voi rien qui me griet. pu et rendu serf a remirer la Don m'ai je mes iauz en baillie? beaulte d'Alixandre . si deues Bien me seroit force faillie sauoir qu'au desracinement de Et po me devroie prisier. ceste malditte obstinacion que Se mes iauz ne puis j u s tis ie r Soredamours auoit enuers lez Et faire autre part esgarder. nobles qu'il conuenoit bien a Einsi me porrai bien garder amours monstrer patentement D'amor qui justisier me viaut. ses vertus . comme il fist. Gui iauz ne voit, ne cuers ne diaut; Car non obstant que son cuer Se je nel voi, riens ne m'an iert. fust enrudi . et resistant aux Il ne me prie ne requiert. vouloirs de nature . commande- S 'il m'amast, il m'eüst requise, raens e t semonces d'amours . Et puis qu'il ne m'aimme ne prise, voire et a raison attendu qu' Amerai le je , s ' i l ne m'aimme? elle cuidoit nul homme estre Se sa biautez mes iauz reclaimme suffisant pour paruenir a sa Et mi oel traient a reclaim. bonne grace, etc. D ira i je por ce que je 1 'aim? e tc . (p. 287, 25-33) (11 . 475 -496)

It seems to us that detailed commentary on such unfortunate changes is

unnecessary. Although the fifteenth-century texts are not without merit,

in some respects the”" ::rtainly did not improve on the original.

4 .5 .3 * The final category of discourse found in our texts is indi­

rect discourse without the introductory QUE. This style is more preva­

lent in Erec, where we find 11 examples, than in Cliges with only 5*

This results in a frequency of 5.392 for Erec. 2.825 for Cliges.

creating a spread of 2.567 •

Whereas the indirect discourse introduced by QUE invariably in­ volves a statement or request by an individual or a group and follows a verb indicating that such a statement or request is to follow (dire. prier, respondre. commander etc.), the indirect discourse without QUE, with one exception, is introduced by an interrogative word or locution:

SE, QUI, POUR QUOI, OU, DONT, and follow s a verb which would in d icate 252

that a question is to follow (demander, enquérir) .

SE is found 3 times in Erec and, again, 3 times in Cliges; "Le

conte la relieue et après la gracieuse salutacion enquiert d’elle se le

cheualier mort est son seigneur mari ou ami" (Erec, p. 284, 35-38); "Et

conclusions furent telles que sitost comme Soredamours fu relleuee que

la reyne lui demanda s*elle sauoit point ou la chemise que le cheualier

auoit vestue fut faicte" (Cligès, p . 296, 20-22).

The indirect interrogation introduced by QUI appears twice in Erec

and once in C liges; "Kex o ia n t p a rle r Erec i l l u i demanda qui i l e s to it

dont il venoit et quel chose il vouloit faire de la belle dame" (Erec,

p . 279, 25-26); "les deuises se tindrent toutes sur le fait de Cliges et

demandoient dames et damoiselles a ceulx de Grece qui estoit le gentil

damoisel Cliges qui tant bien l ’auoit fet" (Cligès. p. 308, 34-36).

M indirect question preceded by POUR QUOI is attested on]y once in

each of our fifteenth-century texts; "et après souper comme Erec et son

hoste entrassent en deuises Erec lui demande pour quoi sa fille estoit

tant sjjnplement atournee" (Erec. p. 256, 6-8); "Hz voient le lieu et la

court plaine de gent esploree . si s'arrestent et enquierent pour quoi

ilz pleurent et crient discordeement" (Cligès, p. 330, 6-8).

The other locutions—OU, QUELS, DOET—are found only in Erec.

The characters to vhom these passages are attributed rarely have more than one speech of this type, the exceptions being Erec with 3 » and

Guenievre with 2 (1 in each of the 2 romances). The other passages, one each, are spoken qy Arthur, Gauvain and Key together, Gauvain, Key, King

Lach, the knight who wants Enide to be his amie, the count of Limors, dames et damoiselles. Fenice, Alix, the Salerno doctors. As expected. 253 these are mostl^' secondary characters, with the exception of Erec and

Fenice, as their questions are designed to allow a more inportant

character to explain an action or situation. This is even true of

those for vàiich the major characters are responsible: two of Erec's in­

direct questions allow him to gain lodging in Enide* s home (p. 255» 26)

and ask her father about her poor clothing (p. 256, 7)» while the third

permits King Eurain to explain about the heads in the Joie episode

(p. 28b, 11)i Fenice* s question allows Cliges to e^qplain the fidelity of

his love (p. 32h, 14).

The two passages introduced by POUR QUOI illu strate the techniques

used by our writer(s). In the first exar^le, Erec* s question is trans­

formed from one in the direct style in Chrestien (cf. "* Dites moi, biaus

ostes, • fet il/ *De tant povre robe et si vil/ For qu*est vostre fille

atomee,/ Qui tant par est bele et seneeî*"—11. 5U5-5UÜ) . The adapter perhaps felt that, in this scene, the father* s response and lecture on poverty was more important; thus, he de-emphasized the question which occasioned the answer by reducing it to the simple "pour quoi sa fille estoit tant simplement atournee."

On the other hand, if the question is deemed to be vital, it may even be stressed by repetition, once in indirect discourse, and then in direct. In the case of the Salerno doctors, Chrestien reports that "Por le grant duel sont areste/ Et si demandent et anquierent,/ Don li criz et les lermes ierent,/ Por quoi s* afolent et confondent" (11. 5820-5823)— a rare use of the indirect style for the twelfth-century poet. The fif­ teenth- century version, unexpectedly, after the indirect interrogation, continues: "0 vous gens troublez en corage . s 'il vous vient a plesir ra- 25^

comptes nous la cause pour quoy vous demenes ce duel angoisseux . affin

que nous passans le chemin sentons du mal que vous portez et que nous

acompaignons de nos soupirs se faire le deuons" (p. 330» 8-11). ïhis

is noteirorthy for two reasons: the adapter’s general dislike for groups

and CMwd scenes, and his avoidance of repetition. He is likely trying

to evoke the reader’s sympathy for the doctors by displaying their com­

passion for the people’s grief and willingness to participate in it.

The only example where indirect discourse is used without the help

of the introductory QUE or of one of the interrogative words is in Ar­

thur’ s response to Gauvain*s objections to the hunt of the white stag:

"Auquel respondi le roy ne falloit ja debatre, si dist s’a dieu ne paise

que je n’entretiengne ma parolle et conuenance comme roi le doit faire"

(Erec. p. 253» 30-32). This citation calls for two remarks. First of

all, "ne falloit ja debatre" is the one authentic example of style indi-

rect libre in the two texts. Secondly, the ^ - se; this, too, is

the only example of this construction in the prose adaptations; however, 47 it recalls a similar use of se in other oaths, such as se Dieus m’a it.

The corresponding passage in the Gruuthuse manuscript, in almost identi­

cal terms, uses the direct style throughout: "Par ma foy, dist le roy, a mon edit ne faut ja débattre ne ja dieu ne plaise que je n’entretiengne ma parolle et ma couuenance comme roy le doit faire" (fol. 193b).

4.6. Having compared certain lexical characteristics in the fif-

46 Cf. I-hrguérite lâps. Le Style indirect libre (Paris: Payot, 1926), p . 5 0 f f . 47 Ci". Foulet, pp. 310- 3 1 1 . 255

teenth-century Erec and Cliges. we are now ready to coiqpare the results

with a text of David Aubert of approximately the same length. A compa­

rison of the three sets of statistics should enable us to make a state­

ment concerning the probability that the same writer adapted the Ghres-

tien texts, and that David Aubert might have been the adapter of one or

both texts. Again, we realize that extreme caution must be exercised.

This is especially true as statistics from other fifteenth-century texts

are not available, against wnich our results could be evaluated. Such

statistics iijould be valuable in determining if certain stylistic tenden­

cies were generally accepted in Burgundian literary circles or if, ra­

ther, certain tendencies distinguish certain works from others produced

at the time.

Reasons for the choice cf David Aubert and his adaptation of Jean

Bodel's Chanson des Saisnes have already been briefly discussed (1.4.).

VJhen David Aubert became attached to the court of Philip the Good, he

must have already had an established reputation as writer and adapter.

It is also probable that in his first adaptations, in which he was still

trying to develop and search for his style- David Aubert* s signature

would not appear; conversely, when he was better Imown, his works would

naturally be identified. This, along with the clerical nature of our prose versions, makes this most famous writer of the Burgundian court a

likely prospect when looking for a possible author of the adaptations.

It is significant, furthermore, that the model author in both cases

is of the twelfth century, although Jean Bodel wrote later in the centu­ ry than did Chrestien. The problems of adaptation were also similar: both models were in French, and both Chrestien and Jean Bodel wrote in 256 rhymed couplets, although Chrestien used octosyllabic verse and Jean Bo­ del chose the alexandrine. It should also be pointed out, given David

Aubert*s interest in the Charlemagne tradition, that, as we have already noted, the adapter of Cliges. in particular, vras very familiar with this tradition, even adding certain allusions to Chrestien*s text. On the other hand, we must keep in mind that David Aubert adapted a chanson de geste, which belongs to a different stylistic tradition than Chrestien* s poems, a fact which might account for certain divergences between David

Aubert*s adaptation and that of the anonymous Chrestien adapter(s).

Our statistics are based on a total of 26,160 words for David

A ubert.

4.6.1. Vfe find the following number of attestations of the various forms of the definite article in David Aubert: LS--396, LA—390, L'—351,

LES—330, for a total of 144?. This gives us a frequency of 5 •531, re­ sulting in a spread of .244 when compared to Erec and .957 when compared to Cliges. As with the adaptations of Chrestien, the inflected nomina­ tive LL form is not found. Agaiiif in an enumeration, the article may be omitted: "Les barons, cheualiers et vassaulz se partirent de leur marche a grant regret" (p. 129, 3 -4 ).

For the indefinite article, the attestations are VîîG (UIJG)—94, VNE

(UIŒ)—31, VlffiS—1, for a total of 126. As with Erec and Cliges. the masculine plural form of the indefinite article does not appear. The one attestation of the feminine plural form does not follow the pattern of the other texts, as it refers to letters rather than arms: "Et en par­ lant de choses secretes, lui bailla vnes lettres que sa femme lui en- 257

uoioit" (p. 130, 12-13). The frequency of the indefinite article calcu­

la te s to A 82 for David Aubert, which represents a spread of M-55 when

compared to Erec and .200 viien compared to Cliges.

A table of the pronouns found in David Aubert, and their comparison

with Erec and Cliges is as follows:

Pronoun Attestations Frequency %read/Erec Spread/ Cliges Subject Pronouns JE 149 TU 45 IL 299 elle 53 NOUS 69 VOUS 107 ILS (ILZ) 162 ELLES 8 T otal 892 3.410 .347 .543

Vfealc—D irect Object ME 11 Ml 5 TE 6 T» 1 LE 107 LA 35 L» 61 NOUS 17 VOUS 20 LES 67 T otal 330 1.261 .493 .207

Weak—Indirect Object Pronouns ME 37 M» 16 TE 10 T* 7 LUI 181 ECUS 17 VOUS 83 LEUR 74 Total 425 1.625 .022 .321 Strong Forms MOÏ (KOI) 25 TOY (TOI) 3 LUI 64 ELLS 7 258 Pronoun Attestations Frequency Spread/Erec Spread/Cliges NOUS 20 VOUS 32 EULX (EULZ) 34- ELLES 3 Total 188 .719 .003 .033

Certain remarks concerning pronoun usage should be made;

1) the subject pronoun is omitted 32^ times in the Croniques et

Conquestes de Charlemaine;

2) as with Erec and Cliges. the variant form of the indirect object pronoun, LI, is not found in David Aubert;

3) as in the earlier texts, the strong form of the pronoun is some­ times used vdiere we would expect to find the indirect object pronoun:

"Ilz le vouloient veoir et parler a luy pour sauoir qui lui auoit baillie ce conseil" (p. 124, 18-19).

A list of the prepositions attested in David Aubert and their com­ parison with Erec and Cliges is reproduced in the next table:

Preposition Attestations Frequency Spread/Erec Spread/Cliges DE 905 D» 185 DU 111 DES 93 T o ta l 1294 4.946 442 .439

A 433 AD 26 AU 13^ AUX 45 T o ta l 619 2.366 .578 .615

POUR 261 .997 .262 .373 PAR 217 .829 .180 .056 SANS 45 .172 447 .015 AUEC 39 .149 4 1 6 .030 0 0 426 .016

As in the adaptations of Erec and Cliges:

1) DE plus a strong form of the personal pronoun : 259

we would use the possessive adjective: “vous auez acquis 1 'amour de moy

qui vous puet prouffiter plus que tout I'auoir du monde" (p. 145, 35-36);

2) as in Cliges. but not in Erec. we find PAR GE QUE next to POUR

CE QUE: "Par ce qu'on ne scauoit a qui baillier la couronne" (p. ICO, 3);

"Et pour ce qu» il est cy present, ay dit ces mots" (p. 10?, 30-31) •

A table of the negative eiiçressions reveals the following usage:

Negation Attestations Frequency Spread/Erec Spread/Cliges Ne a lo n e 249 .952 •015 I2Î 2 NE...MIE 16 .0 6 1 .048 X)55 N E ...ONCQUES 24 .092 X)49 4 5 7 N E ...PAS 30 .115 .177 .249 NE...POINT 50 .191 .144 .152 NE...NUL 14 .053 .016 .027 NE...GUERES 9 .034 .013 .028 NE...MAIS 0 .017 .010 NE...PLUS 4 .015 .058 .033 NE...JAI‘IAIS 19 .073 .000 .009 NE. . . JA 5 .019 .015 .029 NE...QUE 12 .046 .007 .004 NE...RIEN 13 .050 .007 .008 Wien compared to Erec and Cliges. it is significant to note that:

1) the archaic form NE..J1IE is much more frequent (16 times) in

David Aubert than in the other two texts, and this count does not in­ clude 9 NON MIEj

2) sim ilarly, NE...ONCQUES is found no fewer than 24 times;

3) RIENS, with the nominative S, is found 10 times.

From these statements, it would seem logical to conclude that, at least in the use of negative constructions, the Cronioues et Conquestes de Qiarlemaine is much more archaic than the prose Erec and Cliges.

4.6.2. Ih discussing the coordinating conjunctions, the following attestations and frequencies are found in the Cronioues et Conquestes 260 de Cnarlemaine:

Conjunction Attestations Freouency Soread/Erec Spread/Cliges ET 1.763 ?î57 3^ SI 96 .367 .023 .053 CAR 145 .554 .154 .091 MAIS 102 .390 .033 .059

As id.th the prose Erec and prose Cligès, any of the 4 may be used to join two clauses vdthin a sentence or may begin a sentence. Compare the foUovTing exanples: "car il estoit ancien et auoit beaucoup veu" (p.

132, 27-2Ü); "tu as pourchasse et quis ce que par aduenture en aucun temps te pourra nuire. Et se tu veulz sauoir que c'est..." (p, I 32, 29-

31)» "Ainsi veirent l'un l'autre a descouuert, face a face, si s'entra- procherent et baiserent l'un l'autre par grant amour" (p. 146, 8-9); "le roy Guitelin et quinze mil souldoiers estoient prestz et ordonnez pour passer la riuiere. Si cheuaucherent a la lune tout quoiement..." (p.

160, 30-32); "Ce fait, il en sera plus aisie a desconfire, car il a grandement mespris enuers nous" (p. 117, 15-16); "il donna congie a ses barons d'aler chascun en son pays et retourner vers lui...C ar il vouloit aler en Sassoine et prendre vengement. , (p. 116, 17-20); "De quoy ie ne vueil rien maintenir, mais l'ay dit a la correction de tous les ba­ rons que cy sont presens et de leur adueu, se besoing est" (p. 108, 12-

14); "ilz ne vous feront autre chose qu'ilz vous doiuent faire. Mais trop bien vendront vers vous a si grant puissance..." (p. 115, 22- 23) .

^bre interesting is the study of the subordinating conjunctions, a table of \diich follows:

Conjunction Attestations Frequency Spread/Erec Spread/Cliges QÛÂËT 8 1 3ÏD IÔ98 IÔ54 AIMS 33 .126 .086 .065 POUR CE QUE 44 .168 .095 .065 TAIÎT QUE 28 .107 .009 .001 261

Conjunction Attestations Frequency Soread/Erec %) read/Cliges AFFBi QUE 17 .065 D35 D14 AUAl^T QUE 7 .027 D23 427 AB]S QUE 1 .004 D52 4 3 8 JUSQUES A CE QUE 2 .008 .035 4 4 3 JUSQUES 0 —— C0I®IE1\' QUE 1 .004 J022 4 4 7 KON OBSTAIiT QUE 0 DOS 4 3 9 SAI\S QUE 0 m m M M SAHS CE QUE 1 .004 .004 441 SI NOH QUE 1 .004 .000 401

In general, the conjunctions normally followed by the indicative are used as they are in the adaptations of Chrestien’s romances: "Quant

leur lour fu venu, chascun se mist en armes et cheuaulx pour partir et

aler vers Alemaigne" (p. II 9, 1&.1Ü); "si n'osa homme désobéir, ains

s’en ala chascun armer et apprester" (p. I 30, 30- 3 1 )» “ains vous a man­ dez pour ce qu’il a besoing de vous" (p. 122, 38-39)» “les messages de l ’empereur cheuaucherent tant qu’ilz furent en sauuete" (p. 115, 4-5)*

However, with a different meaning, we also find POUR CE QUE and

TMT QUE followed by the subjunctive; such is not the case in our other two fifteenth-century romances: "Et pour ce ie suy venu vers vous pour ce que soies aduerty et que facies pendant vng petit de temps voz prepa­ rations" (p. 132, 6-8); "Et incontinent faittes tendre mon tref sur celle eaue ou au plus près, tant que les François et Alemans nous puissent plainement veoir" (p. 139» 14-16). Here POUR CE QUE has the modem meaning of "pour que" rather than "parce que"; likewise, TAîiT QUE seems to denote purpose rather than time or duration, and would probably translate in modem French as "afin que" or "de sorte que."

Among the subordinating conjunctions normally followed by the sub­ ju n c tiv e , we note th a t JUSQUES, NON OhSTAxiT QUE and SAUS QUE are not attested in David Aubert. 262

There appears to be somewhat more consistency in th e use o f the

subjunctive after AFFE'I QUE: "Elle vous fait par moy sauoir, affin que ne soies soupris par aucune soubtille voie..." (p. 158, 9-10). On the

other hand, our two examples of JUSQUES A CE QUE continue to show confu­

sion: "la guerre, qui tousiours a dure, de hoir en hoir, comme du tençjs

Pépin, que Charles Martel engendra, iusques ad ce que le bon empereur

Charlemagne les subiuga et conquist" (p. 101, 6- 8); "Adont se tint chas­

cun tout asseur, et se passa le temps vng peu iusques ad ce que les Fran­

çois eussent appointie de leurs besongnes" (p. 116, 24-26).

The frequency of AUAMT QUE is quite high, when compared to the prose

Erec and Cliges.

FinaUy, as vjith our other two texts, the one exan^le of SI WOK QUE is followed by the indicative : "En verite, belle fille, dist la roine, ie ne scay si non que mon coeur n'est point estable" (p. 142, 19- 20).

4 .6 .3 . A tabulation of the sentence attacks in the Croniques et Con-

Questes de Charlemaine produces the following results:

Type o f Attack Attestations Frequency Spread/Erec Spread/Cliges Noun Subject 91 11.475 12.006 5.655 Pronoun Subject 106 1 3 .3 3 3 6 .5 2 7 5 .2 9 7 Temporal noun 20 2 .5 2 2 .983 1 4 1 1 Tecporal clause 35 4.414 .208 1 .1 5 3 Temporal adverb 95 11.980 6 .9 5 7 5.663 Particle SI 76 9.584 8.883 8 JK)7 The noun subjects fall into essentially the same categories as those in the fifteenth-century Erec and Cliges: proper names, allegorical characters, noble titles, inanimate objects—"Charlemaine fist le lende­ main bien matin sonner ses trompes" (p. I 30, 28-29)# "Hais Amour la se- mondy lors par tel maniéré qu'il n'y auoit tant froit coeur qui ne fust 263

esmeu et espris" (p. 133, 10-12); ”L*empereur en fist vng petit de dan­

g le r, Guidant qu’i l fust plus content du reffus que de I'ottroy" (p.

152, 29-31)i "L’istoire contient que, quant l ’empereur..." (p. 155, 7) •

We note that, as in the other two texts, the noun subject may be prece­ ded by a coordinating conjunction.

Ihe sentence attack by the use of a pronoun subject likewise agrees with the usage found in our adaptations of Chrestien’s works; besides personal subject pronouns, we find the inpersonal GE, CHASCUi’î, CEULX and

LEQUEL: "Mais il trouua en son conseil qu’il feroit assaillir la cite ainchois qu’ilz se fussent plus forteffies par dedens" (p. 104-, 27-28);

"Chascun fis t bonne chiere comme le riche et bon empereur le commanda"

(p. 150, 4-5)f "Ceulx de Heruppe vous ont pieca seruy et en moult de pays estranges" (p. 125, 29-30); "Lesquelles ne le mirent pas en oubly"

(p. 157, 15-16). Again, the pronoun may be preceded by a coordinating conjunction.

Among the sentences beginning with a tenporal noun, we find LE

LEMDEÎIAIi'î MA'i'Iiî, AD CES MOTS and APRES p lu s a substantive, as we did in the other fliteenth-century texts: "Le lendemain matin, l ’empereur com­ manda que chascun fust en point pour assaillir la place" (p. 151, 28-29);

"Ad ces mots se leua et parla tout hault Gieffroy l ’Angeuin et dist : "

(p. 117, 8-9); "Apres ces mos l'enpereur donna congie au messagier sans lui rien commander ou dire de bouche ou autrement" (p. I 58, 23-25)* It should be noted that we do not find the expressions A CELLE HEURE and A

HEURE COriPETSijTE. However, while not found in the prose Erec and Cliaes. we note the use of an infinitive used as a noun in such a situation: "Au deslogier de deuant Tresmoigne fu grant le bruit que l ’en y fist" (p. 264

134, 28-29).

The sentences beginning with a temporal clause present a striking contrast between the prose Erec/ prose Cliges and the Croniques et Con­ questes de Charlemaine. The clauses introduced by the conjunctions QUANT and TMTOST QUE are found in a ll three texts: "Quant i l entreprent aucune chose, il la conduist moult haultement" (p. 152, 14-15); "Tantost qu'ilz fu re n t i l l e c a rriu e z , i l z lo g ie re n t sur vne eaue nommee I^Iassence" (p .

120, 2-3) • However, two other conjunctions which play an important role in the other two prose romances, AE'IS QUE and LOKS QUE, are not attested at a ll in the section of the Croniques et Conquestes which we have stu d ie d .

A similar situation exists when we consider the temporal adverbs which may introduce a sentence. In a ll three texts, PUIS, ATAI^T and

LOIS are attested: "Puis monteront chascun sur son cheual, eulz trois seulement, et se partirent de la cite" (p. 133, 25-27); "Atant se taist ceste histoire des Sesnes paiens et dist:" (p. ID5, 28); "Lors s'eslonga vng petit et donna course a son cheual, et le fist saillir en 1'eaue plus d'une toise" (p. 14-3, 14~làJ • However, ORES, lound in the fif­ teenth^ century Erec and Cliges. is not attested in the Croniques et Con­ questes and, conversejy, one of the most in^wrtant temporal adverbs,

ADOliT (48 times) does not appear in the Erec and Cliges: "Adont le mena a son logis, le fist désarmer et vestir autres draps" (p. 149, 39-40).

The use of the particle SI is comparatively much more popular in the Cronioues et Conquestes than in the fifteenth-century Erec and Cli­ ges: "Si commanda partie de sa cheualerie armer pour toutes doubtes et lui mesmos s'arma" (p. 14-3, 20-21). Nevertheless, in discussing senten­ 265 ces inttroduced by SI, we mentioned the survival of the old epic formu­ la SI VEISSIEZ or SI PSUSSIEZ VEIOIR. It is interesting to note that such a formula does not appear in the Croniques et Conquestes. at least in the part we are examining, and this despite the fact that we are dealing with an adaptation of a chanson de geste, whereas the other texts are adaptations of courtly romances I

4.6.^. The portion of the Croniques et Conquestes which we have stu­ died reveals the following distribution of the various types of dis­ course :

"%rpe of discourse Attestations Frequency Spread/Erec Spread/Cliges DIRECT . 91 62.759 2.954 9.085 INDIRECT V/ITH ^ E 40 2? .586 7.218 15.917 INDIRECT IVITHOUT ^US 14 9.655 4.263 6.830

We note immediately that David Aubert*s text contains comparatively fewer examples of indirect discourse with QUE, and more of indirect disburse without QUE.

When we examine the instances of direct discourse, one of the first things that strike us is that the women involved outnumber the men, at least in so far as the main characters are concerned; CHARLE-

KAGNE—9i GUITEm—6i BAUDUIN—4; SEBILLS--15; HELISSENT—11; MARSB-

BILLS—3 . We recall that such was not the case in the prose Erec and

Cliges. despite the importance of Enide* s parole in the former romance.

However, in considering the whole, the men outnumber the women, as, on different occasions, a whole series of nobles speak to give the emperor ad v ice.

Secondly, we would note that David Aubert does not exploit the cho- 266

rus effect we found in the earlier romances. In fact, as far as direct

discourse is concerned, there is not one example of more than one per­

son speaking at the same time, although this would have been easy to ar­

range, especially at one of the enperor's council sessions. Even the

messengers speak individually.

As with the other fifteenth-century romances, the passages of di­

rect discourse are frequently introduced by the identification of the

person or persons to whom the speech is directed: "Fere Saint" (p. 107,

38); "Hesseigneurs et amis" (p. Ill, 23); "Koble conte" (p. Ill, 12);

"Naimes" (p. 125, 19) etc.

The main male characters begin to take on a more important role

when we consider the distribution of the passages of indirect discourse

introduced by QUE: CHARLEI^IAGKE—10; GUITSLDJ--7; BAUDUIK—1 (p lu s 1 in unison with B erart: p . 154, 12); SEBILLEi-0 (a lth o u ^ she speaks jo in tly with E sto rfan t: p . 133» 23); HELISSENT—1; KARSEBILLS—0 . Comparatively few of the individual barons are included in this group; apparently

David Aubert preferred to keep their statements in direct discourse.

It is in the passages of indirect discourse introduced by QUE that

David Aubert successfully creates his choral effect. The pagans speak as a group (p. 101, 2; 137» 10), as do the "haulx prinches et barons"

(p. 124", 24"), the barons again (p. 12Ü, 37) as well as groups of two

clearly identified individuals: Gieffroy I'Angiers and Hi chart le Nor- mant (p. 124-, 16), Sebille and Estorfant (p. 133» 23)» Bauduin and Be­ r a r t (p . 154 -, 12). There are also more vaguely identified groups and in d iv id u als: th e people (p . 105» 6), "on" (p . 110, 14-), an anonymous pagan knight (p. I 3I, 21). 267 As we noted in the prose Erec and prose Cliges, these passages are

necessarily introduced by a verb indicating a statement of some kind:

dire. resPondre. .jurer, demander, prier etc.

In the indirect discourse without the introductory QUE, the prin­

cipal characters have the follovang distribution: CHARLEî-IAüNE—2;

GUITEm—3t BAUDUH)—0; SEBILLE—2; HEUSSENT—1; MARSEBILLS—l .

This would seem to be a relatively high percentage for this type of

discourse. Again, the individual barons have an insignificant role here, Huon having the only example attested (p. llfi, 20).

Again, David Aubert utilized this type of discourse for choral ef­ fect, and we find Thierry, Lambert and Gerard speaking together (p. 110,

13). Also, we have vaguely identified individuals and groups, such as

"on" (p . 115 , 7). There are even cases where the subject is not even

stated (p. 120, 3^).

As in the adaptations of Erec and Cliges, most of these passages are introduced by the verb demander. However, we also find racompter and enquérir.

In general, one is left ;d.th the impression that David Aubert transforms direct discourse into indirect less often than was the case with the prose versions of Erec and Cliges. Certainly, one might have expected that the speeches during the emperor* s council sessions would have been condensed and put into the indirect style as these seem to occupy a veiy important percentage of the attestations of direct dis­ course. ***

In conclusion, we would certainly not consider it impossible that 268

the same w iter executed the prose versions of Erec and Cliges. The con­

sistently similar frequencies of the mots-outils in the texts make this,

indeed, a strong probability. The same could be said of the way in which

our writer treats the problems of coordination and subordination in the

sentence structure and of sentence attacks. Kore divergence is observed

in his treatment of dialogue patterns. There are, to be sure, stylistic

differences between the two prose texts. This, however, could derive

from the nature of the tale itself and the sens which the prose writer

wished to give his romance: whereas Erec is the story of two individuals

in conflict vri-thin the framework of marriage, Cliges—while marriage cer­

tainly is an important consideration—is more concerned with questions of

royal authority and treason, leading to more epic-like situations, such as the siege of Windsor Castle. Thus, although comparison with other works would strengthen our arguments, we feel that our results indicate one author for both prose works.

Our results with David Aubert were less encouraging. However, this would prove that fifteenth-centuiy works can be distinguished from one another by the criteria we set up. In nearly every case, the spread be­ tween David Aubert/Erec and/or David Aubert/Cliges was greater than that between Erec/Cliges. We are especially influenced in our statement by the more archaic nature of David Aubert when questions of negation and use of certain prepositions are concerned, despite the fact that Erec and Cliges precede the Croniques et Conquestes. Vfe find strange, further­ more, that, although David Aubert was adapting a chanson de geste, he eliminated every case of epic formulaic language; such is not the ease with Erec and Cliges. although they are adaptations of courtly romances. 269 While the first may possibly be attributed to an influence of the work being adapted, the second certainly cannot. Thus, the author of the prose Erec and Cliges has yet to be identified. Chapter Five

Conclusion

The court of the dukes of Burgundy certainly provided the necessary milieu in which the arts and a new form of literary expression could be cultivated in the fifteenth centuiy.

France was tom apart and impoverished by the internal and exter­ nal conflicts i6ich especially dominated her history of the first half of the fifteenth century « The economic pro fe rity of Burgundy, on the contrary, permitted the support of many types of writers: chroniclers

(Georges Chastellain), copyists, compilers, translators (Jean Wauquelin,

Jean Mielot, David Aubert), novelists (Antoine de la Sale), etc. The

French, involved in these struggles, had little time for or interest in the development of a rich artistic and cultural life, idiile the dukes' political ambitions, based on the feudal system of the past, encouraged them to imitate the exploits of the heroes of the chansons de geste and romans courtois of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries « All literary genres were represented in the inventories of the ducal library, but the adaptations of the chansons de geste and romans courtois were especially popular. These works, however, were not blindly accepted by the Burgun­ dians, who had them rewritten to conform more closely to the tastes of the fifteenth century (1.1.).

One of the most significant changes, as far as the form is con­ cerned, is that these adaptations are usually in prose. Prose was first

270 271

used in genres vdiich reported factual, historical and didactic material,

such as the chronicles and translations of parts of the Bible. As early

as 1215-1220, however, the Arthurian Lancelot was treated in prose. The

principal reason for choosing prose over verse was that it was consi­

dered to be a more natural means of expression; rhyme was felt to be a

constraint and distraction idiich kept the work from having a serious or

historical aspect. The change from verse to prose is also likely rela­

ted to the change from a listening to a reading public: the assonance of

the q)ic, attractive to the ear of the medieval listener, was superfluous

for the eye of the reader. A reading public was also a more educated

one; the reader was more concerned with the mot .juste than with a word

chosen simply because it contained the proper rhyme. A more scientific

or historical work in tdiich the ideal of the mot .juste was manifest con­

formed to the didactic nature of many of these mises en prose, which were

the work of clerics, wno in turn appreciated the conciseness which the prose form encouraged ( 1 .2 .).

The prose adaptations of Chrestien’s Erec and Cliges are typical of the Burgundian mises en prose. They exemplify the attitudes and

ideals of the Burgundian court and of Philip the Good, under whose reign

they were produced, as well as the scientific nature of the prose form

Which the reading public demanded. This can be illustrated by a compa­ rison of Chrestien* s text with the three known prose versions of Erec

(Foerster* s prose version, Pickford* s prose version, the Gruuthuse manu­

script) and the one prose version, published oy Foerster, of Cliges.

Buch a conçarison clearly reveals that the adapter was not a mere copy­ ist, but an artist in the true sense of the word. He was able, while 272

following Chrestien* s poem rather closely, to change the sens in such a

way as to reflect the prejudices and attitudes of his fifteenth-century

audience. His prose exençlil'ies, at the same time, the lexical, syntac­

tical and stylistic tendencies of his epoch.

The adapter* s choice of literary allusions reveals the type of mo­

del he is following, as well as the literary preferences of the fifteenth

century. The Foerster prose version of Erec and the Gruuthuse manuscript

seem to have had an English model, since in the first the coronation of

Erec and Enide takes place in London with the archbishop of Canterbury

officiating and in the second because their wedding takes place at Christ­

mas ra th e r than a t Pentecost (cf. S ir Gawain and th e Green Knight, 1 . 37}•

Such details would cleariy prove not only burgundy*s siding with England

against France in the Hundred ïears* War, but also the existence of a si­

milar social and political atmo^here in the two domains. We have noted

that Burgundy, threatened by the centralization of political power in

France, held to the feudal system of the High Middle Ages. In the same way,

the French-educated and French-speaking nobles fe lt endangered by the na­

tionalizing and centralizing forces within the English realm, whose victory

was to come with the reign of Henry IV, the first king whose mother tongue

was English. Both the Burgundian dukes and the French nobility in England,

in looking to the past, considered the times of King Arthur as a sort of

Golden Age and enjoyed the tales of the Round Table. The prose Cliges.

strongly influenced by the Song of Roland when, in the siege of Windsor

Castle, dawn comes earlier than normal and when the duke of Saxony chooses

a Thierri to avenge his nephew* s death, could equally go back to an Anglo-

Norman copy of the Roland, which enjoyed particular favor in England. 273

Both texts, in their extended use of allegorical personification, demon­

s tr a te th e influence o f Jean de Meung (3»1»» 3*3*; 3*4*)*

The misogynie attitudes of the epoch, although more suDtly than in

the Quinze Joies and the Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, are evident. "The adap­

ter, in his descriptions of the heroes and heroines, seems to treat the

men more sympathetically than the women. Both the men and the women pos­

sess physical beauty, but the heroes are also distinguished by moral qua­

lities which set them apart from others. They are, in particular, espe­

cially concerned with their honor, despite the fact that they must at

times be reminded of a rigid code of honor which must be followed and which they are in danger of breaking. It is clear that Erec, Alixandre

and C liges are to serve as models o f conduct fo r the members o f Duke

Philip* s court and that Duke Philip himself is to be equated with King

Arthur and Charlemagne.

Supernatural beauty is the one characteristic common to the heroines.

Enide* s, Soredamours* and Fenice* s nobility is not denied; nevertheless, they are for the most part treated harshly. This is especially trie— and quite naturally so—of Enide, whose pride and selfishness caused her to qieak the accursed parole, thus spreading the gossip picked up from the other court ladies. Fenice, too, may be accused of thinking princi­ pally of her own interests. Even a minor character, such as Thantalis, is said to be a victim of female sentimentality vdien she laments the de­ parture of her elder son C3.5*, 3.7*).

The ideal of courtly love, while not absent from our prose romances

(the one who loves suffers, the knight must serve his lady as Erec serves

Guenievre and the maiden whose ami had been carried off by the giants), 274

has been replaced by one of love within the context of a Christian mar­

riage. Such a marriage, when based on mutual trust and loyalty, is

blessed, by God with beautiful children who may carry on the saintly work of their father and mother. This is the obvious lesson to the original

endings of the prose Erec and prose Cliges. both of which read like a vita sanctorum ( 3 .8 .).

The adapter* s choice of detail is very selective and reflects ac­

curately the interests of Duke Philip and his courtiers. Descriptions of tourneys, while tending to add to the glory of the participating hero, also show the Burgundians' fascination with such pageant-like events.

Their concern with the luxurious side of courtly life is clearly demon­

strated by the numerous mentions of precious metals, jewels, furs and fabrics, while details of the exchange of monies and more business-like dealings show their awareness of the practical economics of everyday liv in g ( 3 .6 ., 3 -8 .).

The didactic nature of our mises en prose is more evident in Erec than in Cliges and takes the form of maxims, which the writer uses to point up the moral of a particular part of his tale, or of Biblical al­ lusions. The latter may be a more general lesson, or the more specific conçarison of one of the characters to a Biblical hero or heroine. The prose form, furthermore, corresponds to such a didactic purpose, when we recall that the earliest vernacular versions of parts of the Bible were likewise in prose. The subject matter of Erec may lend itself more rea­ dily to a didactic interpretation, but the prologues and original conclu­ sions of both romances prove that the purpose in each case was to instruct as well as to entertain ( 3 .9.;. 275 The didactic purpose which dominates ir. Erec is balanced by a concern

with natural phenomena that is more obvious in Cliges, from the beginning

where the "friendJy" sea foreshadows Alixandre*s safe arrival in Britain,

to the end with Fenice* s ]yrical hymn to nature and observations concern­

ing the changing seasons and the beauty of the orchard provided by Jehan

for the two lovers. The Burgundians* love of the hunt is connected with

this, as reflected in King Arthur* s déduit during his stay in Brittapy and

in Bertrand*s occupation when he discovered Cliges and Fenice (3»9.)*

Our prose romances, stylistically, reflect what Jens Rasmussen con­

siders to be a style typical of the fifteenth centuiy—the style curial.

'Die style nominal, the use or termes de référence and words which belong

traditionally to the administrative jargon, the divisions of categories

o r groups in to th e ir resp ectiv e p a rts and th e e x p lo ita tio n of synonyms

all create this stylistic medium. Both romances demonstrate the fif­

teenth century* s recourse to the style curial in its search lor an appro­

priate mode of expression in prose. The administrative jargon, however,

is more characteristic of Cliges than of Erec. It is here, perhaps, that

our adapter is less than completely successful. He is unaware, in faith­

fully reproducing the salient features of the style curial, of a possible

discrepancy between form and content, this deæite the fact that the

style curial corresponds Getter to the adapter* s new sens than it would have to that of Chrestien (j.lD .).

Differing opinions concerning the authorship of the two Chrestien

adaptations inspired us to carefully examine the texts from this point of view. Our initial impression was that one writer could very likely have produced the two mises en prose. This impression was confirmed by 276

a comparison of certain lexical and stylistic features in the prose Erec

and prose Cligjès which revealed a veiy close sim ilarity between the texts

as far as frequency of mots outils (articles, pronouns, prepositions),

means of negation, means of coordination and subordination in the sentence

structure, types of sentence attacks and the use of various types of dis­

course are concerned. We now feel, given the fact that the manuscripts

resemble one another very closely in type of paper and handwriting, that

it is not impo ssible—indeed, it is probable—that the same writer execu­ ted the txiTO adaptations, despite slight differences in the use of didac­ tic material and stylistic tendencies. David Aubert was a likely candi­ date in our search for a possible author for the two works, as he was a known adapter and at the right place at the right time. Our comparison with his adaptation of Jean Bodel’s Chanson des Saisnes (in the Croniques et Gonouestes de Charlemaine) yielded less positive results, as the

"spread" between his work and either Erec or Cliges is almost always greater than between the two adaptations of Chrestien, leaving the author­ ship of our romances s till in doubt.

It is apparent, from our study, that our adapter was following models probably corposed in the English tradition and not Chrestien*s poems, as had been thought until now. He would, then, exenplify the political, so­ cial and literary ties between Burgundy and England in the fifteenth cen­ tury. Vhether these models were in verse or in prose is not certain.

This is an area vdiich would, however, merit further study and investiga­ tion. In short, vhile exploiting his duke's desire to perpetuate the chi- v a lr ic id e a ls o f the High I*îiddle Ages, our w rite r turned h is models, on the contrary, into a mirror—idealistically and stylistically—of his own tim e s. Appendix

The MS. BN f .f r . 363, commissioned by Louis of Gruuthuse of Bruges, is a Beautifully executed and decorated fifteenth-century manuscript.

The text is arranged in two columns of 31 or 32 lines per folio.

The purpose of th is appendix i s to make th e te x t av ailab le to the read er, without d e ta ile d e d ito ria l comments and n o te s. The orthography of the manuscript has been faithfully respected and has not been regular­ ized or modernized: no accent marks have been added, nor have the conso­ nants i and u been changed to and v. The "chapter" and "paragraph" di­ visions correspond to indications given by the scribe. Punctuation has been provided to facilitate comprehension for the modern reader. Current usage has dictated the punctuating of the manuscript and its division into "sentences". We have tried to make these as short and as manageable as possible; thus, even when the texts are nearly identical, our "senten­ ces" may not always agree with those of Foerster, vdiich are generally lo n g er.

277 278

Text

MS. BN f.IT. 363, fols. 193b-222b

[ f o l . 193b] ...plus qu'il n*auoit aprins. De dames et de damoiselles de moult hault lignage y auoit il assez, et bien croy qu»il en y auoit plus de chincq cens, et sachiez que c*estoit noble chose a veoir de

1*estât des vngz et des autres. Nostre compte ne fera point de mention se pou non des dames et des damoiselles ne de danses ne d'esbatemens, mais pour reuenir a ma matière vous di ie que en ce temps que le roy

^rtus se tenoit a Caradigan, en la forest aduentureuse, scituee et assi­ se prez de laditte ville, auoit vng cerf non pareil aux aultres, duquel la force estoit merueilleuse, et estoit tout blanc. Par plusieurs foiz il auoit este chassiet, et auoit le roy fait vng edit pour esmouuoir son bamage pour prendre cestui cerf, tel que quiconcques le prendroit, il porroit a son choiz, sanz preiudice nul, auoir vng baisier de la plus belle dame ou demoiselle de la court. Aduint doncques que le roy, auant que la feste de Penthecouste fust passée, pour ce qu'il auoit plente de cheualiers en sa corçaignie, voult aller en la forest aduentureuse chas- sier cestui cerf.

Messire Gauain, ayant oy cest edit que le roy auoit fait, l'en des­ conseilla, et dist que de ceste chose porroit ancores vne foiz venir vng très grant encombrier, car de toutes les dames et damoiselles qui illec estoient n'en y auoit il point vne qui n'eust illec mari pere ou mere ou frere ou cheualier a amy qu'il ne voulsist contredire au chois s 'il 279 cheoit sur sa dame ou damoiselle»

"Par ma foy, dist le roy, a mon edit ne faut ja débattre, ne ia dieu ne plaise que je n* entretiengne ma paroUe et ma couuenance cogae roy le doit faire."

[fol. 19^a] A ces paroUes ne respondi mot messire Gauain. Et le roy, quant il eut ce dist, fist adnoncier la chasse, et dist qu»il yroit au bois quant il aroit dine. Mont il n'y eut cheualier qui ne se mesist en point pour y aller.

Quant ce vint ^rez diner, le roy se fist atoumer moult richement comme a son estât appartenoit, et puis il monta a cheual pour aller a la chasse pour veoir le déduit du blanc cerf. Il sonna son cor moult haultement pour faire monter sa cheualerie, et incontinent furent tous presbz pour eulx mettre au chemin quant il lui plairoit. Et quant il vit ce, il se mist au chemin tci'b deuant corne cellui qui moult estoit désirant de venir au bois, car il estoit l'omme du monde qui plus vou- lentiers chassoit, et toute sa cheualerie se mist aprez qui estoient très grant nombre.

lors que la royne et plusieurs dames et damoiselles oit que le roy voUoit aller chassier, par le congiet du roy se parti de Caradigan en grant estât, montée sur vng beau pallefroy, pour aller veoir le déduit,

-^rez vint le filz du roy Lac, qui nouuellement estoit venus a la court du roy Artus» que l'on appelloit Erec, le gentil cheualier duquel ie vous parleray plus aplain. Il estoit bien ayme de la royne et de toutes dames et damoiselles. Et pourtant, il se mist en leur conpaignie et prindrent a cheminer bon pas. Mais ilz ne sceurent si tost venir a la forest que le cerf ne fust leuez et acqueilli des chiens, car les vallea 280

qui gardoient les sumiers l'auoient fait leuer a leur lez, et aultres

chiens de chasse le chas soient qui moult grant noise menoient aprez. Si

oyssiez braconniers corner et huer aprez pour donner corage aux chiens

qu»^z ne [fol. 194b] se faindent pas.

Deuant tous les cheualiers estoit le roy Artus qui de moult prez

poursieuoit le blanc cerf, ja de la chasse eschauffe et périlleux a ren­

contrer. la royne escoutoit moult voulentiers le déduit de la chasse,

combien que veoir ne le peust. Mais incontinent qu’elle se fust illec

arrestee soubz l ’ombre d’ung pin a recoy, elle voit vng cheualier de

loingz, arme et monte moult richement, la lance ou poing, l'escu au col

et l ’e^ee au coste, menant au prez de soy adextre vne damoiselle. Et

auoit en sa compaignie vng nain fier et d e^it, tenant en sa main vne s

escorgies noees, et cheuaulchoit vng coursier bel a merueilles, et

moult gentement le scauoit mener.

Qvant la royne Genieure a apperceu le cheualier. elle eust moult

grant désir de scauoir qui il estoit et aussi de scauoir de 1 ’ e s tâ t de

la damoiselle. Elle appelle vne damoiselle qui auprez d’elle estoit, et

lui dist qu’elle allast encontre le cheualier et la damoiselle et leur

demandast de leur estât et qui ilz sont ne de codait pays, et qu’elle

leur die qu’ilz viengnent parler a elle.

Atant s’en tourna la damoiselle preste d’acconçlir la voulante de

la royne sa dame, et s’adressa celle part ou elle vit venir le cheualier.

et si tost que le nain le vey venir il picque bon cheual et lui vient a

1*encontre et lui dist;

"Damoiselle, quel beseing vous amaine ±cy1 Retournes et n’alez plus auant, car celle part n’auez vous que faire." "Si ay, certes, mon 281

ançr, dist la damoiselle, car la royne m'enuoie parler au cheualier

vostre maistre. Le nain respond qu'elle ne passera point oultre. Et

la pucelle qui ne tient conte de chose qui [fol. 195u] lui die cuida

bien parfaire son chemin. Et le nain qui estoit renç>li de toute felon-

nie haulce l'escorgie et en fiert la damoiselle parngr la main si dure­

ment qui lui en fist la trace paroir et qu*elle en estoit toute perse.

Et la pucelle en fut moult marie quant elle se senti ferue. Adont elle

se (senti) mist au retour, vaulsist ou non, moult tendrement plourant.

Qvant la royne voit le retour a la damoiselle et qu'elle reuenit

plourant, elle ne s cet que faire, tant en fut dolente. Elle se tourna par deuers son cheualier Erec et lui dist; "Erec, mon bon et leal cheua­

lier, comment porra estre vengance prinse du cheualier qui a souffert ma pucelle estre batue par son nain fier et orguilleux? Ailes et si dittes au cheual ter que je me plain de son nain et qu'il m'en face iustice et

se ce non je y metteray remede se ie puis scauoir qui il est." Erec, qui estoit jeune et habille cheualier. ne vault pas désobéir au comman­ dement de la royne. Atant il tire vers le nain qui lui vient pour empes-

chier la voye disant: "Vassal, tires vous ensus de moy, car riens n'y a

cy qui vous duise et ce vous loe je ou mal vous en preniera."

Erec ne daigna mot respondre, ains comme hardi veult passer oultre.

Et le nain le aproce, et pour ce qu'il sent son maistre arme et Erec im- pourueu d* aimes, i l lui donne tel coup des escorgies trauers le col que pou s'en faut que le sang n'% sailli. De ce covcp fut très mal content

Erec, mais il ne l'ose ferir pour ce que ce lui seroit blasme s 'il ba- toit vng nain qu'il peut tuer a vng seul coiqp, et pour ce qu'il voit le cheualier qui orguilleusement le regarde et qui tantost lui vendroit 282

courre sus s*il le fTapoit en [fol. 195^3 sa presence pour cause qu'il

est iapourueu de hamois de guerre, retourne vers la royne et lui ram

conçte son aduenture.

Moult est dolente la royne de sa pucelle et de son cheualier qui sont ainsi iniuriez par la personne d'ung mauluais nain. Erec voit le cheualier mettre au retour, si dist a la royne qui la sieura et que au plus tost que dieu lui aura donne grace de trouuer armeures telles qu'il conuient pour battaille fum ir, il combatera 1 * orguilleux cheualier et prendera vengence s 'il peut du desplaisir que le nain lui a fait et a la damoiselle.

Quant la royne oy ce, elle prie pour lui que dieu lui vueille en- uoier bonne fortune. Atant s*en part Erec sieuant le cheualier et le nain et la damoiselle, et la royne demoura illec. SL n'y ot gueres seioume quant le roy Artus qui tousiours poursieuoit le cerf et tant le sieuit que tout le recrandist et eschauffe moult, le roy se bouta en vng destroit après le cerf et lui donna le coup de la mort. Et le cerf se laissa cheoir, plourant, qui senti lui estre féru a mort. Et le roy, voiant ce, a grant joye sonne son cor, disant que la beste est prinse.

Tant acoururent celle part cheualiers et barons 1 Dieu scet la joye que le roy ot qui ot prins le cerf I Atant il le fist chargier et emme­ ner et s'en retourna en con chastel a grant joye. Mais du baisier qu'il doit prendre entre les dames et damoiselles se taira nostre conte et re- toumeray au principal, c'est assauoir a parler de Erec qui s'est mis a chemin pour eieuir le cheualier orguilleux par le nain duquel lui et la damoiselle auoient este batus, duquel la royne auoit conte au [fol. 196a] roy l 'aduenture qui leur estoit aduenue en ceste forest. 283 Pomment Erec se parti de la royne et s* en alla après le chettaHer et

vint a vng chastel ou il trouue vne belle damoiselle et de plusieurs

aduentures qui lui aduindrent»

En ceste partie dist le conte que depuis que Erec se fut partis de

la royne Genieure, qu'il ne fina oncques depuis de oonuoier le cheua­

lier Âlual et le nain et la damoiselle qui en sa cong)aignie estoient*

Et tant le conuoia qu'il vint a vng chastel moult bien séant ouquel y auoit grant nombre et grant plente de cheualiers» de dames et de damoi­ selles, entre lesquelz y auoit plusieurs paysans, eqjriuiers, cerceles, ostoirs et faucons.

Quant ceulz du chastel veirent venir le cheualier arme, ilz lui vindrent a 1* encontre, faisant grant honneur et reuerence, et le receu- rent a moult grant joye, puis le menèrent herbergier au chastel. Et quant Erec vey ce, il jure dieu qu'il y enterra aussi.

Atant il entra en la porte, et lors qu'il fut ens entrez, il trou. ua vng grant cheualier qui estoit ancien a merueilles, mais moult es­ to it richement aoume, auquel il demanda ou il porroit auoir logis. Et l 'a n chien ch eu a lie r l u i demande s 'i l veult aller logier auec lui, et que s 'il y veult aller, il y sera moult bien logiez. Et Erec, qui aui*. tre chose ne demandoit, l'en prie moult doulcement.

Atant le fist le bon cheualier mener a sa maison. Illec descendi

Erec de son cheual qui bien fut pense • Et tantost vint la maistresse et dame de leans et sa belle fille, qui voirement estoit tant belle que au monde n 'a u o it son p a r e il.

[ f o l . 196bj De moult haulte et belle estature estoit la pucelle, mais de son atour estoit elle assez pourement paree. Mais tant estoit par- 284

faitte que nature auoit assez en lui mis de beaulte pour vingt aultres*

et bien s* eaneruei lloient tous ceulz qui la veoient comment nature auoit

peu yioaginer vne tant parfaitte damoiselle, et bien disoient ceulz qui

la veoient que la beaulte d'Isent la blonde ne faisoit zdens a la beaul­

te de ceste damoiselle illec. Sa char estoit blanche comme nesge et sa

face ooulouree tellem ^t que ce n'estoit sinon toute merueille a veoir.

Sez yeulx estoient beaulx, doulx et plaisans a regarder tellement et

tant vous di qu'elle excedoit en toutes perfections le sexe féminin.

Qvant celle pucelle de très grant beaulte coa^see voit Erec le

gentil cheuaJier. elle oonmenca a soy hontoier et rougir pour ce que

oncques plus elle ne 1 * auoit veu et aussi pour ce que oncques n'ot veu

plus beau cheualier . Pareillement le fait Erec. Mais l'anchien cheua­

lier dist a sa fille qu'elle prende le cheualier et qu'elle le maine re­

poser en sa chambre ou estoit sa mere qui ia l 'auoit richement atoumee.

Erec estoit tout seul, si lui tiennent vng petit compaignie affin

qu'il ne lui anuye. Si y fut tant que heure de soupper commanca a ve­ nir, si fut l'eaue apportée pour lauer. Quant ilz eurent laue, Erec,

son hoste et la dame s'assirent a la table et lurent seruis a très grant

honneur et largesse.

Aprez soupper, Erec et son hoste, l'ancien cheualier. commencèrent

a deuiser de plusieurs choses, entre lesquelles Erec [fol. 19?aJ demanda

a son hoste pourquoy il tenoit sa fille si pourement atoumee. Le che­ ualier respondi; ”Haa, sire cheualier. vous saues que pourete fait mal a plusieurs gens, et ce puis ie bien dire par moy meismes, car si m'aid

Dieu, je sui moult dolent quant je le voy si pourement atoumee. Mais, par ma foy, je ne le puis aultrement faire, car, par fortune de guerre 285

et de mer» moy, qui iadis estoie vng très puissant cheualier, suis de-

uenus vng très pôure homme, combien q u 'il n'y a si grant cheualier en

ce pays qui non obstant ma fortune ne presist volontiers ma fille a

fem e. Et quant a Dieu plaira, elle aura mieulx, car ja tens que aul-

cun bien lui viengne, et que aulcun filz de roy ou de duc la vueille

auoir a mariage. Et se ma fille est poure, pourtant n'en est pas sa noblesse amoindrie, ains pour sa bonté et humilité fait fort a loer, et plus que s'elle faisoit le grant plus que son estât ne le donne."

Qvant Erec a entendu les parolles de son hoste, il l'en prise et

loe en son cuer, disant qu'il est de bonne vertus remplis. Puis lui enquiert de son estât et nouuelle, et lui dist en telle maniéré;

"Beaulz hostes, dist il, je vous prie que par vostre courtoisie dont viennent tant de cheualiers que j'ay veu en cest chasteau. Car, par ma foy, je m'en donne grant merueille."

"En vérité, dist l'ancien cheualier (l'andiien cheualier) qu'il doit demain tenir en ceste ville vne feste qui se fera en telle maniéré que je vous diray. Le seigneur du chastel a de coustume chascun an a ce io u r cy de donner vng espreuier séant sur vne perce d'argent au ch^ ualier qui la plus belle amie aura, [fol. 197b] laquelle sera tenue pour son amy de l'aller quérir a la perce et de lui porter se aulcun n'y veult contredire."

"L'ordonnance est tresbelle, dist Erec, mais mon hoste, se vous scauez le nom du cheualier aux armes d'asur et d'or qui a auec soy vne damoiselle et vng nain qui entra ou chastel vng pou deuant moy, je vous prie que vous le me vueillies dire."

"Par ma foy, sire, dist l'ancien cheualier. de son nom ne vous 286

s cay je parler, nais le vous di bien tant de lui que par deux années en-

sieuans il a gaigniet l 'espriuier, et ancores fera il demain s'aulcun ne

le destoume."

“Par ma foy, dist Erec, ce seroit domnage, car il est orguilleux et

deq)it. Et sadiiez que se pour bien desseruir il vous plaisoit de moy

faire auoir vnes armes, il ne 1* enporteroit point sans auoir la bat­

taille encontre moy.”

"Certes, sire cheualier, dist l'ancien cheualier» oy, car de ceste

chose sui je aussi bien sorti que homme de ceste terre, mais il y a long

tenps que elles ne furent portées•“ "Ne me chaut quelles elles soient,

dist Erec, j'ayme tout autant qu'elles soient esroullies que cleres."

"Celles que ie vous donray, dist l'ancien cheualier» ne le sont pas

trop, ains sont cleres et reluisans. £t sachiez que vous ne serez point

mal anaè du haubert, du heauüme ne des a u ltre s habillem ens »" "Auec de

que vous ne adouberes, dist Erec, de hamois, je vous prie que vous m'ot-

troiez vne requests s 'il vous vient a plaisir." "Ja Dieu ne plaise,

dist l'oste, que ie soye mal de vous par non volloir [fol. 198a] accor­

der vne requests pourueu que ce ne soit contre mon honneur."

"Certes, dist Erec, de vous requerre de chose qui fust contre

vostre honneur, ce ne seroit une courtoisie. Et mieulx ameroie a estre

mort que a vous ne a aultre voulsisse faire deshonneur a mon ensient.

Sire cheualier» je vous vueil dire une chose auant que ie vous faice plus requests de riens• Il est vérité que ie sui icy vng cheualier

seul et desnue d'armes et de cosqiaignie. Si vous en diray la cause.

Aujourdhui» ainsi comme droit a heure de nonne, estoie en la com­ paignie de la royne Genieure qui estoit venue en la forest aduentureuse 287

auec le roy Artus son sieur qui estoit a la chasse aprez vng grant cerf'.

La ou la royne estoit au bort de la forest, elle choisi de loingz vng

cheualier. arme et monte moult richonent, qui % sa compaignie auoit

vne damoiselle et vng nain. lors que la royne le vey, elle, qui dési­

rante estoit de scauoir de son estât, y enuoya une siegie damoiselle.

Mais, quant elle les commença a appro chier, le nain vint encontre et

îrapa. et abati la damoiselle d'unes escorgies qu'il tenoit en sa main

et lui dist qu'elle n'auoit que faire plus auant. Et la damoiselle re­

tourna par deuers la royne moult tendrement plourant, en soy coiqplain-

dant du nain qui ainsi l 'auoit batue et lendengie.

Qvant la royne entendi ce, elle me enuoia pour parler au cheualier.

mais le nain m'en fist tout autant qu'il auoit fait a la damoiselle et

je, qui ne l'eusse feru pour nul auoir pour ce que trop y eusse eu blas­

me car je l'eusse occis a vng seul coup, m'en retoumay par [fol. 198b]

deuers la royne et lui contay tout mon fait. Et quant je lui eulz tout

conte, je voay que ie sieuroie le cheualier iusques a ce que ie trouue-

r o ie aulcun preudhomme ch e u a lie r qui me p r e s te ro it armes ta n t que ie me

fusse vengiez de la honte qu'il auoit souffert faire a la damoiselle et

a moy par son nain. Si me parti de la royne si seul cornue vous vees,

car toutes mes gens estoient ou bois auec le roy, et sieuy le cheualier

tant que ie le vey entrer en cestui chastel. Et pourtant que je vueil

bien que vous sachiez de mon estât, car nulz preudhommes ne se doit cel.

1er, je vous di que je sui filz du roy Lac et ay nom Erec.

Sire cheualier, pourtant que vous ne cuidiez mie que je vueille la­

bourer en vain contre vous, vous ay je conne oongnoissance de moy. Or vous diray je maintenant ma requeste telle que ie vous voloie faire. 288

G* est que se fortune est demain tant de ma part que ie puisse venir au

dessus de cest orguilleux cheualier, qu'il vous plaise que vostre belle

fille pour l'amour de moy et en mon nom voist prendre l 'espriuier et le

calengier a mon droit. Et tant vous di ancores que se c'est vostre

plaisir de moy donner vostre fille, je l'aime pour la grant beaulte qui

est en elle, que je 1' ^merray en ma terre et l 'en feray couronner royne

a moult grant honneur et sera dame et maistresse de tout mon pays

Qvant l'ancien cheualier entendi Erec qui se disoit estre filz au

roy Lac, duquel i l auoit oy grande la renoramee par dessus tous les (les)

cheualiers qui estoient en la court du roy Vtherpendragon et du roy Ar­

tus, si lui dist qu'il seroit moult [fol. 199a] marri s 'il estoit cause

que sa fille ne coUoquie et mise a si hault honneur. "Et pourtant, je

vous ottroie que vous l'aiez a feme quant il le vous plaira a amener."

Et Erec fut tant joyeulx de la responce que merueilles. Et aussi l 'an­

cien cheualier et toute sa maisnie estoient tant joyeulx de ceste aduen­

ture qu'il n'est nulz qu'il le vous sceust dire ne raconçter en nulle m aniéré.

De ceste aduenture fut la damoiselle en son cuer moult joyeuse, mais elle ne fait nul semblant, tant estoit sage et attençree en tous

ses affaires. Erec s'approcha d'elle et le mist a raison en beaucoup de maniérés, et lui demanda s 'il lui venoit bien a gre ce que son pere

et sa mere auoient fait pour elle. Et elle respondi: puisque c'estoit

leur plaisir, que c' estoit bien le sien, et que contre raison et leur voUente ne volloit elle vser nulle maniéré.

Tant sagement et courtoisement rei^ndoit la damoiselle a tout ce que Erec lui demandoit qu'il l'en prisoit moult, si le print a regarder 289

moult doulcemqit plus que deuant. Et d*autre part la damoiselle l*aim

moit moult en son cuer pour la grant beaulte et bonté dont il estoit

reng}li. Quant ce vint a chief de piece, aprez plusieurs deuises, il

fut temps de couchier. Adont print Erec congiet a elle iusques a 1'en- demain, et au partir il la baisa et elle le soufAri assez doulcement,

et ce fut vne chose que tel atouma Erec qu'il le print a aymer plus

que deuant.

Atant s'en alla chascun a son repos. Erec fut couchiet en vng lit bel et riche, mais ie vous di bien qu'il n'y dormy gueres, ains ne fina toute la nuit de penser a l'amour [fol. 199b] de la damoiselle. Et elle estoit pareillement ainsi atoumee. Et tant fort auoit elle Erec escript en son cuer que bien lui estoit aduis qu'elle le voie tousiours n'elle n'en peut oster son penser et aussi vrayement elle n'en faisoit gueres grant force.

Toute celle nuit penseront Erec et la damoiselle a l'amour qu'ilz auoient nouuellement ensemble. Et moult estoient esmerueillies chascun endroit soy cornent vng cuer pouoit tant parfaitement aimer, et en si pou de temps, cellui ou celle qu'il n'auoit jamais plus veu.

Ainsi disoient en eulz meismes les deux amans et passeront la nuit iusques a l 'endemain matin. Et lors qu'il fut jour Erec se leua et vint en la salle ou il trouua son hoste et la damoiselle qui desia es­ toient loues. Il leur donna le bon jour et ilz lui rendirent pareille­ ment. Puis oyrent messe. Et ja estoit heure de prime. Moult etmuye la battaille a Erec poi^ ce qu'elle met tant a venir. Et quant il fut temps qu'il s'aimast, il demanda son hamois, et il lui fut sqjportee.

La pucelle l 'ayda a aimer moult bien a son pouoir. Et au chief lui 290 mist elle vng bon heaulme et de bonne oeuure; aprez elle lui chainst son e^ee. Et vng escuier loi amena son cheual» et il sailli sus sans mettre piet en estrier. Et puis aprez la pucelle lui présente l»escu et la lance. Et il l'en mercie humblement, disant; "Damoiselle, je prie a Dieu que cestui seruice vous puist ancores estre remeri."

Comment Erec se combati contre le cheualier orguilleux qui auoit le nain en sa compaignie et comient il lui en aduint.

[fol. 200a] En ceste partie dist la conte que, quant Erec fut du tout atourne de ses habillemens et armes a sa voulante, il pria a la damoi- selle qu'elle se appointast pour aller auec lui, et elle le fist au mieulz qu'elle peut selon ce qu'elle auoit de puissance. Et quant elle fut apprestee, elle monta sur vng beau pallefroy. Atant se mirent au chemin et auoient auec eulz vng escuier qui la lance Erec portoit. Et tant cheuaulcherent que ilz vindrent au lieu ou celle assamblee deuoit e s tr e .

Quant ilz furent la venus, chascun regardoit sur la damoiselle et s'esmerueilloient tous de sa grant beaulte, et disoient que c'estoit la nonpareille du monde. Et encqueroient les vngz aux aultres qui estoit cellui qui celle belle damoiselle auoit amenee. Et combien qu'ilz ne le congneussent point, toutesfois a la di^osition qu'ilz veoient du coips du cheualier, ilz disoient que bien semblait issus de hault lieu et qu'il estoit bien taillie d'anporter 1'espreuier, car plus beau ne plus belle ne peut venir en la place. Mais, quant Erec fut venu jus- ques a la place ou l 'espreuier estoit, il vint deuant les dames et dam moiselles et les salua selon ce qu'ü scauoit.

Incontinent que Erec fut illec venus, courut au dieualier au nain 291 vng message qui lui dist que vng cheualier estoit illec venus qui veult faire prendre 1*espreuier a s'amye s 'il ne le deffent.

"Par ma foy, respondi le cheualier, il ne 1 'emportera pas, car ie ne scay si bon cheualier au monde contre qui ie ne m'en combatisse."

Si se parti de son logiz aime et monte, sa dame auec lui et son nain, a belle coBçaignie, et vi^t [fol. 200b] au lieu ou Erec attendoit sa ve­ nue.

Qvant le sieur du chastel sceut ceste chose, il vint en la place pour veoir 1'affaire des deux cheualiers et des dames pareillement. Le cheualier orguilleux qui auoit le nain auec lui voit l'e^reuier, si p ren t a d ire a sa dame:

"Ma damoiselle, oui tant estes belle et parfaitte, pour et ou nom de mon amour vous yrez prendre cest espreuier s 'il vous agree, lequel moiennant la vostre bonne grace a moy doit appartenir comme i l a fait passe deux ans. Si vous prie voiant tous que vous le me présentez s'auL. cun ne vous enpesche."

La damoiselle commence a approucier de l 'espreuier pour le prendre, mais veci Erec qui lui deffend disant: "Damoiselle, allez ailleurs querre vng oyseau pour vous déduire, car cestui qy n'arez vous pas. Il est mien et a ma belle dame, laquelle est sans coitnaroison plus belle que vous ne soiez."

Sitost que le cheualier au nain entent ces parolles, moult en est trouble. Mais Erec n'y conte riens, ains fait traire au%t sa belle da­ moiselle et dist ainsi: "ria gente pucelle, qui la beaulte de toutes les femmes du monde passez, prendez moy cest espriuier qui mieulx vous af- fiert qu'a nul aultre. Et s 'il y a homme qui a ce vueille contredire. 292

je sui content par iuste battaille de 1* esprouuer •"

Quant le cheualier au nain entend que Erec s* offre d* entrer en bat­

taille pour prouuer que sa damoiselle est plus belle que la sienne, il

s*adresse par grant desdaing vers lui et lui demande: “Vassal, qui es

tu qui 1* e^riuier viengz calengier contre moy?“ "Sire, orguilleux che­

ualier, respondit il, vng [fol. 201a] cheualier comme tu es, mais natif

sui d> estrange terre qui me suis mis a chemin chersant ma très desiree

aduenture. J'ay trouue cest e^riuier qui est mieulz par raison mien

que a toy, pourtant que ma damoiselle surmonte en beaulte la tienne."

"Par ma foy, dist le cheualier, oncques en ta vye tu n* en chargas aussi

grant folie comme de vouloir combattre contre moy qui ne trouuay onc­

ques homme tant eust grant puissance qui deuant moy se présentast pour

1*espriuier auoir ne er^orter

"Par ma foy, dist Erec, ie ne scay qu'lJ. m'en aduendra, mais ie

n' ay pas empense que nul l 'emporte fors que ma très doulce amye. Et pour ce, se vous voulez la battaille contre moy, a la battaille estes venus."

Atant et sans plus mot dire s'eslonge chascun de son aduersaire.

Et aprez par très grant maltalent broche chascun des esperons l'ung contre l'autre en grant désir chascun de greuer sa partie. Et a l'en­ tre r moult pesans coups se donnent tellement qu'ilz se percent les es- cus, rompent les cengles des selles et tous deux cheent a terre les cheuaulz si durement qu'ilz ne sceuent ou ilz sont et les cheualiers d e le a .

Aprez ceste rencontre, ja soit ce que les cheualiers feussent cheuz durement, touteffois ilz n'y eurent pas deshonneur par les chan- 293 g les qui estoient rongiues. Saillirent habillement sur piez, puis mi­ rent la main aux espees et s*aproucherent en grant désir de greuer et malmener l'ung l'autre» Et quant ce vint qu'ilz vindrent ensemble, ilz s'entrechargent de si pesans coups qu'ilz en font les heaulmes estin- celler [fol. 201b] et le feu saillir contremont, et tout ce qu'ilz at- taindoi^t estoit froissiet et detrenchiet. Si enuahissoient l'ung l'autre de plus en plus, comme bons et vaillans cheualiers qu'ilz es­ toient. Et moult desiroit chascun d'eulz d'auoir l'onneur de ceste bat­ taille pour l'amour de leurs dames en amours qui les regardoient. Et tant souuent s'entredonnoient de si grans et pesans coups que leurs es- cus en estoient tous fendus et esquartelez, et leurs heaulmes et hau- bers embarez et desmailliez; et tellement qu'il n'y auoit cellui de deux a qui le sang ne saillist du corps, et tellement s'entrassayerent qui n'y auoit cellui qui n'eust bon mestier de mire; et grant merueil­ les auoient tous ceulz qui les regardoient si malement mener. Et tant se traueiUerent qu'ilz n'auoient plus puissance de si fort ferir comme ilz faisoient au conmencement.

Les damoiselles les regardoient, plourans chascune pour son amy qu'elles voient si essanglentez et tant malement menez qu'il ne leur est pas aduis que parez ce jour ilz puissent plus viure.

Q/ant ce vint qu'ilz eurent tant combatu qu'ilz en estoient tant las que mais ne se pouoient tenir en estant, eulz deux d'ung commun ac­ cord se reposeront et firent abstinence de guerre tant que leurs alai- nes fussent vng petit reuenues et qu'ilz se soient vng petit reposez.

Erec s'assist enny la prayerie tenant haulte la face regardant de­ uers son amye, et tellement le regarde que sa force lui commença a re- 294

croistre et le cuer a esuertuer, et lui sembloit qu'il n'eust mal ne

doleur. Et puis il lui souuint de la pucelle a la royne Geneuiere a

la- Lfol. 202a] quelle il auoit promis de vengier contre le coips du

cheualier le coup d'escorgie que le nain lui auoit donne, pourquoy par

ceste souuenance la douleur lui renouuella. Si se leua soubdainement

ou poing l'espee entallente de soy vengier de son grant dueil et de la

villonnie que le cheualier lui auoit faitte quant il auoit souffert que

son nain le frappast. Si vint a son aduersaire et lui dist:

"Vassal, lieue toy. Je te rapelle a la battaille, car iamais je

n'auroy joye iusques ad ce que j'auray vengiet la royne Genieure de la

grant villonnie et du grant oultrage que tu lui fesis quant tu consen­

tis sa damoiselle estre batue par ton felon nain, et moy aussi en la meisme heure. Et bien redi que se des l'heure eusse eu armes, j'en

eusse incontinent print la vengance a mon pouoir."

Le cheualier se leua qui oncques mot ne respondi. Et s'en vint

Erec, et illec recommencèrent la battaille si terrible et si cruelle que c'estoit horreur de les oyr, car tous deux estoient bien duitz de la guerre. Et bien vous di que se Erec n'eust este vng des bons cheua­ liers qu'on eust peu trouuer, ja n'eust eu contre le cheualier duree, car moult estoit bon et puissant cheualier et plain de grant fierte.

Pourtant, s 'il estoit bon cheualier. Erec ne s'esmaioit pas, ains pen soit a bien faire de plus en plus. Si haulcha bonne espee et en frappa le cheualier la ou il le 'vey a descouuert. Si lui donna si grant coup ou senestre coste qu'il lui bouta l'espee dedens le corps si auant que le sang en sailli a grant effort hors du cozps.

Moult est terrible la battaille entre les deux cheualiers. Hz 295

fièrent [fol. 202bJ et maillent. Mais il n'y a cellui q' \ n'ait vng

cuer de ]yon pour la dame que chascun d'eux veoit en sa presence. Erec

si portoit moult puissamment et aussi fai soit le cheualier, car chascun

s'efforcoit le plus qu'il pouoit.

Longuement se combatirent les deux cheualiers sans riens gaignier

l'ung sur l'autre, car il n'estoit nul qui sceust iugier qui en auoit le plus bel, tant equalement se combatoient.

A chief de piece que Erec vei qu'il ne pouoit riens gaignier sur le cheualier, il s'en aire et le fiert vng coup sur le heaulrae aussi grant qu'il peut amener a la force du bras, si pesant qu'il lui pourfen- di le heauLne de part en part et lui fait entrer l'espee bien auant ou chief sans ce qu'il lui touche a la cheruelle.

De cestui coup qui tant fut pesant le cheualier en fut tant estorw ne qu'il ne scauoit quelle chose il lui estoit aduenu.

Quant Erec vit ce, il mist l'espee ou foeure et court au cheualier et l'ahert a bras de corps, puis le fist tumber a terre. Il lui oste l'espee du poing, puis le prent par le heaulme et lui esrache de la tes­ te tant que tous ceulz de la place voient la face du cheualier toute sanglente et très mal a tournee. Si lui eust la trenchie la teste pour le desplaisir que son nain lui fist en la forest aduentureuse se il ne lui eust crie mercy disant:

"Haa, gentil cheualier. Pour Dieu, ayez pitié de moy, car se vous me occiez, vous n'y acquerrez ia loenge ne hoimeur, pourueu que ie ne me puis mais deffendre contre vous et ne vous meffiz oncques en vostre personne dont j'aye souuenance. Dont il me semble [fol. 203a] que par raison ne me deuez malfaire, et que sans vraye occasion m'auez prins en 296 hayne mortelle. Et au fort, se j'ay en riens mesprô^s enuers vous, ie metz mon corps en vostre mercy."

Alors respondi Erec: "Adfin que tu saches que sans bonne et juste raison je t ’aye prins en hayne, saches que ie suis cellui qui hier es- toie auec la royne Genieure et auec la pucelle ou bois quant ton nain fier et orguilleux feri la pucelle et moy de l ’escorgie, dont trop grant blasme doit estre imputée encontre toy qal par vng v il et abhomi- nable bochu et desfigure laissas ferir la très plaisante damoiselle et moy aussi. Tu m'en fianceras prison ou si m 'ait Dieu je prenderay in­ continent vengance de ton oultrageux orgueil. Et se tu veulz faire ma voulante, je te commande que toy, la pucelle et ton nain t'en ailles rendre a la pucelle Genieure et la salue de par moy adfin qu'elle face de toy ce qu'elle vouldra. Mais premièrement scauoir me fault ton nom e t qui tu es ad fin que se tu ne accomplis mon commandement, que je sace sur qui j'en auray a prendre vengance."

Le cheualier fut esperdu quant il oy Erec ainsi parler. Si lui respondi qu'il (qu'il) aymoit mieulz d'aller par deuers la royne cjue de ce qpi'il conuenist morir, car il dist bien cju'il n'est chose en ce mon­ de cpi'il ne voulsist faire pour sauuer sa vye. “Et au regard, dist il, de ce que vous voulez scauoir mon nom, je vous di que l'on me nomme

ïdier le filz Nuthz." Et se lui dist que il ne cuidoit point que en tout le monde y eust vng cheualier qui fu.st [fo l. 203b] pour résister contre sa force et puissance.

Atant print Erec la fcy de Yder qui lui promet de soy aller rendre prisonnier a la royne, disant qu'il est prest de soy acheminer. Et quant ce vint qu'il sceut que le cheualier qui l 'auoit desconfit nome 297

Erec» si se üieue en la presence de tous ceulz qui illeo estoient, di­ sant que 1» espriuier ^partient a cellui qui l*a oultre par battaille.

Dieu scet le dueil et la tristresse que la damoiselle auoit et le nain de ceste infortunée aduenture et mortel enco^rier.

Moult fut joyeuse la belle damoiselle qui estoit ançre a Erec et tellement a pou scet elle tenir maniéré pour la bonne aduenture de son très leal et ame cheualier pour tant qu'il estoit venus a chief de la battaille a son honneur.

Comment le cheualier au nain s'en alla rendre prisonnier a la royne

Genieure et comment il lui conta tout le fait d'Erec et de lui.

En ceste partie dist le conte que tantost aprez que le cheualier au nain se fut accordes a Erec, et qu'il eut sa playe bendee, il monta a cheual, lui et la damoiselle et le nain, pour aller par deuers la roy­ ne Genieure qui seioumoit au chastel a Garadigan. Et tant cheuaulcha par plusieurs et diuers chemins qu'il arriua sur vng soir deuant le chastel de Garadigan.

A la porte estoit mes sire Gauuain, Keux le senesdial et plusieurs aultres beaux barons et grans seigneurs. Sitost que le seneschal vei venir le cheualier, le nain et la damoiselle, il les moustra a messire

Gauuain et dist: "Par may foy, messire Gauuain, je suppose que ce soit illec le cheualier duquel nous oysmes hier la royne [fol. 204a] parler.”

"Par ma foy, dist messire Gauuain, il porroit bien estre, car je voy la le nain et la pucelle et le cheualier arme, mais il m'est aduis que ses armes sont moult adomagies et bien Qroy que se la royne les veoit qu'elle en auroit bonne congnoissance." Hz vont a la royne et lui demandent s'elle veoit le nain qui le courouca la joumee precedent 298

s*elle le recongnisteroit bien.

"Certes oy» dist la royne, mais par vostre foy, pourquoy le m'auez

vous ramenteu" "Pour ce, dist le seneschal, que j'ay illec veu le ch^

ualier errant arme de toutes armes et auec lui a vng nain et vne darnoim

selle." Atant se leua la dame et dist au seneschal qu'il l'amenast

cele part ou il auoit veu le cheualier. Le seneschal le fist de bon

cuer. H vint a la porte du chastel. Et aussitost que la royne voit

le nain, elle le recongnoist de prime face, et dist selon ce qu'elle

voit des armures du cheualier qu'il s'est co^atus, mais elle ne scet

se Erec l'a vaincu ou se il a este desconfiz. "la vente, dist messire

Gauuain, n'en peut estre sceue se on ne lui demande. Et par aduenture

que Erec l'eiuioye rendre prisonnier a vostre mercy ou il se vient van­

ter qu'il l'a desconfit, tue et conquis, ce dont il feroit follie se

ainsi estoit, car il n'y a cellui d'entre nous qui ne mesist le corps

a l 'aduenture pour l'amour du vaillant cheualier Erec s 'il le falloit."

Tandis qu'ils maintenoient ce parlement, Yder entra en la porte.

Messire Gauuain et Keux le seneschal lui allèrent au deuant. Yder se

met a piet. Messire Gauuain ayde la pucelle a descendre, puis le nain

pareillement par soy descend!, [fol. 204b] Et furent tous trois menez deuant le roy. Et quant Yder voit la royne, il s'adresse vers elle et

se gecte a ses pies, puis lui prinst a dire:

"A vous, très honnouree dame, m'enuoye tenir prison vng cheualier de hault parage, qui au jour d'hui au trenchant de l'espee m'a conquis en vengance de la grant iniure que mon nain fist hier a vostre pucelle.

Si nous présentons a vous, si somes prestz d'amender nostre fourfaiture

selon vostre bonne grace." 299

"Comment se porte le cheualier? dist la royne. Reuendra il a

pieces par decaî" "Certes, madame, dist Yder, quant ie me partis de

lui, il me dist qu* il retcurneroit icy demain, et sachiez bien qu’ il

amerra auec lui la plus belle damoiselle qui soit vivant."

De ceste response fut moult joyeuse la royne, mais elle ne se

taist mie atant, ains demande au cheualier son nom et son estre, et de

quelles marches il est. Et il lui respondi; "Madame, dist Yder, puis

q u 'il vous plaist de scauoir mon nom et mon estât, sachiez que ie suis

le filz Nuth et ay nom Yder."

A ces paroUes se lieue la royne et s'en va au roy et lui prye qu'il ait pitié du cheualier et qu'il lui quitte sa prison, moiennant qu'il seroit dores en auant seruiteur a elle. Le roy lui ottroye, et

Yder creanta d'estre dores en auant seruiteur a la royne. Puis fut mene en vne chambre pour estre desarme. Et atant cessera nostre compte a parler de Yder pour raconter des aduentures de Erec.

Comment Erec retourna a l'o stel de l'anchien cheualier aprez ce qu'il eut oultree la battaille contre Yder, comment il s'en parti, comment il enuoia la damoiselle a la court du roy Artus et comment elle y fut hon- nourablement recheue.

[fo l. 205a] Qy endroit dist le conte que Erec aprez le département de son prisonnier, il vint a l 'espriuier et le fist prendre a la damoiselle, et elle le fist. Puis elle lui bailla et il le rechupt a grant joye.

Le cheualier qui ceste feste tenoit demanda au pere de la damoiselle qui cest cheualier estoit, et il lui en dist la vérité. Et aussitost qu'il sceut que c'estoit Erec le filz au roy Lac, il s'en vint deuant lui et lui fist la reuerence. Puis lui fist honneur et seruice a son 30 0

pouolr de qvioy Erec le mercla moult doulcement* Et pour ce qu 'il lui

presentoit son hostel lui dist il: "Sire, pardonnez moy, car ie n'ay pas

intencion de laissier meshui mon hostel pour l'amour du bon cheualier

qui m'a donne sa belle fille a femme."

"Par ma foy, le don est beau, dist le sieur du chastel, car la pvu-

celle est tant parfaitte de beaulte, bonté, courtoisie et sagesse que

c'est la nonpareille du monde. Et de cestui grant bien qui lui vient

suis je moult joyeulx. Car bien le doy estre pour tant que sa mere est ma seur. Et puis qu'il vous plaist souper leans auec mon beau frere, moy et toute ma dieualerie vous y compaignerons, se c'est chose que ce

soit vostre plaisir." Et Erec lui respondi que de sa conpaignie seroit

il moult joyeulx.

Atant laissèrent le parler et Erec se mist a chemin pour retourner sur son hoste. Cheualiers, dames, damoiselles a plente le conuoierent.

Et lors qu'il fut descendu en vne salle, veqr incontinent cheualiers et escuiers qui s'aduancent pour le desarmer. Si fut tantost hors des armes et reuestu. Puis s'assist sur vng bancq, le sire du chastel de- lez lui a senestre, et son amye a la dextre. Il appel- [fol. 205bJ la son hoste, et en riant par grant amour dist: "Or ca, mon seigneur et mon beau pere, vous m'auez fait le plus grant plaisir du monde, et je vous en remercie. J'emmerray demain, se Dieu plaist, la belle pucelle, vostre fille, auecques moy a la court du roy Artus. Et la plus grant honneur qui lui puist aduenir par moy je lui feray, car ie le prenderay a femme espeuse corne faire le doy. Et dedens brief terme, s 'il vous plaist, vous enuoieray au royaulme de mon pere, et a vostre venue vous dourray le riche chasteau de Rocidan, qui fut fait des le teitçs de noz 301 premiers parens. Et puis vous feray seigneur d'ung aultre chastel nom­ me ^bnt Reuel, qui sont les deux meilleurs places de tout le royaulme.

Et quant vous n'yrez point, ne soiez pourtant en esmay, car ie vous en- uoyeray plente or et argent et aultres richesses assez et largement.”

A chief de ces paroUes, vne pucelle Cousine germaine a la belle damoiselle et niepce au seigneur du chasteau vint deuant son oncle et lui dist qu'il deuoit auoir grant honte [...] tant pourement atoumee.

Et il lui respondi qu' elle lui en donnast deux ou trois des meil leurs robes qu'elle eust et qu'elle lui en feroit auoir des nouuelles.

La damoiselle dist qu' elle le feroit voulentiers. Mais Erec, si­ tost qu'il sceut ces dioses, dist a la damoiselle qu'elle n'auroit ia robes aultres que celles qu'elle auoit, non pas par maltalent, car,

“Par ma foy, je l'ayme autant en ses poures habitz qu'en tous les plus riches du monde. Et au regard de ce, j'en layray demain conuenir la roy- [fol. 206a] ne ma maistresse." "Chier sire, dist la damoiselle, au mains, puisqu'il ne vous plaist qu'elle prende nulz de mes vestemens, plaise vous que ie lui donne vng de mes pallefi*ois qui moult est de très grant valleur. Et est cestui noir, et court aussi tost que vne aronde voile. Et est aussi aimable que paleffroy que l'on sceust trouuer, qui est vng grant bien pour vne damoiselle. Et je lui donne cestui pour la grant bonté qui est en lui. Et vous prie que vous soiez content qu'elle le rechoipue pour l'amour de moy.”

"Par ma foy, dist Erec, de ce suis ie bien d'acord et ie vous en merqye.” Et tantost vng garçon l'amaine, et lorsque Erec le vey, il en tin t grant conte, puis il commanda qu'il fust amene en i'estable auec son coursier. Et beaucop de foiz en remercia la damoiselle. Les ta- 302

bles furent dreschies* Chascun se mist au mengier* Et Dieu scet

qu'ilz furent bien serais et firent grant chiere et esbaudie. Et quant

ce vint aprez scupper demander ne fault pas des dances et esbatemens,

car chascun menoit joye é tro it soy pour le grant bien et honneur qui

estoit aduenu a la belle fille.

Quant les dances et esbatemens furent finez» chascun se mist a son repaire, et se tira chascun a son repos aprez le congie prins, car ia estoit tard.

Ainsi comme vous auez oy se passa le jour et la nuit. Et quant ce vint a l'endemain au point du jour, Erec s'apresta du cheminer. Et lorsque s* amie fut atoumee et les cheuaulz enscellez, vecy le seigneur du chastel, cheualiers dames et damoiselles montez pour venir conuoyer la pucelle. Atant [fol. 206b] Erec monta a cheual, et s»amye sur son pallefroy, et puis se misrent au chemin grant joye faisans. Et quant ce vint qu'ilz les eurent moult loingz conuoiez, et que ce vint qu'ilz se deurent mettre au retour, qui adont veist les piteux regretz d'ung coste et d'autre bien en deust auoir pitié. Et ja fust il ainsi qu'ilz fesissent ce, ce n'estoit pas par couroux qu'ilz eussent de ceste dépar­ tie, ains estoit par la grant leesse qu'ilz en auoient. Et après tou­ tes ces choses, le seigneur du chastel, qui estoit oncle a la damoisel­ le, lui voult baillier de ses cheualiers pour le conuoier et seruir, mais Erec ne le voult souffrir. Et lorsque le pere et la mere veirent que c'estoit au dire adieu, et qu'il conuenoit que leur fille s'en aL- last, ilz le baiserent p l^ de cent fois, puis commenceront a plourer.

Qvant ce vint aprez toutes ces choses, ilz retournèrent, et Erec et la damoiselle tireront tousiours en pays, de sir ans de venir a la 303 court du roy Artus. Mais je vous dy bien que Erec ne se pouoit tenir de regarder sa belle am,ye. Et moult estoit joyeulz de sa belle aduen­ ture, car il disoit que c*estoit la plus belle sans cos^aroison qui fust en tout le monde. Et aussi semblablement disoit la damoiselle en son cuer de son any. Et moult se tenoit a bienheuree quant si bien lui estoit aduenu pourueu que moult estoit poure et desnuee d'auoir. Et moult en rent graces et loenges a Dieu.

Ainsi cheuaulchoient les deux amans tous deux en vne pensee, et de moult de choses se deuiserent en chemin.

[fol. 207a] Qve vous feroye je si long conte I Tant cheuauldia Erec et sa damoiselle qu'ilz arriuerent droit ainsi comme a heure de nonne au chastel a Garadigan, auquel lieu chascun estoit mis en lieu aduanta- geux pour les regarder venir.

Aux fenestres du chastel estoient le roy Artus, la royne, messire

Gauuain, Per cheual le Galoix, Du can le boutilHer et la plus grant par­ tie de tous les cheualiers de la court du roy Artus qui tous atter>- doient la venue du gentil cheualier Erec.

Sitost qu'ilz choisirent de loingz Erec et s'amye qui (qui) ve- noient, tous ensemble par grant amour lui vont allencontre, et meismes le roy quant il le vey approchier lui vint a 1* encontre et aussi fist la royne. Si pouez penser que salus et grans honneurs n'y sont pas es- pargniez. La belle damoiselle receu meismes le roy Artus entre ses br s au descendre du pallefroy, puis le prent par l'ung des bras et la royne par l'autre et a grant joye le maine amont en la salle, après les­ quels main a main aloiert messire Gauuain et Erec. Et lorsqu'ilz vin- drent amont, Erec dist a la royne: 304-

"Madame, je vous amaine cheens m'amie qui pourement est atoumee,

non obstant toutes voyes qu'elle est de noble generation et de bonnes

meurs et bien adressie de dis et de faiz. Mais son pere par fortune a

perdu le sien en mer par fourdre et aultre inconuenient. Mais non pour­

tant je ne l'en ayme point mains, ains le tiengz aussi chiere que s»elle

auoit toute la richesse du monde, car la mercy Dieu, il me souffist bien

ce que elle a. Et si j'eusse [fol. 20?b] souffrir que l'on l'eust a-

tournee richement, elle a plusieurs nobles dames ses parentes qui vou­

lentiers s 'i fussent emploiess, et que ie n'ay pas souffert, ains en

tout tel estât qu'elle m'a este donnée, je le vous ay amenee, vous

priant que vous en faittes comme s'elle estoit de vostre domaine ou

compaignie."

"Ne vous en doubtez, Erec, dist la royne, car pour l'amour de vous

i'en feray tant, se Dieu plaist, que content en serez de moy."

Atant s'approcha la royne de la belle damoiselle et le prinst par

la main et le mena en sa chambre. Puis commanda que l'on lui apportast

vne robe qu'elle auoit nagueres fait faire pour soy, et on fist son

commandement. La pucelle fut desuestue en sa chemise belle et blanche,

puis lui fut deliuree vne cotte simple es peignez de laquelle auoit plus

de deny marc d'or bien ouure et aduirorme de pierres, rubis, saffis, es-

merandes et deamans.

Sur ceste robe fut elle vestue d'ung aultre abillement fourre d 'er­ mines. Puis lui fut affuble le manteau de pourpre, ouure de chief en

chief, et estoffe de toutes choses. Dieu scet quon richement. Puis la vignerent deux damoiselles et le chief lui atoumerent d'ung chappeau d'or, ouure moult soubtillement de toutes les fleurs que l'en scauroit 305 demander.

Oultre plus vng moult riche collier lui mirent entour du col, pen­ dant sur sa blance poitrine vng fermaillet. Et tant bien le atourne- rent que iamais plus excellente beaulte ou corps d'une pucelle ne fut veue. Et pour plusieurs raisons la royne l'eut soubdainement en grace.

Car premièrement [fol. 208a] elle estoit belle oultre mesure. Entre cent mille ymages faiz a plaisance, elle estoit si parfaitte en tous biens que chascun prendoit plaisance a veoir ses doulx et aduenans maintiengz (...) estoie asseurez et rassiz, et qui plus vault elle es­ toit sage et tant bien aprinse comme s'elle eust toute sa vye este a c o u rt.

Qvant la royne voit ceste damoiselle tant bien en point, jamais plus joyeuse ne fut. Si se partit de sa chambre, la pucelle et toutes

(et toutes) les dames et damoiselles auec elle. Puis s'en entre en la salle ou le roy Artus estoit, lequel, sitost qu'il vei ceste noble com­ paignie, il se leua en son estant, et aussi tous les cheualiers s'en- clinerent et firent grant honneur a celle pucelle qui nouuellement es­ toit venue.

Moult y auoit de cheualiers a la Table Reonde desquelz l'isto ire met en escript les noms. Et sachiez que premiers y estoit messire Gau­ uain, Lancelot du Lac, Erec dont nostre present conte fait mention,

Gouruemain le Grohort, le beau couart, le la it hardi, Melians de Lis,

Malduis le Sage, Dodinel le Sauuage, Hellis, Vrien, ïuain le filz Vrien,

ïu a in des Laudes, l ' o rg u illeu x , Yuain le f i l z Cÿmeneus, le v a lle t au cercle d'or, Tristran, Bleoberi, Karados, Araanguis, Glangus, Girfles,

Tors le filz Ares, Johiers le filz au roy Artus, Saigremr le Desree, 306

Galgantis le Galois et plusieurs aultres qui tous se esmerueilloient de ceste damoiselle et de sa grant beaulte et de la grant richesse dont

elle estoit aornee plus que les aultres pucelles.

Qvant la pucelle qui tant estoit de gracieux maintieng fut [fol.

208b] entree en la salle et elle vey tant de haulz barons, s'elle se hontoie vng petit ce n'est pas a esmerueillier. Et pour ce se rougit elle, dont sa beaulte lui crut et estoit tant belle que les cheualiers disoient chascun endroit soy que moult estoit Herec bien hereux quant il auoit si belle amye. Et le roy q ^ le veoit souef marchant et gen* tement maintenir ainsi comme pucelle doit faire, la prinst par la main et 1'assist delez lui auprez de la royne qui par grant courtoisie ce lui fist faire.

Tantost aprez que (que) le roy, la royne et la damoiselle furent illec assez- la royne se prinst a dire au roy que se il veult prendre le baisier de la plus belle damoiselle de sa court qui lui est deu a cause de la prinse du cerf que il le peut faire.

A ceste ramenteuance, le roy mande ses plus priuez et dist que la pucelle d*estrange terre a plus de beaulte que nulle aultre. Il en de­ mande a chascun son oppinion. Mais ilz en jugent briefment et dient que la pucelle doit auoir l'onneur du cerf, et que par bonne raison il en peut prendre le baisier sans nul preiudice pour garder son honneur, son droit et entretenir sa parolle royalle.

A chief de ceste besongne, le roy s'enclina deuant la pucelle et très gracieusement prinst vng baisier d'elle pour et ou nom du guere- don qu'il auoit acquis en occiant le blanc cerf. Et la pucelle humble­ ment laissa conuenir le roy, presens tous les cheualiers, damoiselles 307

et pucelles dont chascun tint grant bien d'elle. Et d'aultre part,

incontinent que Erec fut venus a la court, [fol. 209aJ aprez toutes

les bienuiengnances, il charga deux sommiers d'or et d'argent et de fi­

nances et les enuoya a son beau pere comme promis lui auoit. Pour les­

quels conduire Erec transmist et enuoia v. cheualiers et dix valles de

la raaisnie et leur pria qu'ilz le conduisissent en sa terre au chasteau

de Roaldam, et qu'ilz lui portaissent honneur comme a lui meismes, et

lui fesissent deliurer de par soy la terre et la seigneurie appendant

audit chasteau.

Les cheualiers respondirent qu'ilz se acquitteroient bien de ce

faire. Atant ilz prindrent congiet et cheuaucherent tant qu'ilz arri­

uerent au chastel que Erec leur auoit enseignie ou ilz trouuerent le pere et la mere de la damoiselle. Et aprez ce qu'ilz eurent fait leur messaige, et deliure l'o r et l'argent que Erec leur auoit baillie, ilz

se misrent au chemin. Puis se partirent d'illec et les menèrent droit au chastel de Roaldam et leur liurerent le chastel et toute.' les sei­ gneuries et terres qui y appendoient. Meismement le roy Lac oyant dire la vérité du mariage de son filz pour l'amour de lui fist grant honneur et grant hiere au pere de la damoiselle. Et aussi fist il a sa mere et les receut par aussi bonne amour qu'il estoit possible.

Aprez 1 'achieuement de ces besongnes, les cheualiers retournèrent deuers Erec leur maistre. Et lorsqu' ilz furent reuenus, il leur enc- quist et demanda des nouuelles. Et ilz respondirent qu'ilz ne sca- uoient que bien, la mercy Dieu, et que le roy Lac estoit en très bonne santé. "Dieu [fol. 209b] le tiengne en sa sainte garde, dist Erec, et ceulz qui ayment le bien du royaulme." 308

Atant finerent leurs parlers et plus auant ne interregna Erec ses

cheualiers, car il auoit d'aultres besongnes assez a faire. Le jour

des noepces moult fort approchoit, dont pour les faire Erec demanda con­

giet au roy qui voulentiers lui accorda. Et meismes il manda aux roix,

ducz, contes et barons qui de lui tenoient qu*il n'y eust celui qui ne

se trouuast a la court au jour de Noel.

Ces significations faittes aux subgetz du roy Artus, il n'y eust

cellui qui ne se appareillast pour comparoir au jour dessus nomme. Et y v in d ren t g ran t nombre de ch e u a lie rs.

Et premiers Gingaraoer qui fut amys Morgue la fee, Aguisans le roy d'Escoce, Gomdret son filz, le beau roy de Gomaret, le roy d'Ancipodes et Vrien son frere. Auec ces deux estoient Vilis et Vrien qui estoient nains lais et bochus. Et auec eulz y auoit ancores deux aultres nains,

Gligoro et Gliodolen, qui moult furent regardez car plus petis que nulz aultres nains ilz estoient. Si auoient grant face noire et barbue. Et au vray dire ils estoient bochus et mal tailliez de tous membres.

Auec yceulz y vint plente de bons cheualiers, mais de les nommer tous me deporteray pour la matière abregier. Le roy Artus pour l'amour de Erec fist a ce jour cent nouueaulx cheualiers. Et au dit jour de

Noel 1'archeuesque de Gantorbie espousa Erec et s'amie qui estoit appel» lee Enide. Et aprez toutes dilligences faittes, le roy Artus voult te­ nir table reonde, et commanda a son maistre d'ostel que tous ceulz qui deraanderoient pain, vin, [fol. 210aJ char rostie et boullie que tout leur fust legierement deliure. Puis s'assist a table auec la royne.

Et au milieu d'eulz deux fut assise la belle Enide qui ce jour estoit dame des noepces haultement atoumee de moult riches joyaulx. 309 Des metz et vyandes dont ils furent serais ne vous feray nulle de- uise, car bien est a scauoir qu'ilz furent moult richement seruis de tout ce qu'il conuenoit en tel cas. Des chan^teurs, menestrelz, trom­ pettes, clairons et aultres plusieurs instrumens qui illec estoient ne vous feray ja long conte. Des dames, damoiselles, danses et karolles qui illec furent faittes nous passerons en brief, car il n'y auoit cel­ lui qui en s'entremesist de faire ce qu'il scauoit.

Qve vous diroye je plus? L'ystoire dist que de tous les esbate­ mens que l'on peust penser au monde l'on vsa a ce jour des noepces.

Quant ce vint au soir, [la roynej pour l'amour qu'elle auoit a la belle Ehide et enuers Erec son gentil cheualier, elle le desatouma soy meismes, et aprez plusieurs parlers et introductions le fist entrer dedens le lit.

Atant vint Erec qui venoit de la compaignie des roys et des prin­ ces et barons, dames et damoiselles. Et quant il voit sa très chiere compaigne, lui qui très désirant estoit de paruenir a sa conpaignie, prent congiet a la royne et seulet demeure en la chambre. Il ferme l'uis, et lors de toute joye est raemplis tellement qu'il ne scet tenir maniéré, ains ainchois qu'il fust desadoube, il baisa cent fois sa belle eq)ouse, car amour l 'admonnestoit de ce faire.

>bult legierement et au plus tost qu'il pot, se desbilla le cheua­ lier et entra ou lit, et comme [fol. 210bj il est de coustume, il, es­ pions d'ung hardement amoureux, se mist entre les bras de la pucelle.

Et illec fist tant qu'il paruint a chief de son très ardant désir. Si fist Amours les cuers de l'amant et de l'ancre estre vne seulle aliance.

Et a grant soulas les fait baisier, acoller et embrachier l'ung l'autre 310 cent mille fois. Du surplus ne vous parleray plus auant pour euiter blasme, car au cuer de deux amans ne peut conuenir plus grant amour.

Ains l'endemain fut dame la damoiselle qui iusques alors auoit este pu­ c e lle .

Quant ce vint que le jour fut cler et il couuint qu'ilz se leuas- sent, dieux scet les regretz qu'ilz firent, car trop estoit selon leur auis la nuit courte, car s'elle eust dure quattre fois autant, elle ne leur eust mie anuiet.

Comment messire Gauuain et aultres cheualiers emprindrent vng toumoy dont Erec emporta le pris et l'onneur.

En ceste partie dist l'histoire que moult grandement fut honnouree

Enide a ceste feste. Si pria chascun que Dieu les vaulsist entretenir en leur amour. Mais j'a^' par maintes fois oy dire qu'il n'est si bon cheual qui ne choppe comme vous orez.

Erec fist plente de dons et de nobles presens tant en coursiers, destriers, pallefrois comme en drap d'or et aultres riches joyaulx dont je me passe en brief. Pour ce hault don de mariage le roy Artus tin t table reonde par l'espace de quinz jours. Si pouez bien scauoir que les esbatemens qui y furent faiz ne sont pas a racompter ne descripre.

Et pourtant, nous laisserons toutes ces besongnes penser aux lisans qu'il en y eut assez sans nombre. Et pourtant que nostre pre- [fol.

211a] sent conpte est fonde pour parler de Erec. Si dist que ceulz de la Table Reonde emprindrent vng toumoy qui seroit fait vng mois aprez la Penthecouste de messire Gauuain d'une part et de Melis et de Melia- dus de l'autre. Si delibererent de le faire au prez de Tenebroc en vne moult belle plaine qui illec est. 311 Quant vint au jour que les seigneurs deuoient tournoier, veçy che­

ualiers de toutes pars qui a grans pompes descendent en la plaine et

font tendre tant de tentes, trefz et pauillons ouuiez (des) de draps

d'or, de soye et de toutes richesses que ce estoit vne infinite et vng plaisir de veoir les pauillons descolorez estinceller contre les raix du s o le i l .

0 que belle noblesse assamblee en vng lieu pour 1'amour et honneur de la plus belle du monde. Melis et Meliadus font leurs tentes dres-

chier deuant le chasteau. Et messire Gauuain fist tendre la sienne a

1*autre lez.

En chariotz et sur mont riches pallefrois descendent illec les dames. Si dient bien que elles ne virent oncques plus belle ordonnance pour tournoier. Elles ont assez a faire a regarder ores ca et ores la.

Et lors qu'il est heure de soy mettre en armes, les chiefz du toumoy d'ung cosi^ et d'autre font sonner trompettes et clarons moult haulte­ ment tant que la plaine en retentist.

.Lors s'esmeuuent cheualiers de tous costez et se mettent en armes au mieulz qu'ilz peuent, portans plusieurs enseignes et pauillons de soye ventelans et vollans au vent par dessus leurs heaulmes.

Les clarons n'eurent pas fine leurs se- [fol. 211b] monces d'armes quant chascun est montez habilliet et arme moult richement, chascun a son pouoir.

D'une part et d'autre est moult bien en point la cheualerie. Ilz ont désir d'eulz entremeller, si font sonner leurs trompette a grant ef­ fort et cognencerent dieualiers a courre, saulter et couchier leurs lan­ ces, puis rencontrer et ferir si grans coups sur ces escus qu'ilz en 3 1 2 font les lances voiler par tronçons plus de cent. Et te l bruit menoient que on ne eust pas oy Dieu tonner a ceste heure.

De moult belles cheualeries fait Meliadus et Melis, et aussi fist

Gauuain et Saigremor, car ilz rouaient lances, cas soient escus et tre- buschoient dieualiers et cheuaulz tout en vng mont par te l parti que on ne scet qui a du pieur ou du meilleur.

Les lances ne sont pas ancores toutes cassées quant Erec le gentil cheualier gentement apointie et moult bien cheuaulchant s'en issi de son pauillon comme cellui qui ne quiert que honneur acquerre.

Moult brûlant s'en vint Erec a 1* assamblee et cheuaulchoit vng blarc cheual. Et aussi tost que 1*Orguilleux de la Lande le vey faire saillir le cheual tant gentement et que tant gentement se tenoit dessus, il laisse la mellee et vient a 1'encontre de Erec qui moult fut joyeux quant il le perchupt, et atant laissent courre bons cheuaulz lesquelz ilz frappent des esperons parmy les costez, et baissent les lances. Et sachiez que quant ce vint a l'en contrer, Erec feri l 'Orguilleux de la

Lande tel coup, ou milieu de l'escu qu'il l'eslieue des archons et [fol.

212a] gentement le fait tomber les gambes leuees en hault.

Qvant Erec l'eut abatu, il passa oultre sans retourner vers lui, mais il n'eust gueres loingz aie quant Aguisans le roy d'Escoce a grant haste lui vint a l 'encontre pour iouster a lui. Erec le regarde venir et de rechief commence a poindre contre lui et le refiert de la lance, et aprez rennes et fTain rompus, il l'enuerse et le porte a terre ou mi^ lieu de la place.

Aprez ce cop soubdainement issi de la presse le roy de la Rouge

Cite qui estoit homme de grant façon. Et eulz deux comme preux cheua- 313 liers qu'ilz estoient s* entre centrèrent par te l radeur que le roy rompi sa lance contre l'escu de Erec. Et Erec le refiert si durement que les cengles du cheual sont rompues et les couuint par force cheoir a la t e r r e .

Aprez que Erec eut ainsi abatu au jouster tous ces cheualiers, il, a toute puissance, se fiert en la grant presse la ou il voit le plus grant débat. Et fait vne telle enuahye sur vng grant tas de cheualiers tellement et par si grant vertu que tous a force les esparpeille. Il fiert a dextre et a senestre si grans coups que tous ceulz le fuioient qui le veoient vers eulz adreschier. Et bien dient tous que c'est le plus fort et le meilleur cheualier qui soit en la place, car il fait droittes merueilles d'armes et ne fait rien ne n'eraprent chose dont il il viengne bien a chief.

Messire Gauuain qui veult los et honneur acquerre ne fault pas a s'esuertuer. Il fiert et rue de toutes façons tellement et par tel ver­ tu qu'il abat et trebusche tout deuant lui. [fol. 212b] Et si porta si vaillamment qu'il fist fiancer prison a plusieurs cheualiers. Et par l'ayde [de] Saigreraor, Yuain, Griflet et plusieurs aultres, ilz remba- rerent leurs aduersaires iusques deuant le chasteau au plus prez de la porte. Et illec recommença vng nouueau decat. Et Erec qui voit Saigre- mor lui bien aduenturer et faire merueilles d'armes lui va au deuant et d'ung coup d'espee bien assez tant rudement le salue qui l'estonne et l'enuoie par terre. Messire Guiron voit Meliador, si lui court sus et tant de lui s'aproche qui l'apoigne par le heaulme. Et a puissance de bras le fait tresbuchier et ja lui vouloit faire fiancer prison, quant vecy Erec qui court a la rescousse. Et d'escu, de corps, de cheual et 314

de puissance tellement s’abandonne contre messire Gauuain que de leurs

coups soustenir n'ont les cheuaulz nulle puissance, ains furent con­

strains de cheoir et les cheualiers aussi* Ilz saillirent incontinent

en piez et ia ilz se fussent oultreement entreassaiez se le roy Artus

qui cen vault consentir n’eust este qui fist sonner la retraitte, par

quoy il les couuint cesser et autant a l ’onneur de l ’ung cogne de l ’au­

tre se retrairent et montèrent a cheual et s’en allèrent chascun a son

lo g iz .

Comment Erec se parti de la court du roy Artus et se mist au chemin,

lui et la belle Enide sa femme, par deuers la court du roy Lac son

pere ou ilz furent très honnourablement recheuz et festoiez»

En ceste partie dist le conte que aprez ce que chascun eut lais-

siet le tournoyer, les cheualiers venus a leurs hostelz furent inconti­

nent desarmez. De messire Gau- [fol. 213a] uain, de Saigremors ly des-

reez et de plusieurs aultres fut assez parle. >îais aux grans faiz que

l’en auoit veu des proesses des vngz et des aultres, il fut jugie que

Erec auoit gaignie l ’onneur et le pris de ceste assamblee. Mais icy n’en parlera plus auant nostre present compte. Erec en emporta le bruit comme l ’on treuue en son liure.

Aprez que les noepces furent faillies et le tournoiement accompli vault Erec aller en son pays et y mener Enide sa femme. Mais en alant

son chemin, il a intention d’aller combattre au cheualier du Val Brun que tout le monde va tant loant de proesse. Si prinst congie du roy

et de la royne et se parti acompaignie de deux escuiers pour le seruir, et auec Enide vne damoiselle. Et tout son aultre estât enuoia il en

son pays et leur dist qu’ ilz fesissent scauoir au roy Lac son pere sa 3 2 3 venue•

Qvant Erec eut prins congie au roy, il se parti de leans si fut conuoie de plusieurs cheualiers moult longuement* Et quant ilz eurent aile assez loingz, Erec leur pria qu'ilz retoumaissent et ne venissent non plus auant, et moult les mercia du grant honneur qu'ilz lui auoient fait, en leur priant qu'ilz lui saluaissent le roy iirtus et madame la royne Geneuiere. Et aprez tous ces parlers, ilz prindrent congiet d'eulz tous et se prinst a cheuaulchier moult fort désirant de trouuer le chastel du Val Brun, car il n'y auoit mais que qui[n]ze jours jus­ que s au premier jow de juing qui estoit la fin de l'an que le dieua- lier se deuoit tenir au chastel [fol. 214b] du Val Brun.

Apres ce que messire Erec se fut mis au chemin pour aller au chas­ te l du Val Brun a telle compaignie que vous auez oy que bien lui plai- soit tant joyeulx que on ains nul ne le fut plus, erra toute la joumee sans aduenture trouuer qui face a rementeuoir en conte. Et tant erra que son chemin le mena sur vng vanasseur [sic] ou i l fut bien r e c u e il l i et eut la meilleur chiere tant du seigneur comme de la dame et des fil­ les de layens que mieulx on ne pourroit sov’raidier. Si fut bien pense et bien repeu. Et aprez soupper sa chambre fut bien appareillie. Si fut celle nuit en parfaitte plaisance auec sa belle dame. Au matin se leua et oy messe. Et aprez boire se parti lui et sa compaignie au bon congiet de leur hoste et leurs hostesses, lesquelles de leur bonne chiere les remercia Erec.

Atant se mist a son chemin grant alleure. Et tant cheuaulcha que ainsi comme a heure de nome il entra en vne forest ou il y auoit hault bois et bel vmbre, et n'orent gueres aile auant q u'il trouua vng cheua- 316

lier qui estoit a grant meschief, car il estoit assailli de quattre

cheualiers qui nettoient grant paine a le mettre a oultrance. Et com­

bien qu*il se deffendist a son pouoir, si 1*auoient ilz ad ce mene

qu'il auoit grant mestier de secours. Si hasta Erec son oirre et vint

aux cheualiers et leur dist;

••Seigneurs cheualiers, cessez vous jusques que je sace quelle oc­

casion vous auez en cestui cheualier, car ce n’est pas iuste partie de

combattre quattre cheualiers contre vng seul.^^

[fol. 215a] Lors respondi l ’iu^ d’eulz qii sembloit estre maistre de

tous les iiü assez fierement: ••Quelle chose vous en chaut, sieur che­

ualier, de scauoir de nostre querelle? Je vous loe et conseille en

droit conseil que vous alez vostre diemin et nous laissiez conuenir de

n o s tre b a tta ille .•'

A ces paroUes dist Erec au cheualier que s’il ne lui disoient la

cause qu’ilz auoient qui en telle façon combatoient, il mettroit payne

de le scauoir. Le cheualier lui respondi que pour lui n’en scauroit

rien et que ancores en aroit de pis le cheualier. Si prinst tantost

sa lance que vng de ses escuiers portoit et les vient tous escrier et

se fiert ou il cuidoit son coup mieulx emploier, et vint atteindre de

sa lance l ’orguilleux cheualier qui a lui auoit parle et lui bailla si

grant coup qu’il le porta a terre et son cheual sur lui. Et puis il

tire son espee, car sa lance auoit rompue sur le cheualier. Et se vient ferir entre les trois aultres. Et donne a l ’ung qui plus greuoit

le cheualier que nulz d’eulz si grant coup qu’il est tant estourdiz

qu’il ne se peut tenir en selle, aincois voile des archons a terre

soubz la pance de son cheual. 317

Qvant Erec voit qu*il estoit des deux cheualiers deliure, il s’en vient au tiers moult joyeulx de son aduenture et lui donne vng coup sur

le heaulme si grant qu'il se tient assez chargiet de le recheuoir. Si recoeuure et le fiert ancores de l'espee sur la teste, et a ce qu'il estoit ancores greuez du premier coup, il ne pot le grant coup souffrir qu'il ne lui faille tumber si estourdi qu'il ne scet s 'il est nuit ou iour. Et pour parfaire ce qu'il auoit commencie Lfol. 2i^bJ pour deli­ urer le cheualier qui besoing en auoit il courut sus au quart cheualier si le fiert par grant ayr ou il le peut attaindre. Si le maine en pou d'heure a telle fin qu'il lui cria merci. Mont il leur demanda quelle occasion ilz auoient d'assaillir le cheualier ainsi comme ilz faisoient, lequel ilz auoient tant malement mene. Et il lui dist qu'il estoit de guerre a vng cheualier qui la gist qui a este porte a terre pour le­ quel nous auions entreprins de vangier vng sien frere que cest cheua­ lier a nagueres occis. "Et se vous ne fussiez arriuez, a ceste heure, mal lui en fust aduenu, mais je vous prie que pour honneur de cheuale­ rie et pour pitié qu'il vous souffisse atant sans nous faire pis que fait nous auez. Car il n'y a cellui qui n'ait essaiet vostre proesse et vaillance tellement que nous auons meilleur mestier de trouuer mire qui nous mette a point noz playes et blecheures que de plus combattre a lu i."

Qvant Erec entendi le cheualier, sans ce qu'il lui respondist riens, il se retourne par deuers le cheualier qui auoit este assailli des q u a ttre e t lu i demande s ' i l e s t a in s i que le cheual i e r lu i a d i t .

Et il lui respondit que tout estoit vérité, mais ce fut par mescongnois- sance et qu'il en estoit moult doulent. 318

Tandis que Erec et le cheualier parloient ainsi, s'estoient a

grant paine relouez les trois cheualiers. Si vint a eulz l'espee ou

poing et leur dist que s'ilz ne creantoient a faire sa voulante par a-

mour, qu'ils les contrainderoit a son pouoir de le faire de force, et

en ce cas il ne les asseuroit que de la mort. Si respondirent tous

l'ung aprez l'autre qu'ilz estoient prestz de [fol. 2l6aJ faire sa vou­

la n te .

“Dont vueil ie, dist Erec, que vous le me jurez et promettez comme

cheualiers." et ilz le firent puis que faire le conuenoit. Si leur dist; “Or dont sur le serement que vous fait m'auez, vous me jurez que de chose que cestui cheualier vous ait raeffait a cause de la mort de vostre frere ne d'aultre chose qui vous ait meffait, vous ne lui ferez ne pourchasserez jamais par vous ne par les vostres nul mal ne erapes-

chement n'ara de vostre part."

Tout ce lui promirent de bonne foy tous ensemble, et fut en la place tout pardonne et d'ung coste et d'aultre, et furent bons amis de la en auant. Ainsi prinst fin ceste besongne.

Atant s'en reuint Erec vers Enide et se mist en son chemin. Mais je vous auoie entreoubliet a dire la grant paour que Enide eut de son aiqy durant la battaille, car a chascun coup que ceulz a qui il se com- batoit ruoient sur lui, elle auoit tant grant doubte et paour que tous ceulz qui la veoient s'en perceuoient bien et disoit present ceux de sa compaignie a grans regretz: “He Dieu de paradis, et vous Royne des cieulz, que de malle heure fus ie nee quant il fault que celui en qui i'ay mis tout mon cuer en ma presence soit en tel dangier qu'il fault qu'il se combate a tel meschief. He, glorieuse Trinité, Pere, Fil et 319

Saint Esperit, vueilliez le garder de mal et d'encombrier

En telz regretz fut tousiours Enide tant que la chose fut apaisie de laquelle chose fut bien aduerti Erec si ne s'en faisoit que jouer non. Si lui dist que c'estoit peu de chose de ce qu'elle auoit veu enuers ce qu'elle pouroit bien veoir s'elle se trouuoit gueres [fol.

216bJ ou les cheualiers errans se trouuoient.

En telles et aultres deuises passèrent le temps en cheuaulchant, et tant firent qu'ilz paruindrent en vne maison de religion de dames ou ilz furent treshormourablement recueillis. Et des dames de leans fut menee Enide en sa chambre. Et par aulcuns des seruiteurs de layens fut mene Erec en la sienne; si se desarma, et Enide se mist a point.

Et quant ilz furent tous désarmez, il ne demoura gueres que l'on les vint quérir et leur dist on que tout estoit prest pour soupper. Et les menèrent ceulz qui de ce auoient charge soupper en vne petite salle ou ilz furent Dien festoiez selong les biens qui estoient en l'abbaye.

Aprez soupper l'abesse et les religieuses vindrent deuers eulz et les introduiront et enseigneront de moult de choses iusques ad ce qu' il fut heure d'aller couchier. Si les conuoyerent en leur chambre ou ilz se couchèrent et reposeront bien a leur aise toute la nuit jusques a l'endemain qu'ilz se leuerent et oyrent messe et dinerent auant leur partement a la requests des religieuses. Et aprez diner prindrent con­ giet a elles et les remercieront de leur grant chiere et ainsi se par­ tirent et se mirent en leur chemin au plus droit qu'ilz peurent ainsi que on leur enseigna pour aller par deuers le chastel du Val Brun qui estoit assez congneu par ce que plusieurs estoient passez par illec qui tiroient celle part. Si allèrent tant par leurs journées sans 320 quelque aduenture trouuer qu'ilz vindrent a l'o stel d*ung cheualier auquel il f 1st hurter vng de ses escuiers. Et vng vallet v%t [fol.

217a] a la porte et leur demanda qu’ilz vouloient. Et l'escuier lui dist que la hors auoit vng cheualier et vne dame qui l’enuoient scauoir se illec porroient estre herbergiez. Et il lui dist qu’il lui en scau- roit tantost bien a dire, si s'en alla deuers son seigneur et lui dist que vng cheualier et vne dame estaient arriuez a la porte qui deman­ daient se layens ilz pourraient herbergier» Le cheualier leur respondi qu’il allast bien tost leur dire qu’ilz fussent les très bien venus.

Si ne demeura gueres le vallet qu’il n’allast a la porte, laquelle fut tantost ouuerte. Et vint dire a Erec et a Enide qu’ilz fussent les t' es bien venus et que le seigneur de layens auoit grant joye de leur venue. Si entreront ens et le cheualier de layens leur vint a l’encon­ tre et les fist descendre en leur faisant la reuerence, les bienviengna haultement et les mena en la plus belle chambre de leans ou ilz furent bien serais de tout ce que mestier leur estoit.

Qvant Erec fut desarme, le seigneur de layens qui estoit moult bonneste cheualier de son eage leur vint tenir compaignie. Et demanda

Erec au cheualier; "Sire cheualier. l’on m’a conte qu’il y a assez prez d’icy vng cheualier qui est tant renomme de grant proesse qu’il ne fut pieca si grant nouuelle de mil qu’il est de lui."

"Haa, sire cheualier, dist lors le seignew de layens, vous vou­ lez parler du seigneur qui fait tant de cheualiers au Val Brun."

"Certes, vous dittes vérité," ce dist Erec. "Bien voir dittes, dist le cheualier. que c’est assez prez d’icy, car il n’y a pas si grant chemin que l ’on n’y cheuaulchast [fol. 217b] en trois heures. Mais du cheua- 321

lier, qu'en pourray-je dire sy non vérité? Il semble que tous les

biens que l'en pouroit dire sont en cest cheualier dont vous me parlez:

grant force, grant vaillance et grant courtoisie. Car premiers depuis

qu'il a comraenciet a combattre, il n'a trouue son pareil ne de force ne

de vaillance. Et si est tant courtois cheualier que tous ceulz qui

l'ont veu tant en combatant comme aultrement dient qu'ilz ne veirent

oncques son pareil."

"Sire cheualier. de bonnes conditions est le cheualier raenpli.

Car plusieurs cheualiers qui bien en scauoient la vérité m'ont dit que

s 'il eust voulu, depuis que sa battaille commença, il eust occis plu­

sieurs cheualiers, mais il les a déportez a son pouoir. Toutesuoies on

dist que desia il en a mene a sa voulante plus de six mil sans

ce qu'il en y ait gueres qui soient mors ne affoliez, mais souuent en y

a de fort blechiez."

Quant Erec eut bien entendu le cheualier, il dist lors que Dieu

auoit fait grant grace au cheualier de quoy ilz parloient de l'auoir

aoume de tant de belles vertus, et que le pareil qu'il lui disoit il

en auoit oy conter a plusieurs aultres.

De moult de choses de deuiserent le ciieualier de leans et Erec, et

tant qu'il fut heure de soupper. Si le vint on dire au cheualier. Et

s'.ant il emmena la dame et Erec en la salle qui estoit assez prez d 'il,

lec, et eulz trois s'assirent et furent bien seruis de ce qu'il estoit

possible de recouurer. Et quant ce vint a la fin du mengier, ilz se

leuerent et le cheualier les mena en vng gardin moult plai- [fol. 218a]

sant ou ilz passèrent le temps en deuisant de moult de choses tant qu'il fut heure de couchier. Et quant le seigneur de l'ostel les eust 322 menez iusques en leur chambre, 11 les laissa reposer iusques a l'ende- main qu'ilz oyérent messe au matin et fir% t vng assez brief repas et prindrent congie a l'oste et le remercieront de sa grant chiere. Et atant se mirent en chemin et oncques puis ne finerent de cheuaulchier iusques a ce qu'ilz veirent le chastel du Val Brun ou le cheualier a l'escu d'or se tenoit.

Ainsi comme ilz appro choient la place, ilz oyrent vng cor sonner

si haultement que de bien loingz le peust on bien oyr. Si sceut bien incontinent chascun de leur compaignie que gueres ne demouroit le cheua­ lier a qui l'on donnoit si grant los de cheualerie. Si en auoit Enide si grant doubte qu'elle n'en scauoit que dire, car tout son corps en estoit espoente. Et ne se pot tenir de dire a Erec: "Haa, mon seigneur, s 'il estoit possible que a ma requeste vous voulsissiez delaissier vostre entreprinse de combattre a ces cheualiers» je vous en prieroie de bon cuer. Et creez mon conseil, car mon cuer me dist que fort aurez a faire contre lui. Et n'est chose au monde que je doubte autant comme je fay son rencontre et sa force."

"Ma belle dame, dist Erec, puis que vous y auez se a mon honneur le pouoie faire, je le feroie de bon cuer. Mais sans honte déporter ne m'en puis. Si vous prie que vous le me pardonnez. Et i'ay espoir que je n'en partirez bien, car je ne me puis meffaire a combattre contre vng [fol. 218b] si vaillant daeualier." "Dieu par sa grace, dist Enide, vous en vueille aydier."

En ces parolles ne furent gueres quant ilz veirent vng cheualier issir du chastel, arme et monte et prest de combattre, et le faisoit beau veoir, de quoy Erec le prisoit moult en son courage, car il estoit 323 grant et bien forme de corps et de membres.

lorsque Erec percent le cheualier issu hors du chastel ainsi qu'il

estoit, il sceut bien qu'il n'y auoit plus de delay. Si prinst bien

garde que a lui ne a son cheual ne failli s t rien, car il scauoit bien

que oncques n'auoit fait battaille qui tant fesist a redoubter. Si

dist bien a soy mesmes que maintenant est venu le temps qu'il fault

raoustrer ce qu'il a de vertu en soy. Si prent vne grosse lance que

l'ung de ses escuiers portoit, car des qu'il auoit veu le cheualier, il

auoit mis son heaulme. Si se met le mieulz en point qu'il peut. Et de

si loingz comme il estoit, il se met au ferir des esperons et vient le

plus grant allaire qu'il peut contre le cheualier du chastel qui lui ve-

noit assez legierement. Car son cheual couroit tant fort qu'il n'est

nul qu'il le vous sceust dire.

De grant cuer et de grant voulante viennent les deux cheualiers

l'ung encontre l'autre. Et quant ce vint au ferir des lances, Erec * * * brise la sienne sur l'escu du cheualier qui le cuide bien jeter par terre. Mais a son entente a bien failli, car de la selle ne le remua ne pou ne grant. Et le cheualier ne failli pis, car il charga tant le

cheual de Erec que oncques ne pot soustenir sa grant force qu'il ne le

conuenist cheoir a la terre tel atourne que oncques [fol. 219a] il ne

s'en pot depuis aydier, mais si bien en aduint a Erec que au cheoir il

se mist hors des estriers et de la selle en telle façon qu'il n'ot mal que du cheoir. Si se relieue vistement somme tout honteux d'estre porte

* le added by a more recen t hand. ** ■jeter par difficult to read because of an ink blot. 324 jus deuant sa dame, ce qu' il n' auoit point accoustume. Si s* esuertue le mieulx qu'il peut et s'appareille de la battaille, et de l'autre cos- te le cheualier a l'escu d'or descent de son cheual et vient au deuant de E rec.

Quant ce vint a l'assambler a la battaille des espees, il n'y eust cellui qui seioumast gueres, ains approchèrent et au trenchant d'iceL- les commencèrent a ferir l'ung sur l'autre assez vertueusement. Et tant grans coups s'entredonnoient que l'on n'eust sceu dire qui la pieur en auoit tant equalement se combatoient et continuement a donner coups l'ung sur l'autre a ce commencement que l'on ne peut percheuoir lequel en auoit l'aduantage. Car combien que messire Guiron fust meil­ leur et plus puissant cheualier que n'estoit messire Erec, si estoit de tel courage Erec qu'il amoit mieulz a morir qu'il ne moustrast et es- prouuast sa force deuant et en la presence de la chose qu'il aymoit le mieulz en ce monde dont il estoit a ceste heure tant amoureux que nul homme pouoit estre de femme. Si s'efforce de tout ce qu'il peut. Se messire Guiron le fiert, il lui rent a son pouoir de tel oeuure tel d e s e rte .

Ainsi par grant force se maintiement et met chascun paine d'erapi- rier son compaignon, et tant que chascun est si eschauffe que ilz se trayent vng pou l'ung ensus de l'autre pour reprendre force et alaine et furent [fo3. 220a] sans riens dire l'ung a l'autre vne bonne espace.

Et quant il sembla a messire Guiron que le cheualier contre qui il se combat pouoit bien auoir reprins son alaine, il le rappella a la bat­ taille, commence a ferir sur lui plus grans coups qu'il n'auoit fait parauant, car c'estoit sa coustume que plus se combatoit et plus se sen- 325 to it de grant force et alaine ou il ne moustroit point au commencement

sa puissance. Et puis quant ce venoit que les cheualiers contre qui

ilz se combatoit s'estoient moustrez a leur commencement et ilz trou.,

uoient messire Guiron tout fres au parfumir, c'estoit vne chose qui

leur bailloit grant esbahissement pour la grant force et aspresse

qu’ilz trouuoient en lui et par ce maint cheualier en furent abuse.

Ainsi se trouua alors messire Erec, car il ne scauoit tant ferir

sur lui qu'il peust riens apperceuoir qu’il fust a son aduantaige. Car

a ce second assault, il le trouua tant viste et tant legier qu’il en

fut tout esbahi, car il auoit tant feru sur lui qu’i l lui semblait

qu’il deust estre las et traueillie. Et au contraire, il le treuue

faisant"tousiours de mieulx en mieulx. Toutesfoiz quant il lui sou-

uient que celle de qui il estoit tant amoureux voit deuant ses yeulx sa

grant lascete, il reprent cuer et hardement et recoeuure force et puis­

sance et haste messire Guiron le plus qu’il peut de lui donner moult

pesans coups a son pouoir autant qu’il pouoit amener du hault au bas a

la force de ses bras et le charge tant qu’il y met toute sa puissance.

Il le fiert souuent en tous les lieux [fol. 220bj ou il le pouoit at­

teindre pour le dommagier. Mais bien vous dy que s’il est angoisseux

de ferir, il ne fault point a en recepuoir souuent le guerredon, car il

a affaire a partie qui de ce ne s’effroye gueres.

Messire Guiron perchoipt bien que le cheual:ir a qui il se combat

est de grant cuer et de grant voulante, mais il congnoist bien qu’il n’est point si fort ne si puissant qu’il n’en ait aulcunesfoiz trouue de telz qui plus faisoient a doubter. Toutesfois s’esforcoit a son po­ uoir messire Erec et mieulz amoit a morir comme il disoit que l'on 326

peust percheuoir lascete en lui. Et se maintint tant qu'il peut en son

bien faire » Mais quant ce vint au paraller et qu' il vey que effort

qu'il face ne lui vault, et qu'il ne peut riens gaignier sur le cheua­

lier a qui il se combat puisqu'il ne peut plus, il se coiranence a affoi-

blir et ne donne plus si grans ne si pesans coups comme il faisoit au

commencement du second assault. Et de ce se prent bien garde messire

Guiron, lequel le charga tant de coups tant grans et pesans que se lon­

guement eust ainsi continue il eust tost fait finer Erec. Mais lui qui

a son pouoir vouloit garder l'onneur du cheualier le commença de mener

auant le champ, vne a u ltre auant e t l'a u tr e a r r ié r é .

Qvant Enide voit le peril et le dangier ou son seigneur est, elle

ne scet qu'elle doie faire. Elle le plaint, elle le regrete, elle prie

Dieu moult doulcement qu'il le vueille aydier. Elle voit bien qu'il

n'y a nulle apparence qu'il ne muire illec en sa presence s'aulcun re-

mede n'y est mis. [fol. 221a] Elle gemist, elle pleure, elle se pasme

menu et souuent et tellement que ses gens ont assez a faire a la res-

conforter. Elle maine la plus grant douleur qu'oncques femme menast,

Elle mauldist fortune qui l'a a ce mene que du plus parfait cheualier

qui viue a son aduis elle verra la mort deuant ses yeulz et c'est vne

chose qui la merra aussi a la mort, car elle dist que aprez lui elle ne veult viure vne seulle heure.

Quant elle eut vne espace ses doleurs et ses lamentations menees,

elle reprist cuer et se part et vint iusques a la place ou les deux

cheualiers se combatoient et n'y sceut oncques sitost venir que son

sieur ne feust en grant dangier. Si se mist a genoulz et commence a

crier a messire Guiron, disant ainsi: 327

"Haa, sire cheualier, se oncques vostre cuer se peut amolier pour oyr dame ne daraoiselle desolee, oyez la paroUe et la requeste d*une dame et vous cessez."

Atant cessa messire Guiron et vint deuers la dame et le releua et lui dist: "Certes, madame, plus feroie a vostre requeste se m'en re­ quériez et dittes ce qu'il vous plaist." Et lors elle dist: "Sire cheualier, j'ay veu que tant vous estes esprouuez entre vous et cestui cheualier a qui vous vous combatez que l'ung et l'autre congnoist bien la force de son compaignon. Si vous supplie que se la chose peut de­ meurer ainsi sans la mort de l'ung ou de l'autre que a ma requeste vous le vueilliez ainsi faire."

"Par ma foy, madame, dist Guiron, s 'il plaist au cheualier raoy faire scauoir son nom, je suis content de lui et est la fin de nostre querelle." [fol. 221b] "Haa, sire cheualier, dist lors Enide, se i'eusse sceu ceste couuenence, la chose n'eust pas tant dure et ains que la chose voist pis, ie vous nommeray son nom." "Madame, dist Gui­ ron, aultre chose ne demande."

"Haa, sire, dist elle lors a son mari, se vostre plaisir estoit, je lui diroye vostre nom." A ce respondi Erec que pour l'amour d'elle, il en estoit content. Adont dist la dame a messire Guiron: "Sire che­ ualier, sachiez de vray que cestui cheualier a qui vous estes combatus a nom Erec, et est filz du roy Lac. Je ne scay se oncques mais en oistes parler."

Qvant messire Guiron oy que celui a qui i l s*estoit tant combatus estoit Erec dont il auoit tant oy parler, il s'en donna la plus grant merueilles du monde, car il n'eust iamais pense que en lui eust eu si 328 grant force et si grant proesse. Et aussi iusques a ceste heure il

n’auoit eu si grant congnoissance de lui. Et bien dist en son cuer

qu'il fault qu'il lui viengne d'amours. Et lors lui ala cheoir au ceur

que pour la presence de celle belle dame laquelle il veoit deuant lui

s'estoit il si vaillamment porte et si longuement entretenu en sa force.

Si vint aprez cestui pensement a Erec et lui dist: "Messire Erec, j'ay

este bien joyeux quant j'ay sceu que Dieu m'auoit fait ceste grace qu'il

vous auoit amene en lieu ou ie vous peusse faire plaisir et a celle belle

dame aussi. Et vous soiez tous ensemble les très bien venus et vous prie

que se i'ay fait chose qui soit a vostre desplaisance, qu'il vous plaise

a le moy pardonner. Et a celle belle dame ie lui prie qu'il lui plaise

a moy faire le pareil. Et ie suy prest de l'amender [fol. 222a] a son

bon plaisir." A ces motz respondi Erec et dist:

"Par ma foy, sire cheualier, autant que a moy touche, ie le vous pardonne de bon cuer et congnoiz que i'ay grant cause de vous mercier de vostre courtoisie, car ie congnoy et scay que a moy et a maint aultre vous l'auez bien moustree. Et quant a ceste dame, je lui conseille qu'elle vous pardonne tout." Si dist lors Enide qu'elle estoit contente du bon plaisir de son sieur. Si les remercia assez messire Guiron. Si fist oster son heaulme et pareillement aussi fist il a Erec et s'entre- acoUerent par grand accointance et très grant chiere firent les vngz auec les aultres.

Apres ces grans chieres et accointances faittes, messire Guiron leur pria qu'il leur pleust a leur faire tant d'honneur que de venir esbatre et seioumer vne espace a son hostel. Ceste requeste lui accor­ da Erec. Et prestement lui fut amene vng moult beau cheual. Car du 329 sien ne se pouoit il mais aydier. Et montèrent tous a cheual et s'en allèrent au chastel ou ilz furent de Danain et tous les aultres bien recueilliez. Si furent menez en leurs chambres et bien fut pense de l'ung et de l'autre. Et quant chascun fut rafreschi et les playes d'Erec bien appointies, messire Guiron les vint veoir et en deuises furent tant que le soupper fut tout prest. Et les cheualiers, dames et demoiselles assiz a table furent franchement et richement tous seruis de tout ce qu'il estoit possible d*auoir.

Ainsi furent grandement et honnourablement ce jour. Et quant ce vint qu'il fut heure de couchier, [fol. 222b] chascun d'eulz fut con- uoye de Guiron et Danain iusques en leurs chambres ou ilz reposèrent et tant les pria messire Guiron qu'ilz demourerent illec ancores vng jour.

Et sachiez que s'ilz auoient le jour deuant este bien festoiez, ancores le furent ilz trop plus. Et tant qu'ilz dirent que oncques ne furent mieulz recueilliz et moult en disoient grant bien de messire Guiron.

Apres toutes ces choses, Erec, qui toutesuoies auoit grant désir de soy trouuer deuers le roy son pere, prinst congie au troisième jour de messire Guiron et sa conçaignie. Si les conuoierent honnourablement, puis prindrent congie et se mirent au retour. Et Erec se mist en son chemin et Enide son espeuse auec lui et firent tant par leurs iournees que au sixième jour ilz arriuerent auprez d'ung chastel bien scitue au­ quel le roy Lac, son pere, se tenoit. Mais aincois qu'il entrast ens, il manda au roy sa venue, dont le roy en fut moult joyeulx. Et incon­ tinent lui auec grant compaignie s'en alla a 1'encontre de Erec, son filz, et de Ehide, sa belle fille. Et sachiez que quant ce vint au ren­ contrer, Dieu scet la grant joye que le roy fist a son filz et a Enide 35) sa femme. Et illec les receup franchement et grandement et furent fes­

toiez de plusieurs dames et demoiselles et dura la feste huit jours,

tous plains en grans plaisances, de joustes et de danses. Et au bout des huit jours se départirent les estrangiers et Erec et Enide demou­ rerent auec le roy Lac en grant joye. Mais atant laisse le conte a parler d’eulz tous et retournerons a comptes les armes que fist le che­ ualier a l’escu d’or. Bibliography

A. Texts

Anon. La Chanson de Roland. Ed. Joseph Bedier. Paris: H. Piazza, 1937. . Erec. roman arthurien en prose. Ed. Cedric E. Pickford. Genève: Droz/ Paris; iiinard, 1968.

. La Mort le roi Artu. Ed. Jean Erappier. Genève: Droz/ Paris: Minard, 1964.

. Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. Ed. Marie Boroff. New York: W. W. Norton, 196?.

« Text o f the manuscriptB.N. f.fr. 363# fo lio s 193b through 222b.

Chrestien de Troyes. Christian von Troyes* Samtliche Werke nach alien bekannten Handschriften. Ed. »'fendelin Foerster. Erec und Enide. Amsterdam: Rodopi Reprint, 1965* C lig e s. Amsterdam: Rodopi R eprint, 1963.

David Aubert. Cronicues et Conquestes de Charlemaine. Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique 9066-9063. Ed. Robert Guiette. 2 vols, in 3 pts. Bruxelles: Palais des Academies, 1940-1931. Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun. le Roman de la Rose. Ed. Félix Lecoy. 3 v o ls . P a ris: Champion, 1966-1970.

Malory, Sir Thomas. Le Morte Darthur. Ed. H. Oskar Sommer. 3 v o ls. London: D» Nutt, IB890I89I.

B. General Works

I. Burgundian Literature and History

Calmette, Joseph and Deprez, Eugène. Histoire du moyen âge, vol. VII. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1939.

Cartellieri, Otto. Am Hofe der Herzoge von Burgund. Kulturhistorische B ild e r. Basel: B. Schwabe, 1926.

Coville, Alfred. La Vie intellectuelle dans les domaines d* An.iou- Provence de 1380-1435. Paris: Droz, 1941.

331 332 Doutrepont, Georges. La Littérature française à la cour des ducs de Bourgogne. Genève: S latkine R eprintj 1970«

Rychner, Jean. La Littérature et les moeurs chevaleresques a la cour de Bourgogne. Neuchâtel: Secretariat de 1*Université, 1950.

Vaughan, Richard. Philip the Good. The Apogee of Burgundy. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1970.

Willard, Charity Cannon. "The Concept of True Nobility at the Bur­ gundian Court." Studies in the Renaissance, 14 (1967), 33-^»

II. Mses en prose and the Development of the Prose Narrative

Beseh, Emile. "Les Adaptations en prose des chansons de geste au XV® e t au XVI® s iè c le ." Revue du XVI® S iècle. 3 (1915), 3^5“IBI.

Qiaytor, Henry John. Pï"om Script to Print. Cambridge: University P r e s s , 1 9 4 5 .

Doutrepont, Georges. Les Mises en prose des eoopées et des romans ■ chevaleresques. Bruxelles: Palais des Academies,1939 *

Guiette, Robert. "Chanson de geste, chronique et mise en prose." Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale. 6 (1963), 423-440.

Kohler, Erich. "Zur Entstehung des altfranzosischen Prosaromans." ■Vfi-ssenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Friedrich-Schiller-Universitât Jena. 5 (1955-1956), Gesellschrafts- und Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe, 13/III, 287-292.

Pickford, Cedric E. L*Evolution du roman arthurien en prose vers la fin du moyen âge. Paris: Nizet, I960.

Rasmussen, Jens. La Prose narrative française du XV® s iè c le . Copenhague: Kunksgaard, 1956.

Soderhjelm, Wemer. La Nouvelle française du XV® siècle. Paris: Chanpion,19 IO.

Thorpe, Lewis. "Les * Contes desrimez' et les preniers romans en prose." Mélanges de langue et de littérature du moyen age et de la Renaissance offerts a Jean Frappier. II. Geneve: Droz, 19/0. Pages 1030-1041.

Tiemann, Hermann. "Zur Geschichte des altfranzosischen Prosaromans. Bemerkungen zu einigen neueren Werken." Romanische Forschungen, 63 ( I 951), 306-328. 333 Wallen, I-Iartha Louise. %e Art of Adaptation in the Fifteenth-century Erec et Enide and Cliges. Diss. University of Wisconsin, 1972. Ann Arbor, i'iicbigan: University Microrilms, 1973»

I I I . Works on C hrestien

Adler, Alfred. “Sovereignty as the Principle of Unity in Chretien's Erec." PI-ILA. 60 (19^5), 917-936.

Bang, Carol K. "Emotions and Attitudes in Gretien de Troyes' Erec et Enide and Hartmann von Aue's Erec der Wunderaere." PMLA, 57 119:^2;, 297- 326.

Bezzola, Re to R. Le Sens de l'aventure et de l'amour. Paris: La Jeune Parque, 1947.

Castellani, Arrigo. "La 'Parole' d'Enide." Cultura Meolatina. lô (1958), 139- 1 4 9.

Colby^ A lice M. The P o r tr a it in Tw elfth-century French L ite ra tu re . Geneve: Droz, 1965»

Fotitch, Tatiana. The Narrative Tenses in Chretien de Troyes. A Study in Syntax and S tylistics. Studies in Romance Languages and literatures, 3 8. Washington, D. C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1950.

Erappier, Jean. Chretien de T'royes: l 'homme et l'oeuvre. Paris: Hatier-Boivin, 1957»

Haidu, Peter. Aesthetic Distance in Chretien de Troyes: Irony and Comedy in Cliges and Perceval. Geneve: Droz, 1968.

Hoepffner, Ernest. "'Matière' et 'sens' dans le roman d 'Erec et Enide." Archivum Romani cum. 18 (1934), 433-450 .

Holmes, UrOan Tigner. Chretien de Troyes. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1970.

Imbs, Paul. "La Charette avant La Charette: Guenievre et le roman d 'Erec«" Melanges de Ian,eue et de littérature du moyen âge et de la Renaissance offerts a Jean I^Yaonier. I . Geneve: Droz, 1970. Pages 419- 4 3 2 .

Kellermann, Vilhelra. "L'Adaptation du roman d 'Erec et Enide de Chrestien de Troyes par Hartmann von Aue." Melanges de langue et de littoratuj'e du moyen age et de la Renaissajice offerts a Jean Erappier. I . Geneve: Droz, 1970. Pages 509-522. 33^ Kel3y, Douglas. "La Forme et le sens de la quête dans l»Erec et Enide de Chrétien de l'royes.” Romania. 92 (1971). 326-338.

Laurie, Helen. Two Studies in Chrétien de Troyes. Geneve; Droz, 1972.

Loomis, Roger S. Arthurian Tradition and Chrétien de Troyes. üJew York; Columbia University Press, 19^9»

Micha, Alexandre • La tradition manuscrite des romans de Chretien de Troyes. Geneve: Droz, 1966.

%rkrog. Per. "Two Creators of Narrative Form in Twelfth Century France: Gautier d'Arras - Chrétien de Troyes." Speculum. 48 (1973), 258-276.

Press, Alan R. "Le Comportement d'Erec envers Enide dans le roman de Chrétien de Troyes." Romania. 90 (1969), 529-538.

Sheldon, Edward S. "Why Does Chrétien T reat Enide So Harshly?" Romanic Review. 5 (1914), 115-126.

Shirt, David J. "Chrétien de Troyes et une coutume anglaise." Romania. 94 (1973), 178-195.

Zaday, Zara Patricia. Chrétien Studies. Problems of form and meaning in Erec. Yvain. Cliges and the Charette. Glasgow; University Press, 1973 »

IV. General Literary Studies

Sadel, Pierre-Yves. Introduction a la vie littéraire du moyen age. Paris: bordas/Mouton, 1969.

bruce, James D. Tne Evolution of Arthurian Romance from the beginnings down"to the year 1300l Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, I 9 2 3.

Dorf man, Eugene. The Narreme in the Medieval Romance E pic. An \ Introduction to Narrative Structures. Toronto: University Press, 1969. Ferrier, Janet. French Prose Vftriters of the Fourteenth and Filbeenth Centuries. hew York: Pergamon Press, 1966.

Fourrier, Anthime. Le Courant réaliste dans le roman en France au moyen âge. Paris: hizet, 196U.

Huizinga, Johan. The Waning or the Middle Ages. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1 9 5 4 . 335

Lathuillère, Roger. Guiron le Courtois. Etude de la tradition manuscrite et analyse critique. Geneve; Droz, 1966.

______. "Le manuscrit de Guiron le Courtois de la Bibliothèque rlartin Bodmer, à Genève." melanges de langue et de littérature du moyen age et de la Renaissance offerts a Jean Frappier. II. Geneve: Droz, 1970. Pages 567-57^*

Littérature française. Le Moyen age. II. 1300-1480. Published by Daniel Poirion. Paris: Arthaud, 1971*

Loseth, E ilert. Le Roman en prose de Tristan, le roman de Palamède et la compilation de Rusticien de Pise. Analyse critique d*après les manuscrits de Paris. Paris: £. Bouillon, 9 IBI.

Micha, Alexandre. "Le Discours collectif dans l ’épopée et dans le roman." Mélanges de lan^e et de littérature du moyen âge et de la Renaissance. I I . Geneve: Droz, 1970. Pages 611-Ü21.

Müller, Erich. Die altprovenzalische Versnovelle. Romanistische •Arbeiten, 5» Diss. Halle, 1930.

Paris, Gaston. "La Nouvelle française aux XV® et XVI® siècles." Mélanges de littérature du moyen age. Paris: Champion, 1912., Pages 627-667.

Saintsbury. George. A History of the French Novel. I . New York: Russell and Russell, 1964.

T illey, Arthur. "Les Romans de chevalerie en prose." Revue du XV3® Siècle. 6 ( 1919) , 43 - 6 3 .

ü itti, Karl. Stoz-y. Mvth, and Celebration in Old French Narrative Poetry. 1050-1200. Princeton, K. J.; University Press, 1973»

Vinaver, Eugène. Malory. Oxford: Clarendon Press,9 I2 9.

. A la Recherche d’une poétique médiévale. Paris: N iz e t, 1970.

. The Rise of Romance. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971.

Voelker, Paul. "Die Bedeutungsentvdckelung des Vfortes Roman." Zeitschrift fur Romanische Philologie. 20 (1386), 485-525. 336 C. Language and Style

I. Dictionai’ies

Foerster, WendeHn and Breuer, Hermann. VJorterbuch zu Kristian von Troyes* samtlichen Werken. Tubingen: Niemeyer Reprint, 1964-.

Godefroy, Frédéric. Dictionnaire de 1*ancienne langue française. 10 vols. Paris: R. Vieweg, IÜÜI- 19OZ.

Tobler, M olf and Lommatzsch, Erhard. Altfranzosisches VJorterbuch. Berlin: Vü.edmannsche Buchhandlung/ Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Ver lag, 1925- .

Wartburg, Walther von. Franzosisches EtymoloKcisches Worterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen sprachschatzes. Bonn: F. Klopp Verlag/ Leipzig: B. G. Teubner/ Basel: R. G. Zbinden & Co., 1928-

I I . ^ . t a x

Foulet, liicien. Petite Syntaxe de 1»ancien français. Paris; Champion R eprint, 1968.

Gardner, Rosa]yn and Greene, Karion A. A Brief Description of I-liddle French Syntax. University of North Carolina Studies in the Romance languages and Literatures, 29. Chapel Hill; Univer­ sity of North Carolina Press, 3958.

Gougenheim, Georges. Grammaire de la langue française du seizième s iè c le . lyon: E dition lAC, 1951»

I I I . Style

Kristeva, Julia. "Problèmes de la structuration du texte." La Nouvelle Critique, Linguistique et Littérature. Colloque de Cluny, 1963. Pages 55-64.

. Le Texte du roman. The Hague: Mouton, 1970.

Lips, Marguerite. Le Style indirect libre. Paris: Payot, 1926.

Rychner, Jean. L*Articulation des phrases narratives dans la Mort Artu. Recueil de travaux publies par la Faculté des Lettres, f a s c . 3 2 . Neuchâtel; Faculté des Lettres/ Genève: Droz, 1970. 3 3 7 IV. other Reference Wbrks

Flutre, Louis-Femand. Table des noms propres avec toutes leurs va­ riantes figurant dans les romans du moyen age écrits en français ou en provençal et actuellement publies ou analyses. Poitiers: Centre d'Etudes Supérieures de Civilisation Hedievale, 1962.

Guiraud, Pierre. Le Moyen Français. "Que sais-je?", 3086. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1966.

Morawski, Joseph. Proverbes français antérieurs au XV^ siècle. Paris: Chançion, 1925.

Neumann, Sven-Gosta. Recherches sur le français des XV® et XVI® siècles et sur sa codification par les théoriciens de 1* epooue. Etudes romanes de Lund, 13. Lund: Gleerup/ Copenhague: Kunksgaard, 1959. West, G. Derek G. An Index of Proper Names in French jïrthurian verse romances 1150-1300. Toronto: University Press, 1969*

D. Computer Studies and Author Attribution

Frautschi, Richard L. "Did Diderot author La Kai^uise de Clave et le Comte de Saint-Alban and Cinqmars et D er/ille?" Romance Notes, 12 (1972), 3^8.

,. "Narrative Voice in Manon L escau t some quan­ titative observations." L*Esprit Créateur. 12 (1972), jJ3-117«

l'îuller, Charles. Essai de statistique lexicale. Paris: Kl in ck siècle, 196^.

. Etude de statistique lexicale. Paris: Larousse, 1967.

,. Initiation à la statistique linguistique. Paris: Larousse, 1968.

. Paper presented at the 13® Congrès international de la Société de 3JLnguistique romane. Laval University, Quebec, Canada, August 30, 1971.

Radday, ïehuda T. "Isaiah and the Computer: A Preliminary Report." Computers and the Humanities. 5 (1970), 65-73*