PERSPECTIVES

emerging in a social process (Juergens- Gandhi’s Refl ective and meyer 2003). He noted that atma-darshan (self-refl ection) was a motivating force Dialogical Approach to for his involvement in public activities in South Africa in the early 1890s. His inter- Search for the Truth action with Christian missionaries and reading of Leo Tolstoy and John Ruskin’s books opened a vista to the notion of Ghanshyam Shah universal love (Gandhi 1927: 146–47). His experiments on his own self were Gandhi’s search for truth with ne’s lifeworld is constituted of his path to discover Truth. He believed constant self-introspection led a consciously or unconsciously that “Caged as we all are in our own him to admit his own Oimbibed value system about exclusive pride of limited truths.” In the oneself as well as others through sociali- last paragraph of his autobiography, My misconceptions and errors. sation. It is “the reservoir of implicitly Experiments with Truth, a self-narrative His path of self-refl ection and known traditions, the background as- of experiments (self-searching) with dialogue among different views sumptions that are embedded in language truth, he observed, and culture and drawn upon by individ- are the need of the time, to Ever since my return to India I have had ex- uals in everyday life” (Cohen and Arato periences of the dormant passions lying hid- fi nd deliberative ways to 1992: 427). It is also the source of defi ni- den with me. The knowledge of them has resolve confl icts. tions of the situation; and is the reposi- made me feel humiliated though not defeat- tory of the interpretive work of social ed. The experiences and experiments have sustained me. (Gandhi 1927: 464) thinkers as well as of past generations. Refl ective thinking begins with the In its preface, he underlined, availability of different kinds of experi- I claim nothing (more for the experiments) ences, cognitive know ledge, and inter- than does a scientist who, though he con- actions with people of different lifeworlds cludes his experiment with the utmost and world views. This provides a possibility accuracy, forethought, and minuteness, nev- er claims any fi nality about his conclusion, to refl ect on one’s lifeworld assumptions, but keeps an open mind regarding them … categories, value system, and also cognitive I am far from claiming any fi nality or infalli- dissonance. In the process of refl ective bility about my conclusion. (Gandhi 1927: 2; critical thinking, one begins interrogating emphasis added) one’s own lifeworld, gets engaged into He was constantly interrogating himself dialogue with one’s own self and others, and believed that inward growth was including ideologically holding opposite unending even (as a believer of the soul) positions on perception and interpretation “with the dissolution of his body” (CWMG, of rea lity (present and historical) and Vol 61, p 24). He declined to be a slave to normative values. This enables one to be precedents or practice which he could not free from dogmatism and get engaged in a “understand or defend on a moral basis” search for alternative explanations of a (CWMG, Vol 23, p 467). With such spirit, phenomenon, moral principles, and values he often admitted his mistakes and underpinning one’s vision for society modifi ed views and subsequent actions. and its transformation for common good Gandhi’s early lifeworld was shaped (Habermas 1984). through his socialisation in the upper-caste M K Gandhi was primarily a man of milieu in mid-19th-century Saurashtra. This is a revised version of a lecture delivered praxis. He had gradually developed a He belonged to a savarna (upper caste) at the Central University of Gujarat, Gandhinaga on 8 January 2019, and vision for an ideal non-exploitative society trading community. His father was a M S University of Baroda on 8 March 2019. with an individual autonomy embedded Dewan (chief minister) to princely states. I thank Rajeev Bhargava for his comments on in moral principles. Self-introspection in Most of his jati members were following the earlier draft of the paper. his own lifeworld coupled with refl ective the Vaishnava sect. His mother, besides Ghanshyam Shah (ghanshyam.shah2008@ thinking based on his experiences and following Vaishnava rituals, was also gmail.com) is an independent researcher based dialogue with himself as well as others following the Paranmi sect which has a in Ahmedabad and former professor, had been Gandhi’s path to search for the synergetic belief system of Hindu bhakti Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Truth to deal with unfolding contradictions and Islam Sufi traditions. Jain monks who

38 MAy 9, 2020 vol lV no 19 EPW Economic & Political Weekly PERSPECTIVES were often visiting the family also had an civilisation in the context of classifi cation of self-respect and later equality. In the impact on him. His family ethos and school of human society in the categories of civil- process, his views on Africans had under- education shaped his religious sensitivity isation. This discourse was initiated by gone changes. In 1939, he asserted that and moral values. He was an obedient Western intellectuals. It was essentially Africans, as well as Indians, needed to child, carrying out the orders of the elders, an Occidental concept placing Western be placed on an absolutely equal footing “not to scan their actions” (Gandhi 1927: society of the post-Enlightenment as with Europeans. He pleaded for the unity 6). Popular stories with moral messages— superior to earlier societies or “more prim- of all the exploited races of the earth to speak and stand for Truth, be compas- itive” contemporary ones in other parts (CWMG, Vol 90, 366). sionate, be magnanimous, be repentant of the world (Elias 1994: 5). Some admin- Gandhi also had undergone a change for mistakes, etc—deeply infl uenced the istrators and Christian missionaries work- in his views on Western civilisation. young mind. He tried these moral lessons ing in India imagined Indian society to be Earlier in Hind Swaraj (1909), he asserted by putting them into practice in everyday static and advocated its change. There was that Indians have “nothing to learn from life. During his childhood, he introspected a widely prevalent notion among this elite anybody else.” Later, he confessed that several times about his actions, admitted (including self-styled modernist Indians) “I have learned a lot from the West” blunders, repented for wrong action and that it was the white man’s burden to (Parel 1997: 67). In 1936, he compared tried to improve his behaviour. In his au- civilise, that is, modernise the Indian London to our Mecca or Kashi. However, tobiography, he writes, “one thing took natives. Western indologists of that period the grip of cultural essentialism domi- deep root in me—the conviction that conceptualised the Indian subcontinent nated his worldview throughout his life morality is the basis of things, and that as Hindu civilisation. Some of them and (Shah 2013). His imagination of Indian truth is the substance of all morality” Brahmin elite social reformers projected civilisation was essentially Brahminical (Gandhi 1927: 29). At a later stage, golden days of Vedic India with its pris- as conceived by European and Indian he reformulated “God is the Truth” as tine beauty of village society. They ro- Indologists. It was largely manifested in “Truth is God.” His search for truth was manticised ancient Indian culture. his notion of Indian “tradition” embedded both cognitive as fact/reality perceived Gandhi inhaled such Brahminical dis- in the Varna and caste system. He believed by himself as well as intuitive as inner course from his childhood and that had in the Varna system as an ideal social voice and experimental in relation to become the core content of his lifeworld. order (Gandhi 1945: 52). “Varna thus con- social ethics (Puri 2015: 98). A section of the fi rst generation of ceived is no man-made institution but Western-educated upper-caste Gujaratis— the law of life universally governing the Civilisation and Indian Society social reformers and littérateurs—were human family … Varna reveals the law During his early ideological formations of a carrier of the discourse. Like others, of one’s being and thus the duty one has the fi rst three decades—the late 19th cen- Gandhi from his young age believed that to perform, it confers no right …” (Gandhi tury—two important public discourses Indian civilisation was unique: “the civi- 1962: 7). In his opinion, “Varnashrama, as were prominent on the nature of Indian lisation that India has evolved is not to I interpret it, satisfi es the religious, social society. This discourse had idea list (that is, be beaten in the world” (1909–39: 60). and economic needs of a community primacy to the idea) framework for social He believed that not only such culture (Gandhi 1962: 13–36).” At the same time, analysis, in which culture was the deter- existed during the golden Vedic period, he did not endorse scriptures or Puranas minant category. One of the discourses but it could also be recreated in the as the authority. In fact, he margin- was on the hierarchical caste-based present era if each individual becomes alised “the Sastras and deprived them social order imposing civil and economic morally upright and ethical. of their religious and moral authority” restrictions on lower castes. This was When he went to South Africa in (Parekh 1997). protested by several non-Brahmin and a 1893, at the age of 23 to serve as a legal When he encountered the ground re- few Brahmin saints. The Bhakti move- counsel to an Indian merchant, like ality on caste and discrimination, he was ment preached the idea of equality before other Indians he was embedded with often uncomfortable to deal with the sit- god. In fact, a few saints like Narshinh his lifeworld with a stereotyped mind uation. Till the 1910s, he did not consider Mehta in Gujarat were not only against about the local natives—Habshi as Kaffi rs, inter-caste marriage and dining “essential the discriminatory practice, but also in- “savages” or coolies. At that time, he was for the promotion of the spirit of democ- termingled themselves with the communi- not a freedom fi ghter, but a faithful British racy” (CWMG, Vol 22, p 68). In 1924, his ties which were considered as “untoucha- subject. Having been infl uenced by Eu- views slightly relaxed on the matter of bles.” This milieu made a deep impression ropean Indologists who placed Africans inter-caste marriage because of the ris- on young Gandhi. But, it seems he at the bottom of the hierarchy, Gandhi ing number of inter-caste marriages. He was not familiar with the anti-Brahmin spoke of the native inhabitants of Africa observed that “this reform cannot be social movement against the caste sys- in patronising and even pejorative lan- stopped now” (Gandhi 1954: 116). In tem that was prominent in some parts of guage (Markovits 2014). However, his 1931, he granted inter-dining and inter- the country.1 views changed as he experienced humili- marrying relation between “Harijan” During Gandhi’s formative age, there ating discrimination by white Europeans. and caste Hindus. Later, he pleaded for was another discourse. It was on Indian He fi rst began to grapple with the notion breaking the barriers of caste and religion

Economic & Political Weekly EPW MAy 9, 2020 vol lV no 19 39 PERSPECTIVES for social relationship (CWMG, Vol 66, Similar changes are found in his views their idea of India. They had a different p 9). In 1946, he encouraged upper-caste about modern institutions and techno- premise and notion of morality and socie- youths to marry “Harijan girls.” At the logy. In 1909, he considered machinery ty. For Gandhi, nationalism was pluralistic, same time, he could not overcome from a great sin. He was against railways and inclusive and universalistic. For Savarkar, his faith in the Varna system. He accepted telegram. After a decade, he said he was it was “racial cohesion” with “common that “we have not witnessed the Varna not in favour of destroying railways or blood of Hindu parentage” that could System practicing equality, but it might against hospitals and law courts. He “dictate terms to the whole world” be there during the Satyug (Era of truth) granted that without a few industries, (Savarkar 1999). of Hindu religion” (Gandhi 1945: 51). He agriculture was not possible. In 1921, Gandhi had frequent exchanges of was not sure when “we shall be able to he wrote, views with Rabindranath Tagore on the revive true Varnadharma” (Gandhi 1962: My views in regard to mills have undergone non-cooperation movement, a boycott of 26). Such a dilemma indiates tensions this much change. In view of the present pre- Western education, exclusive advocacy between his faith in the traditional cul- dicament of India, we should produce in our to handicraft and charkha, asceticism, tural imaginary of society free from social own country all the cloth that we need even and nationalism. They respected each discrimination and the prevailing unjust by supporting, if necessary, mills in India others’ different positions and were open rather than buy cloth made in Manchester. social milieu. Despite his immense com- (CWMG, Vol 31, p 399) to continuous dialogue. Gandhi had a passion and concern for upliftment of dialogue with Subhas Chandra Bose and Dalits, he was unable to see the caste He objected to the “craze” for machinery, Jawaharlal Nehru on economic policy system from below, perpetuating Brah- not machinery per se. He was against and programmes, and B R Ambedkar on minical hegemony.2 Emancipation of Dalits machines which are used to “save labour” caste and untouchability. Despite his dis- did not become his socio-political agenda. when “thousands are without work and agreement with Ambedkar, Gandhi put Hence, he failed to see caste discrimination thrown on the open streets to die for pressure on the Congress leaders to as the core ingredient of the hierarchical starvation. I want to save time and labour, make Ambedkar a member of the con- system embedded in the ideology that not for a fraction of mankind, but for all. stituent assembly, and later a minister in received legitimacy from religious prac- I want the concentration of wealth, not Nehru’s cabinet. tices, norms and social customs coupled in the hands of the few, but in the hands Gandhi being a believer was reluctant with political economy. This could be of all” (Gandhi 1939: 8). to give an interview to Gora (Goparaju a reason that even in 1946 he was not Ramachandra Rao), an atheist. However, supportive of Dalits who were demand- Dialogue in the course of the interview, he began ing rights. He advised them to do their His magnum opus Hind Swaraj is in the to appreciate the latter’s perspective and duties, and rights would follow. He form of a dialogue between the editor logic. In fact, he conceded, “Though there asked them to be patient, though ac- and the reader. He always invited criti- is a resemblance between your thought knowledged “a limit to one’s patience” cism on his views and actions. While and practice and mine superfi cially, I (CWMG, Vol 91, p 318). replying to his critics he rephrased his must own that yours is far superior to In the 1930s, he emphasised a change of views, contextualised them, and occasion- mine.” He also added, heart of caste Hindus for their behaviour ally conceded the opposite point of view. In I can neither say that my theism is right towards Untouchables. Having realised 1909, he had dialogues with V D Savarkar nor your atheism is wrong. We are seekers that despite his efforts, the mindset and and Shyamji Krishna Varma who were after truth. We change whenever we fi nd behaviour of the majority of Hindus to- champions for the armed struggle for in- ourselves in the wrong. I changed like that wards untouchables remained unchanged, dependence. They differed with Gandhi in many times in my life. I see you are a worker. You are not a fanatic … There is no harm as he asserted that it was the duty of savarna their imaginary of Hindu religion. Gandhi long as you are not fanatical. Whether you Hindus of the Harijan Sevak Sangh to praised the virtues of pacifi st Lord Rama are in the right or I am in the right, results resort to satyagraha against Hindus to and Savarkar extolled Goddess Durga will prove. Then I may go your way or you get justice to the Dalits. He also agreed who eliminates evil (Chopra 2016). Both may come my way, or both of us may go a that “Bhangis had [a] right to strike work had “quite opposite” interpretations of third way. So go ahead with your work. I CWMG CWMG, will help you, though your method is against to get justice” ( , Vol 91, p 54). His Gita and Ramayana ( Vol 37, p 82). mine. (Gora 1951: 34) support to legal measures against the In fact, Savarkar called himself an atheist. practice of untouchability resulted in the Whereas Gandhi was a religious person And, during the communal violence on the inclusion of Article 17 in the Constitution who called himself a Sanatani Hindu. eve of independence, while feeling help- (Hardiman 2003: 134). In 1935, he said He respected all religions and did not less in his efforts in pacifying fanatic mobs, that “even if the whole body of Hindu believe in superiority of one religion over Gandhi wished that the communities opinion were to be against the removal other. Gandhi however did not close turned atheist if that would serve to stop of untouchability, he would still advise the doors for dialogue with Savarkar. communal hatred and riots (Gora 1951). a secular legislature like the assembly In 1939, he had gone out of his way to Nehru was not in agreement with not to tolerate that attitude” (cited in win him over, but failed (CWMG, Vol 76, Gandhi on his ideology of primacy to Nauriya 2003). p 403). Both fundamentally differed in village economy, small technology, and

40 MAy 9, 2020 vol lV no 19 EPW Economic & Political Weekly PERSPECTIVES anti-modernity, that is, modern science “in saying that the world, or a large part community and be regarded as a bene- and rationality. As early as in 1928, Gandhi of it, appears to be bent on committing volent man” (cited in Puri 2015: 91). wrote to Nehru that “the differences suicide. That may be inevitable develop- Gandhi’s concept of non-violent resist- between you and me appear to be so ment of an evil seed in civilization that has ance against injustice evolved gradually vast and radical that there seems to be grown. I think it is so. How to get rid of from experiences. In the very fi rst inci- no meeting ground between us” (CWMG, this evil, and yet how to keep the good in dent of public humiliation by a white Vol 35, pp 469–70). Though differences the present as in the past is our problem. man on a train journey from Durban to on economic policies were not sorted out, Obviously, there is good too in the pre- Pretoria in Africa, he found himself phy- Gandhi promoted Nehru as the Congress sent” (Parel 1997: 152; emphasis added). si cally unable to counter the white man, president in 1928. Later, both were the Nehru also reminded that the Congress he registered his protest silently. Later, co-authors in drafting Congress resolutions had never considered and adopted the he launched a passive resistance cam- in the Karachi session in 1931 on funda- picture of village society drawn in Hind paign against racial discrimination in mental rights, economic policies, including Swaraj. And, Gandhi never asked it to general and the Asiatic Registration Bill related to industries, etc (Tendulkar 1951: adopt it except certain relatively minor of 1906, limiting the rights of Indians 120–24). It is, however, a puzzle for me as aspects of it. It may be noted that the (Gandhi 2007 [1925]). He then articulated to why Gandhi did not then emphasise Report of the Economic Programme Com- passive resistance as a moral principle of his idea of decentralisation and self-suf- mittee largely authored by J C Kumarappa non-violence extended to Satyagraha.3 fi cient village economy a part of economic (Gandhian economist) and Nehru, was He worked out techniques and theorised policy while preparing the resolutions. approved by Gandhi in January 1948 different components of Satyagraha in- Later, however, Gandhi declared Nehru before his death. It worked out “fuzzy cluding disciplinary rules for the partici- his political heir and chose him as the compromises,” a synthesis between large pants (Satyagrahis). And, he did not Prime Minister of independent India. On and cottage industries (Lindley 2007: 48). hesitate to withdraw the civil disobedi- the eve of independence, however, he ence movement in 1922 because of mob wrote a letter to Nehru, reminding him Moral Principles: Creed and Policy violence in Chauri Chora. about his idea of India’s development Gandhi imbibed some of the moral prin- But, in 1942, he declared that he would expressed in his Hind Swaraj. At the same ciples from his socialisation, and some not withdraw the Quit India movement time, he added and emphasised that he he gradually evolved in course of his public even if masses resorted to violence was not opposed to modern knowledge life. The most signifi cant is that he him- (Thakkar and Mehta 2017: 249). While and technology. He wrote: self-practiced steadfastly what he prea- giving a call for the movement, he

I can think of many things which will be pro- ched. Though he persuaded and exh orted, appealed to people to observe a non- duced on a large scale. Maybe there will be he did not believe in the imposition of violent struggle against the Raj. At the railways, so also post and telegraph offi ces. moral principles on others. According to same time, he clarifi ed that “I want you What there will be and what not, I have no him, these principles needed to be culti- (people) to adopt ahimsa as a matter of idea. Nor do I care. vated by one’s conviction. He asked every- policy. With me, it is a creed” (cited in By that time, Gandhi was in favour of one to follow one’s inner voice. His posi- Thakkar and Mehta: 214). He declared the state’s initiative in restructuring the tion on moral principles was far from that “Congress would certainly observe society and economy; land reform, etc. moral smugness. Bindu Puri rightly argues non-violence during the struggle (1942), He reformulated his vision of his that “Gandhi believed that it is a part of but others were not bound by the rule” village with an industry where “Men and the conception of a human moral convic- (Thakkar and Mehta 2017). A difference women will live freely and be ready to tion that it must admit of exceptions in or- between creed for him and policy for col- face the entire world. The village will not der to count as ‘moral’” (2015: 92). Ahimsa lective (organisations) is important. The know cholera, plague or smallpox. No has been the central principles that he latter implies a strategy considering one’s one will live indolently, or luxuriously” championed in public life, which includ- strength including an individual’s con- (cited in Sudhir 2013: 45–56). Nehru ed not only non-injury to others but also viction, sense of discipline for adhering failed to read Hind Swaraj with Gandhi’s “humility, ego-lessness and a love of all to rules and orientation. Gandhi was in- new eye. He wondered how to attain a dissenting others” (Puri 2015: 121). It was creasingly realising that individual convic- “self-suffi ciency of food, clothing, hous- not without exception. Gandhi allowed the tion for ahimsa called for a long process. In ing, education, sanitation, etc.” He felt killing of an ailing calf to prevent further fact, on the eve of independence during that the picture of village society por- suffering. He once said that “taking a life communal riots, he expressed his anguish trayed in Hind Swaraj was completely may be duty … Even manslaughter may that “now after 32 years, my eyes have unreal. Nehru added, “In your writings be necessary in certain cases. Suppose a been opened. I can see that what passed and speeches since then I have found man runs amuck and goes furiously about for Ahimsa for all these years was not much that seemed to me an advance on a sword in hand, and killing anyone that Ahimsa; rather it was passive resistance. that old position and appreciation of comes his way, and no one dares to cap- Passive resistance is employed by one modern trends” (cited in Parel 1997: ture him alive. Anyone who dispatches who is without a wea pon. We are non- 153). He granted that Gandhi was right this lunatic will earn the gratitude of the violent on account of our helplessness,

Economic & Political Weekly EPW MAy 9, 2020 vol lV no 19 41 PERSPECTIVES but our hearts were fi lled with violence. be a reason that he could not interrogate Gandhi, M K (1927): My Experiments with Truth, Now British are withdrawing, we are and reinterpret his idea of a glorifi ed Ahmedabad: Navjivan. — (1939 [1909]): Hind Swaraj or Indian Home expanding that violence by fi ghting ancient civilisation and Indian tradition. Rule, Ahmedabad: Navajivan publishing House. among each other” (cited in Sudhir 2016: During his lifetime and later he could not — (1945): Varnavyavashta (Gujarati), Ahmedabad: Navjivan Publications. 35). He was feeling helpless. prevent the overpowering of his reading of — (Compiled by R K Prabhu) (1947): India of My He sacrifi ced his life for his moral Ramayana and Gita by a militant version Dreams, Ahmedabad: Navjivan Publications. principles. His anguish and helplessness of Rama and Hinduism. — (1962): Varnashramadharma, Ahmedabad: Navji- van Publishing House. on the eve of independence do not make Notwithstanding, Gandhi’s path of — (1964): Caste Must Go And the Sin of Untoucha- ahimsa irrelevant. In fact, it is sine quo non self-refl ection and dialogue among dif- bility, Ahmedabad: Navjivan Publicing House. — (2007): [1925] Dakshin Africana Satyagraha as a moral principle or policy for sustain- ferent views are the need of the time, No Itihas, (Gujarati), Ahmedabd: Navjivan able common good. Violence only breeds more so in deliberative democratic soci- Publishing House. violence, suspicion, intolerance to dissent eties to fi nd ways to resolve confl icts. In Gora (G Ramchandra Rao) (1951): An Atheist with Gandhi, Ahmedabad: Navjivan Publishing House, and hatred leading to the self-destruction that search, we (students of social sciences https://www. mkgandhi.org/ebks/an_atheist. of all. Several thousand Hindus and committed to an open egalitarian social pdf. Gupta, Chitrarekha (2009): “Social Processes: The Muslims were killed by each other during order) need to ask ourselves, as Gandhi Historical and Chronological Framework,” the 1946–47 communal clashes in several would have done: Where have we gone History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilisation: Social History of Early India, parts of the subcontinent. And, this wrong in our conceptualisation, approach B D Chhattopadhyaya (ed), Vol 2, New Delhi: has continued in the last seven decades and analysis in comprehending a chang- Pearson Longman. Guru, Gopal (2002): “How Egalitarian Are the Social at the cost of humanity, endangering ing social reality? With this open mind, Sciences in India?” Economic & Political Weekly, democratic values. considering that there is no ultimate Truth, Vol 37, No 50, 14 December, pp 5003–09. Notwithstanding such a pessimistic sce- we need to interrogate our own lifeworld, Habermas, Jurgen (1984): The Theory of Communi- cative Action: The Reason and Rationalisation nario leading to self-destruction and per- received categories and app roaches to of Society, Boston: Becon Press. petual disquiet in society, the signifi cance address the contemporary challenges Hardiman, David (2003): Gandhi in His Times and Ours, Delhi: Permanentblack. of ahimsa as a moral principle and policy that human civilisation is facing to build — (2014. Non-violent Resistance in India 1915–47, for the common good and humane society a better social order (Amin 1989; Guru Surat: Centre for Social Studies. has been accepted by sane individuals 2002; Connel 2007; Shah 2015). Juergensmeyer, Mark 2003): Gandhi’s Way: A Handbook of Confl ict Resolution, Delhi: Oxford and social groups everywhere. Gandhian University Press. practice in the form of satyagraha had Notes Kelley-Swift, Julia (2015): A Misunderstood Legacy: V D Savarkar and the Creation of Hindutva, contributed to mass awakening for India’s 1 This was not even cursorily referred to as news (Thesis), Wesleyan University Middletown, independence. Satyagraha as an innova- not to speak of comment in Gujarati journals Connecticut, fi le:///C:/Users/GOD/Documents/ published in the 19th century. In fact many of Gandhi/Savarkar%20thesis%20Julia%20Kel- tive system of collective struggles in the them were advocating reforms in various fi elds. ley-Swift.pdf access on 12 April 2020. form of passive resistance has been 2 There are no references in his autobiography Markovits (2014): “Thinking India in South Africa: increasingly followed not only in India and biographies written by others on the non- Gandhi’s Conundrum,” South Asia Multidisci- Brahminical discourse and the struggles of the plinary Academic Journal, No 10, pp 1–9. but also in many parts of the world to fi ght 19th century. However, we fi nd that in the 1920s, Lindley, Mark (2007): J C Kumarappa: Mahatma against injustice, for human rights and also he was critical of the non-Brahmin movement Gandhi’s Economist, Bombay: Popular Prakashan. in South India and admonished non-Brahmins Nauriya, Anil (2003): “Gandhi on Secular Law and to pressurise the state for the protection of for attempting to “rise upon the ashes of State,” Hindu, 22 October. individual freedom. Such non-violent pas- Brahmanism” (Vol 23, p 19). Parel, Anthony (eds) (1997): Gandhi: Hind Swaraj sive resistance struggles involve the par- 3 In 1908, he coined the term Satyagraha, equiv- and Other Writings, Cambridge: Cambridge alent for “passive resistance” (CWMG, p 80). University Press. ticipation of the affected people in a large Parekh, Bhikhu (1989): Gandhi’s Political Philosophy: number and in process the participants A Critical Examination, London: Macmillian. References Puri, Bindu (2015): The Tagore-Gandhi Debate on develop enduring consciousness for self- Amin, Samir (1989): Eurocentrism: Modernity, Matters of Truth and Untruth, Delhi: Springer. dignity, rights, and justice for all. The pro- Religion, and Democracy: A Critique of Eurocen- Savarkar, V D (1999): Hindutva, Mumbai: Swtantrya- portion of non-violent struggles for attai- trism and Culturalism (translated by Russell veer Savarkar Rastriya Smarak. Moore and James Membre E), New York: Shah, Ghanshyam (2013): “Hind Swaraj: A Moralist’s ning their objectives, as empirical studies Monthly Review Press. Outcry against Globalisation,” Re-reading Hind Swaraj, Shah Ghanshyam (ed), Delhi: Routledge. show, is signifi cantly large (Chenoweth Connell, R (2007): The Southern Theory: The Global Dynamics in Social Science, London: Polity. — (2015): “Synergistic Social Science: Perspective and Stephan 2011; Hardiman 2014). Such from Below and Above,” paper presented in the Chopra, Neeti (2016): “Gandhi and Savarkar Once a method enlarges the scope for dialogue seminar on “Social Science Challenges for Shared a Stage Where They Talked about Their Thailand and India,” organised by National Re- and sustenance for an open society. Political Ideals,” HUFPOST, 25 January. search Council Thailand (NRCT) and ICSSR, at Chenoweth, Erica and M Stephan (2011): Why Civil Bangkok, 18–21 August. In Conclusion Resistance Works? The Strategic Logic of Non-violent Sudhir, Chandra (2013): “Hind Swaraj: A Lost Action, New York: Columbia University Press. Discourse,” Re-reading Hind Swaraj, Shah Gandhi’s search for truth with constant CWMG (nd): Vol 1–98, Collected Works of Mahatma Ghanshyam (ed), Delhi: Routledge. atma-darshan led him to admit his own Gandhi, https://www.gandhiashramsevagram. — (2016) Gandhi: Impossible Possibility, London: org/gandhi-literature/collected-works-of-ma- Routledge. misconceptions and errors. Notwithstand- hatma-gandhi-volume-1–to–98.php. Tendulkar, D G (1951): Mahatma, Vol 3, Delhi: ing, he could not overcome his savarna Cohen, Jean and Arato Andrew (1994): Civil Society Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Political Theory, Cambridge: MIT press. hegemonic mindset, which is indeed and Broadcasting. Elias, Nobert (1994): The Civilising Process, Oxford: Thakkar, Usha and Sandhya Mehta (2017): Gandhi diffi cult for a human being. That might Blackwell Publishing, 1939. in Bombay, Delhi: Oxford University Press.

42 MAy 9, 2020 vol lV no 19 EPW Economic & Political Weekly