Report No: 208, March 2017

THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE

ORTADOĞU STRATEJİK ARAŞTIRMALAR MERKEZİ CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

ORSAM

Süleyman Nazif Sokak No: 12-B Çankaya / Ankara Tel: 0 (312) 430 26 09 Fax: 0 (312) 430 39 48 www.orsam.org.tr, [email protected] THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE

ORSAM Report No: 208

March 2017

ISBN: 978-605-9157-17-9

Ankara - TURKEY ORSAM © 2017 Content of this report is copyrighted to ORSAM. Except reasonable and partial quotation and use under the Act No. 5846, Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, via proper citation, the content may not be used or republished without prior permission by ORSAM. The views expressed in this report reflect only the opinions of its authors and do not represent the institutional opinion of ORSAM. By: Ayşe Selcan ÖZDEMİRCİ, Middle East Instutute Sakarya University

ORSAM 2 Report No: 208, March 2017 İçindekiler

Preface ...... 5 Abstract ...... 7 INTRODUCTION ...... 10 1. THE MARDINITES AS A SUBALTERN GROUP ...... 11 2. THE DIFFERENCES AND THE STAGES OF IDENTIFICATION ...... 12 3. A QUICK OVERVIEW OF THE REGIONAL HISTORY ...... 13 4. THE COMMUNITIES THAT MIGRATED FROM MARDIN TO LEBANON ...... 16 4.1. Kurds (Kurmanji) ...... 16 4.2. Syriacs ...... 18 4.3. Arabs (Merdalites) ...... 19 5. CAUSES OF THE MARDINITE MIGRATION TO LEBANON ...... 22 5.1. War and Forced Conscription ...... 22 5.2. Rebellions and Instability ...... 22 5.3. Declaration of the Republic of Turkey and Regional Policies ...... 22 5.4. Economic Problems ...... 22 6. MAIN PROBLEMS OF THE MARDINITE PEOPLE IN LEBANON ...... 23 6.1. Citizenship ...... 23 6.2. Education ...... 25 6.3. Social Exclusion - Nationalism ...... 26 6.4. Political representation ...... 26 RESULTS AND PROPOSALS ...... 27 ENDNOTES ...... 29

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 3

PREFACE

ORSAM published a comprehensive report titled “The Forgotten Turks: Turkmens of Lebanon” in 2009. This report had undertaken an elaborate study aimed at uncovering the Turks living in Lebanon. In the following six years, we have witnessed the develop- ing of relations between Turkey and the Turkmens in Lebanon. Meanwhile, we have seen that there are more Turkmen settlements in Lebanon and felt the need to update the report. With the support of the Republic of Turkey, Presidency of Turks Abroad and Related Communities, we have conducted a field research in order to update the report and republished it in June 2015 under the title, “Turkey-Lebanon Friendship Bridge: The Turkish Presence and the Ottoman Heritage in Lebanon.” This report has also covered the communities in Lebanon such as the Mardinite community with their historic bonds with Turkey, the Cretan Turks, the families from Anatolia and the Circassians.

These reports have shown that a comprehensive study is required for each of these individual communities. It has led to an undertaking for a separate report about the Mardinite community in Lebanon. Residing majorly in Beirut and Baqa’a, the Mardinite community in Lebanon has originated from the people who migrated from the south east of Turkey for economic reasons. They maintain close relations with Turkey and some of them even preserve their Turkish citizenship. This report has determined that approximately 30,000 Mardinite people live in Lebanon of which approximately 15,000 have Turkish citizenship. Authored by Selcan Özdemirci, an assistant researcher in the Middle East Institute of the University of Sakarya, this report deals in detail with a wide array of issues such as the history of the Mardinite community in Lebanon, their identity perceptions, their reasons for migration to Lebanon, their main problems and solution proposals to these problems. We hope to cover a significant gap with this comprehen- sive study.

First and foremost, we would like to express our gratitude to Mr. Çağatay Erciyes, Tur- key’s Ambassador to Beirut. Continuing on the efforts of his predecessors, Mr. Erciyes attaches great importance to academic studies about the Turks in Lebanon. Due to his encouragements for writing this report and laborious efforts during the field research, he deserves to be mentioned as one of the people who labored the most for this report. Secondly, we thank Selcan Özdemirci for the field research that she conducted in Leba- non and this elaborate report. In addition, we wish to express our gratitude to Gülşen Sağlam, a Mardinite from the Yeni Nesil Association who provided a tremendous aid to the field team by arranging the required interviews. Lastly, we extend our sincere thanks to the entire Mardinite community and their representatives who have dedicated their precious time and shared their valuable information with us. We wish everyone a good read. Assoc. Prof. Şaban Kardaş President of ORSAM

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 5

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 ORSAM ORSAM ORTADOĞU STRATEJİK ARAŞTIRMALAR MERKEZİ

By: Ayşe Selcan ÖZDEMİRCİ, Middle East Instutute Sakarya University

THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE

ABSTRACT In Lebanon where eighteen different sects ni) - among the Mardinites in Lebanon. live, the rhetoric of the social and political Yet, the current literature on the Mardi- structure is constructed through sectarian nites in Lebanon falsely labels them as the differences. Relying on a sectarian quota Kurds in Lebanon as a whole. Kurds are system, the country lives through difficult approximately 10-15% of the total Mar- problems in many central topics such as dinite community in Lebanon. Neverthe- minorities, political representation and less, they have been labeled as Kurds for social rights. This research focuses on the long years. Currently, the Mardinites have minority community in a historical per- been raising their voices against that. As spective who migrated from Mardin to a matter of fact, the departure point for Lebanon in various times for various rea- this research is the complaints of the Mar- sons and aims to put forth their problems dinites with regard to their labeling and learned through interviews and field ob- problems relayed to ORSAM through the servations. This report seeks to show that Turkish embassy in Lebanon in 2016. the Mardinites in Lebanon who does not a form a homogeneous community, have The Lebanese Christians had embraced different referents for their identity per- the Mardinite Syriac when they first came ceptions, therefore ignoring these basic to Lebanon, and they had gone through differences are effective in their political an easier adaptation period in which problems. their basic needs were met by the Chris- tian community and foundations. Having As of 22 February 2017, the number of no serious problems in their social lives, Turkish citizens in Lebanon registered to the Syriacs have chosen to avoid politics the Turkish Embassy in Beirut is 18,642. in Lebanon. They have largely identified The Mardinites comprise the eighty five themselves through religion and gone percent of this number. Besides, the Turk- through a quick integration period. At the ish Embassy in Beirut estimates that the same time, the Arab Mardinites identify total number of the Mardinites living in themselves over references to Turkey or Lebanon is approximately between 25,000 Lebanon. The Merdallites identify them- and 30,000. There are three distinct ethnic selves as Turkish people with Arabic de- groups – Aramites/Assyrians, Kurds and scent, Mardinite Arab, Lebanese Turk or Arabs, and two religious groups –Syriac just Mardinite. The Merdallites that we (Orthodox Christians) and Muslims (Sun- talked to complain that “They understand

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 7 ORSAM CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

that we came from Turkey due to our ac- cannot benefit from the scholarships that cent, Kurds speak either in Kurmanji or in Turkey provides for Lebanon. In addition, Ammi language but the Lebanese people they expect assistance from Turkey for call us ‘Kurds’. We want to change that.” unemployment which is another serious problem in Lebanon. For that they seek There are four reasons for the Mardinite to foster closer relations with the Turkish migration to Lebanon: War and compul- companies working in Lebanon and look sory military service, rebellion and insta- for employment opportunities. bility, the declaration of the Republic of Turkey, the identity politics of the period The Mardinites think that they should and economic problems. The Mardinites have political representation based not on who had to move to Beirut temporarily religious denominational identity but on due to these problems, currently have var- their ethnicity like the Armenians2. They ious problems that could be categorized in demand that at least 1 of the 27 seats re- four main titles such as citizenship, edu- served for the Sunnis in the Parliament cation, social exclusion/nationalism and should be given to them. The current po- political representation. litical system does not enable representa- tion for Mardinites and seem to take their The Mardinites were first regarded “state- support for the Sunni bloc as granted. Yet, less” and they had to endure a long strug- the Mardinite community cannot redress gle to obtain citizenship. Inhibitive prac- their problems since they have no repre- tices about the Mardinites’ citizenship sentation in the Parliament. Nonetheless, which lasted until 1994 had both compli- the Mardinites have for the first time won cated social harmony and had caused var- the Municipal Authority and a seat in the ious basic problems of the Mardinite com- Municipal Council in the local elections of munity in areas such as education, health 2016. and labor, which had basically led to the exclusion of the community from both Remarking that each of the social groups public and social life. They also remarked in Lebanon has a protector, the Mardi- that they had problems about obtaining nite community states that they suffer Turkish citizenship. They demand that inhibitions in social and public life due the process for obtaining citizenship to to their ties with Turkey and foreign sta- be accelerated with new legal regulations tus, therefore they as more material and and measures concerning the difficulties about acquiring the required documents. moral support from Turkey. The Mardi- nites have started developing a significant Younger members of the Mardinite com- identity and self-consciousness since they munity who are of university age have obtained citizenship in 1994 and have complained that the universities do not become more vocal against those who re- admit them because of their ethnicity gard all migrants from Turkey as Kurds. regardless of their grades in the entrance Turkey’s policies for developing closer exams. They also remark that they are relations with the Middle East as well as being reminded of they are not genuine increased education and citizenship op- Lebanese and need to find a “vasıta (me- portunities might have had some effect on diator)”1 in order to enter a university of the identity building and self awareness find a good job. Those among the younger of the Mardinites. They remark that civil Mardinites who want to receive education society organizations formed by Mardi- in Turkey uttered their various problems. nites such as the New Generation Society, They ask for support in order to get edu- Ravda Cultural Center, the Lebanon Turk- cation in Turkey. They also state that they ish Youth Center as well as Turkish or-

ORSAM 8 Report No: 208, March 2017 THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE ORSAM ganizations such as Turkish Cooperation umbrella organization which will gather and Development Agency (TİKA) and Yu- all these organizations and provide infra- nus Emre Foundation are very helpful for structure for them in order to solve their them. Yet they also state the need for an problems.

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 9 ORSAM CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

INTRODUCTION

Governed under the system of consocia- sectarian quotas in Lebanon are not de- tional democracy ruling over a heteroge- fined in accordance with population since neous population Lebanon is a distinctive no population census has been held in and important country in the Middle East the country since 1932. The demograph- which has influence over the entire region. ic structure in Lebanon has profoundly Its parliamentarian democratic polity is changed particularly after the civil war shaped with confessionalism (taifiyye). (1975-1990) as the Christians emigrated The sectarian quota system not only de- to other countries and Muslims –particu- termines the political and administrative larly Sunnis- immigrated to Lebanon due structure but also regulates all aspects of to the Syrian civil war and Israel’s attacks social and public life such as public insti- against Palestine. While the demography tutions, army and social life. For this rea- is changing, the political system shows no son, sub-national groups with respect to elasticity thereby limiting any chance for ethnicity and religion have a great influ- genuine political representation for so- ence over the social life and political order cial groups. In this context, the Mardinite of the country. In this sense, there is a va- community is among the “social others” as riety of identities that the people in Leba- the “subaltern” of the system. This report non adhere to rather than a single Leba- aims to provide a historical perspective nese identity. While the political system for the social and political situation of the in Lebanon sought to preserve the social Mardinite people who migrated to Leba- integrity by guaranteeing the existence of the “other”, it has deepened the current non for different reasons in different time conflicts among the major sects in prac- periods and illustrate their basic problems tice by underlining the differences. through interviews and field observations. This report also shows that the Mardinites The quota system that is applied in all ar- in Lebanon, who are wrongly called the eas from the government to elections, civil Lebanese Kurds, are not a homogeneous servants and private firm operates in favor group and define their identities over dif- of certain social groups excluding the other ferent reference points therefore their po- social groups from social and political life. litical problems are caused by a prevalent It should be kept in mind that the current ignorance about their internal differences.

ORSAM 10 Report No: 208, March 2017 THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE ORSAM

1. THE MARDINITES AS A SUBALTERN GROUP

The Mardinites who have been living in In other words, one needs to read the his- Lebanon for a long time can possibly be tory of the state that keeps the subaltern defined as a subaltern group in Antonio groups down in a different manner and Gramsci’s terms. While Gramsci used the analyze the effects of the historiography term subaltern to indicate what the con- over the subaltern groups in order to de- cept of proletariat does not cover, Ranajit fine them and probe their potential to be- Guha and Gayatri C. Spivak, scholars on come an agent. That is because, “the his- post-colonial India, utilized the concept torian needs to observe and discover the to refer to the people and groups who lost line of development from the primitive era their chances at upwards –and outwards- 5 to the autonomy that leads to unity.” In social mobility.3 Endowed with the ability this framework, the subaltern is related to to speak as a basic feature, the agent builds some of the others6 and one needs to study its own existence through muted masses the identity and the history of the society thereby excluding the subaltern from the that the identity is constructed within in social and political domain. The subaltern who is excluded in social, economic and order to initiate research about the poten- cultural sense appears to be torn between tial for giving voice to the Mardinites who in the threshold of agentness. Gramsci were silenced in the political domain. For states in the Prison Notebooks that the this reason, this report rereads the history subaltern classes which cannot fit in the of the Mardinites shaped in Lebanon with mechanisms of the society will not be able a view to researching the potential for po- to unite until they become a state; there- litical representation and the main prob- fore their history is intertwined with those lems of the Mardinite community that are of civil society, states and state groups.4 caused by their identity.

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 11 ORSAM CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

2. THE DIFFERENCES AND THE STAGES OF IDENTIFICATION

Many studies have regarded the Mardinite about their identification, language, reli- community in Lebanon as the Lebanese gion and migration stories. In this context, Kurds and have handled this heteroge- the Mardinite community in Lebanon has neous group which migrated from Tur- three main ethnic subgroups: Aramites/ key in different times under the Kurdish Assyrians10, Kurds and Arabs. In religious identity. For example, while Guita G. Ho- sense, there are two groups: Syriac (Or- urani highlights the in-group differences thodox Christian) and Muslim (Sunni). of the Mardinites in her comprehensive report, The Kurds of Lebanon: Socioeco- In Lebanon, the social groups identify nomic Mobility and Political Participation themselves on religious denominations, via Naturalization, she nonetheless calls yet the Mardinites are an exception. them Lebanese Kurds.7 The report by Da- While the Arabs (Merdalites) reject being vid McDowall on the subject also identi- included in the Sunni bloc for social and fies the Mardinites as Kurds and explains political reasons, they identify themselves them the majority of the Kurdish popula- as Turkish Arabs11 and view the Kurmanji- tion in Lebanon which is almost 70,000 in speaking Kurds and Christian Syriacs as number8 came from Mardin.9 ethnic and religious others. The Kurds distance themselves from the other Mar- In contrast to the conventional wisdom, dinites, while religion does not play an our field observations and interviews with important role for their identity. Religious the Mardinite community in as well as identity has been the main factor for the detailed scrutiny of the present literature Syriac people who have been integrated have shown that this community is com- into the Orthodox Christians in Lebanon. posed of people belonging to different In the final analysis, one can argue that the ethnic and religious identities and define Mardinite community in Lebanon is com- themselves along these differences. This posed of three distinct social groups that observation has been confirmed during are Syriac Christians, Arabs (Merdalites) the interviews by asking the interviewees and Kurds.

ORSAM 12 Report No: 208, March 2017 THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE ORSAM

3. A QUICK OVERVIEW OF THE REGIONAL HISTORY

“Rebel against the empire and the heav- that hosted different cultures and political enly laws if you must, but remain faithful structures. It was integrated in the Otto- to yourself and your inner light which is a man Empire during the reign of Selim I, part of wisdom and Divinity!” (Mani A.D. with the conquest of the Mardin Citadel 216) (1518) and was placed under the author- ity of the governor in Diyarbakir. It would The first human settlements in Mardin, be useful to remind that the territories of which is one of the oldest cities in Meso- both Syria and Lebanon were captured potamia and one of the first destinations during the reign of Selim I in order to bet- of Turks in Anatolia, dates back to the pa- ter understand the spirit of the period and leolithic era. Having embraced countless the movement of the people in the region. religions and different peoples, Mardin Considering the commercial, economic, holds a special place in the Mesopotamian social and organic links between the com- civilization. All groups within the cluster munities living in the southeast of Ana- of the Mesopotamian civilization some- tolia and in Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq in times achieved integration and fought one historical perspective, individual or mass another in other times, thereby forming migration is not only a way of escaping an interaction that makes it hard to dis- from political circumstances for the sake tinguish among them. Mardin is a pre- of personal safety but also a way that daily cious example where all aspects of this life is conducted. interaction can be observed. The Mardi- nite identity serves as an umbrella where The Battle of Marj al Dabiq (1516) that neither Syriacs can be distinguished from took place in the north of Aleppo between Kurds nor Kurds can be kept apart from the Mamluk Sultanate and the Ottoman Arabs. While the Mardinite community Empire had paved the way to the Caliph- in Lebanon is handled under three groups ate and the dominance in the Middle East in terms of ethnicity and religion, this re- for the latter. Sultan Selim I conquered the port underlines that all three groups are territories of Syria, Lebanon and Palestine strongly engaged with each other and after this battle. The local people who ad- enjoy a common cultural heritage that is here to the Sunni sect submitted to the shared through their emigration experi- Ottoman rule while for the people with ence and uses the term “Mardinites” to different identities, a period of contin- cover all of them. ues fighting that would last till the mod- ern times had begun. The struggle by the Druze and Maronite communities ensued From Mardin to Lebanon for dominance in the Mount of Lebanon Various communities lived in Anatolia against each other and the Ottoman rule throughout history: Sumerians, Akkadi- resulted not only in a troubled administra- ans, Babylonians, Karamanids, etc. Known tion system in the region but also a large 12 to house human settlements since the Pa- civil war in 1860. Having governed the leolithic era (50.000 B.C.), Mardin has for region for a long time through the cen- a long time stood out for its multicultural, trally appointed governors, the Ottoman multilingual and multireligious character Empire endorsed a system of co-gover- norship under Western pressure, yet it did

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 13 ORSAM CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

not achieve an end to the fighting among agreed upon the administrative regula- the Druze and the Maronite communities. tions of independent Lebanon by forming After the World War I, France asserted the “National Pact” in 1943.16 According- its dominance in the region and Lebanon ly, Lebanon would be a parliamentarian remained under the French mandate until democracy shaped by confessionalism 1943. (ta’ifiyye) in which there would be a Ma- ronite President, a Sunni Prime Minister, The mandatory rule by France13 in Leba- and a Shiite Chairperson for the Parlia- non started in 1920 and laid the founda- ment that would have a Christian-Muslim tions of the consociational democracy, ratio of 6/5. Even though the National Pact which stands at the root of many problems provided consensus for independence, the that the country endures today. New bor- continuity of the sectarian political system der lines in the mandate that the League prolonged the problems. The power shar- of Nations granted to France ensured that ing was updated with the Ta’if Accords the Muslim population remained high (1989)17 in which the quotas for parlia- and the Maronites depended the French ment seats were changed into what is still support to assert their political superior- used today. The problems that Lebanon ity. In the Lebanese constitution, which endures both in its domestic politics and took the constitution of the 3rd French in its relations with regional and extra-re- Republic as a model, rates of representa- gional actors are rooted in this structure. tion for each sectarian group was defined Lebanon has gained its independence, in accordance to the population census yet has also maintained the basic politi- held in 1932.14 According to that census, cal structure that the French had shaped. 785,543 people lived in Lebanon and the Therefore, Lebanon has carried along all Maronites constituted the majority with the problems that this structure caused the proportion of 51.7%.15 This census is throughout its history up to now. important not only that it has determined prevailing quotas and regulations about a Having acquired its independence from range of issues from political representa- France in 1943, Lebanon has still not been tion to social order, legal proceedings and able to solve the problems caused by its public employment but also it is the only colonial past and current political struc- census that has been held in the country. ture. Inter-group differences in Lebanon with regard to ethnicity and religion have Maronites initially gained economic pow- become a focal point for foreign actors er due to their privileged status during the who carried out their interventions by ex- French mandate, yet have lost their demo- ploiting these differences. Disagreements graphic majority status in the later years and conflicts within the country increased because of emigration and the increasing as Lebanon endured the spread of the Muslim population. Nevertheless, they conflict and invasion in Palestine into its maintain their privileged political position own territory after the founding of Israel to which other ethnic and religious groups (1948) and the exile of the Palestinian Lib- object to, for no other census for deter- eration Organization (PLO) to Lebanon. mining political representation has been The conflicts escalated into a civil war in held. When Germany invaded France dur- 1975 which continued until 1989.18 While ing the World War 2, Lebanon took the it is true that the civil war in Lebanon chance and declared independence. Yet, started after the arrival of the Palestinian France continued to exercise its mandato- people, it would be useful to keep in mind ry powers over Lebanon until it acquired that the civil war had more than one cause its actual independence in 1943. Muslim and Lebanon’s own structural problems and Christian leaders had left their quar- brought about such a long and violent rels aside, united against the mandate and civil war. The Lebanese civil war opened

ORSAM 14 Report No: 208, March 2017 THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE ORSAM the country to further interventions by composed of anti-Syria actors led by the Syria and Lebanon, as South Lebanon re- Future Movement, “Syria has always mained under the Israeli occupation and wanted to dominate Lebanon, has never Syria refused to withdraw its troops from seen Lebanon as a separate country and the Lebanese territory even after Israel left is responsible for assassinations and po- the country. litical crisis in Lebanon”. While Israel is an enemy, Lebanon should not be a front for The Ta’if Accords in 1989 had settled the Arab-Israeli war and stop being an ele- down the civil war for a while, yet Syria ment in the warmongering policies of Hiz- found opportunities to encourage itself bullah, Syria and Iran, rather must strive for its “Grande Syria” ideals. As a matter of for its sovereignty.21 fact, Syria deployed its soldiers in the Leb- anese territory, under the pretext of the At the end of the day, Lebanon has been Israeli occupation and sought to improve transformed into a structure different its influence on Lebanon. Having enjoyed from that of nation-states in which a cen- total dominance over Lebanon until the tral state authority is non-existent and assassination of Rafik Hariri (2005), Syria sub-state groups which enjoy foreign and had to withdraw in 2005 amidst increasing international support are expected to en- international pressure, objections from gage in a perpetual struggle against each Lebanon and allegations of committing other. Such a dual structure has enabled the assassination19, yet it did not forsake political representation for a small group the status of the protector of Lebanon. within the society; therefore those who do not belong to either one of the main The political actors in Lebanon gathered groups were forced into a passive subal- into two groups depending on their per- tern position. Under such circumstances, spective of the Syria-Israel question. Ac- the fact that survival as a group depends cording to the March 8 bloc led by the on ethnic or religious identity and the Shiite Hizbullah, “Israel is the number degree to which that identity is granted one enemy and Syria, the country of our recognition in the political and social cen- cousins who shed blood for Lebanon’s sta- ter clearly depicts the difficulties that the bility is Lebanon’s most important ally…”20 subaltern groups such as the Mardinites Nevertheless, for the March 14 coalition experience in their struggle for existence.

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 15 ORSAM CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

4. THE COMMUNITIES THAT MIGRATED FROM MARDIN TO LEBANON

Throughout its history, Mardin hosted can be traced back to the thirteenth cen- various civilizations and became a sym- tury as most historians accept. After the bol of diversity. Accordingly, the Mardi- Mamluk armies captured Tripoli from the nite people who migrated to Lebanon also European crusaders, they settled Kurdish have diverse characteristics. This report and Turkmen tribes in the region tasked identifies them as “the Mardinites”, actors with protection.24 Besides, there were also in a common culture and common story of resident Turkmen and Kurdish tribes in migration. Notwithstanding that, the in- the region during the Ayyubid reign which ternal differences of the Mardinites make undertook military and administrative it necessary to handle them in this report service. under three main subgroups: Kurds, Syri- acs and Arabs. Migration from Anatolia to the lands that is today called the Middle East has been a frequent phenomenon throughout the 4.1. Kurds (Kurmanji) history and Lebanon has always been an important destination. The Kurdish tribe Kurds constitute approximately 10-15% of of Jumblatt which migrated from Hakkari the total Mardinite community in Leba- 22 is now a prominent feoffee within Leba- non. While the total Kurdish population non. The family of Walid Jumblatt, po- in Lebanon is currently unknown, several litical leader of the Lebanese Druze is an sources suggest the figure 75,000-100,000 23 important example of the historical root at the end of the 1970s. These figures in- and continuity of Kurdish immigration clude all Mardinite subgroups alongside to Lebanon. After the Ottoman Empire the Kurds who came from Iraq and Syria. ended the independence attempts by the Nevertheless, a significant portion of the Jumblatt family, the governor of Aleppo Kurds migrated to European countries in 1605 AD, Fahreddin Ma’n, who had such as Germany and Switzerland. The in- autonomy in Mount Lebanon, invited the terviewees stated that Arabic and Kurdish family to Lebanon.25 In addition, the tribes Mardinites migrated to Europe for ensur- of Imad, Merabi, Abbud and Omayyi that ing their safety, basic rights, freedoms and have branches in Lebanon, Turkey and raising their living standards. They also Syria are other examples of Kurdish immi- said that they still talk to their relatives in gration to Lebanon.26 In the final analysis, Europe who acquired Lebanon citizenship the Kurdish presence in Lebanon dating after the civil war while living abroad. back to the thirteenth century has made the country a preferred destination for the The Mardinites have been called “Kurds” later period. In addition to the historical for a long time. The objections by the perspective, there is also a socio-political Arabs among the Mardinites have gradu- perspective about the Kurds’ migration to ally started to attract public response. Two Lebanon. Kurds’ destination preferences reasons, one historical and one socio-po- have been shaped by various factors such litical, stand out for the fact that all the as France’s relations with the local Kurdish Mardinites in Lebanon were called Kurds. communities, Kurds’ political conflicts in First, the Kurdish presence in Lebanon Anatolia that started during the downfall

ORSAM 16 Report No: 208, March 2017 THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE ORSAM of the Ottoman Empire and continued in turning after collecting some money. Fast the first phase of the Republic of Turkey, urbanization trends in the Middle East the social fabric of Beirut and the already also became influential since the migra- existing links with relatives or kinsmen in tion destinations leaned towards regional Lebanon. cities. Large cities became centers of at- traction as symbols of opportunity and The French mandate period that started in welfare as rural areas were identified with 1920 in the territories of Syria and Leba- deprivation and poverty in economic, so- non that were under the Ottoman rule un- cial and political sense. til the World War I has shaped the identity of the Kurds in Lebanon.27 Close relations Most of the émigré Kurds originated in between the Bedirhan family and France the villages of Ovabaşı (Metina), Çimen- were effective in many ways for the Mar- lik (Merce), Söğütlü (Kinderip), Kuruköy dinite Kurds’ journey to Lebanon. Jalalad- (Cibilgrav) and Güzelağaç (Merska) din Bedirhan, an exiled political leader around the districts of Nusaybin, Ömerli during the Ottoman era, had undertaken and Midyat in Mardin. The Kurds of Mar- a series of research with French Kurdolo- din speak in the Kurmanji dialect.30 The gists and intellectuals, and had been in- second and third generation émigré Kurds fluential through both his political efforts in Lebanon mostly speak Arabic in their and through his philological studies on daily lives. Yet they prefer the Lebanon di- the transcription of the Kurdish language alect rather than the Merdalli dialect of the with Latin alphabet and the reconstruc- Mardinite Arabs in Lebanon. The Mardi- tion of Kurdish identity. nite Kurds in Lebanon identify themselves as Kurds and Lebanese. Kinship and tribe In the beginning of the 20th century, the relations have influence over their migra- Kurdish people living around Mardin and tion routes. Tur Abdin migrated to regional cities from Anatolia for various reasons. Migration by Due to kinship relations dating from the the Mardinite Kurds to directly Lebanon Ottoman era and even from before, com- or via Syria increased as the First World mercial relations and military service, the War started28, and Kamuran Bedirhan’s Kurdish tribes are dispersed in Lebanon, influence and power in Lebanon made the Syria and Turkey as small families thereby country a popular destination for Kurds. providing available destinations in the The Mardinite Kurds moved in small migration route. While some Mardinite groups such as families, yet the biggest Kurds preferred a direct route to Lebanon, migration wave happened in 1925 when others stayed first in Syria then moved on. the Sheikh Sa’it rebellion took place.29 The reasons for Kurds’ migration are (I) war and forced conscription, (ii) rebellion The Mardinite Kurds’ economic, politi- and regional chaos, (iii) social exclusion cal and social problems intensified in the and polarization in the new Turkey, (iv) last period of the Ottoman period and economic problems. Since other groups widespread migration started with the had similar reasons for migration, all these First World War. As the beginning of the reasons will be analyzed in detail in the 1900s saw a series of rebellions and upris- subchapter “the Mardinites’ reasons for ings throughout the southeast of Anatolia, migration”. economic hardships and social instability caused people to seek new places to live. Known for his close relations with the According to our interviews and research, French, Kamuran Bedirhan made Leba- people saw this as a temporary measure non a center of attraction for Kurds. The and went to Izmir, Istanbul, Damascus, Kurdish migration has taken place in dif- Aleppo and Beirut with intentions of re- ferent times, yet two periods stand out for

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their intensity. The first intense migration émigrés, are politically more active than wave was seen when the First World War the other Mardinite groups and have been and the Sheikh Sa’it rebellion took place participation in politics via their civil soci- (1910-1925). The second wave was ob- ety organizations or political parties such served between 1940 and 1960.31 Kurds as the Kurdish Democratic Party of Leba- have three reasons for leaving Turkey in non, Rizgari or other groups within the these periods: safety concerns, economic March 8 bloc. problems and political issues. 4.2. Syriacs Forced conscription during the First World War (1914-1918) stands out as the There are various claims about the origin first factor that triggered migration. Our of the name of Mardin. One of the claims interviewees stated that the first genera- is about the Syriac word, “marde”, which tion émigrés came to Lebanon as a way means “city of citadels”. The Romans con- of evading conscription. Secondly, the tinued to use that word as “Maride”, while Sheikh Sa’it rebellion in 1925 is anoth- the Arabs called the settlement “Meridin/ er factor that accounted for migration. Merdin”. Another claim purports that the Kurds took shelter and safety among their name of the city is derived from the Ara- relatives in Beirut. Lastly, the increasing bic tribe of Merdanis. Among the three unemployment and difficult living con- groups that we handle in this report, the ditions in Mardin where the war years most ancient one is the Syriac. Having and inter-state competition took its toll contested origins in terms of geography, led Kurds to move to Beirut, which was a philology and politics, Syriacs as a com- regional focus of attraction in economic munity in the Mesopotamia have existed terms in need of more workers. since before the Christianity. Throughout history, they have lived in many areas but Most of the émigré Kurdish people were today they majorly live in the southeast of from the villages of Söğütlü, Kuruköy, Turkey, Syria and Iraq.32 The Syriac com- Güzelağaç, Çimenlik and Ovabaşı and munity which was integrated into the they settled mostly in Beirut and the valley Ottoman rule in the 16th century during of Baqaa albeit on a lesser scale. Kurds had the reign of Sultan Selim I, had suffered carried out some political activities simul- deeply during the First World War and its taneously with the independence process aftermath. Once they lived in forty five vil- which affected Kurdish identity on a re- lages and had eight churches around Mar- gional scale. The Kurds like all other Leba- din, yet they now have only one church nese people suffered tremendously from remaining after their population reduced the Lebanese civil war and some of them greatly due to immigration.33 migrated to the European countries. After initially being regarded as “apatride” when Ilyas Georgeous, a Mardinite Syriac priest they first came to Lebanon, the Kurds’ in Lebanon, told us that the Syriac im- experience on social adaptation and po- migration started after the mobilization litical representation remains similar to years. Remarking that the last period of that of the Mardinite Arabs despite also the Ottoman Empire had been “years of having some varieties. The families which oppression” for Syriacs, Georgeous stated depended on agriculture and livestock in that after the killings of some Syriac peo- Mardin had to work as unqualified labor ple in 1895 in Diyarbakir, threats against under harsh conditions in Lebanon there- the Syriacs increased and tensions esca- fore having economic and social problems lated each passing day in the following which were reflected in the question for period.34 From the beginning of the 20th political representation. The Mardinite century onwards, the Syriac people have Kurds, particularly the first generation started to migrate elsewhere such as Syria

ORSAM 18 Report No: 208, March 2017 THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE ORSAM and Lebanon. Underlining the fact that at vidually along the route towards Syria and that time they had no economic problems, Lebanon. The presence of Christians and Georgeous remarked that the main reason kinship relations determined their migra- of the immigration was safety concerns. tion destinations. Artisans and tradesmen The Syriacs seeking safety preferred Leba- among the Syriacs in Mardin continued non for a numerous Christian population their trade in Lebanon as well. lived there and Arabic was the common language. The Syriacs of Mardin speak the same Arabic dialect (Merdalli) as the 4.3. Arabs (Merdalites) Arabs of Mardin. Religion is an important The Mardinite Arabs, which were mostly factor in their self-identification and they labeled Kurds by the Lebanese people, regard themselves as “Lebanese Syriacs had initially not uttered objections against from Mardin”. such labels, however over time they have When the Syriac people first came to started to develop arguments about their Lebanon, they were welcomed by Chris- distinct ethnic identity. The French domi- tians and received aid from religious com- nance over Lebanon in the beginning of th munities and foundations, thereby having the 20 century when it was at war with an easier adaptation process compared the Ottoman Empire and later with Tur- to the Mardinite Arabs. Having had no key was one of the reasons why Arabs serious social problems, the Syriac com- had to admit being called Kurds to get ac- munity has preferred to stay out of active cepted in Lebanon. In addition, there were politics.35 They do not have problems with other advantages that came with the iden- being represented through the Lebanese tification as Kurds. The Arabs of Mardin Christian political groups since they have who left their identity documents behind shown that they will adopt a moderate while running from conscription or blood stance as long as they are safe. It would be feuds, did not initially develop reactions safe to assume that the Syriacs are the fast- against being identified as Kurds for they est group among the Mardinite émigrés managed to benefit from the social aid with regard to social adaptation in Leba- provided by the Bedirhani family to the non. In addition, the Syriac community Kurds. does not have any problems in its relations with Kurds or Arabs, while lately they en- This Arabic-speaking group (Merdalites) joy closer relations with Turkish Arabs. is the most crowded among the émigrés Both sides have spent considerable efforts that migrated from Mardin. Their current for this. For example, Syriacs showed a population is estimated to be around 30- great deal of interest to the conference and 35 thousand, two-thirds of the total Mar- photo exhibition organized by the Turkish dinite population in Lebanon.37 Reaching Arabs titled “Mardin: Kingdom of the Sky” exact figures about population is difficult demonstrating that Mardin can provide since the last population census in Leba- an umbrella for all these groups to come 36 non was held in 1932 and the Mardinite together. émigrés were not given ID papers with In the final analysis, the Syriac people of reference to their ethnicity. It is known Mardin had suffered extensively under the that there were approximately 20,000 reg- mobilization due to their religious identity istered voters in Lebanon who originate therefore war had become a major rea- from Turkey. The registered number of son for their immigration. In contrast to Turkish citizens in Lebanon is 18,643 as of the mass migration of the Armenians, the 2017 according to the Turkish Embassy in Syriacs migrated in small families or indi- Beirut.

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The Mardinite Arabs’ migration to Leba- tolia had affected not only Kurds and Ar- non shows a great deal of similarity with menians but the entire life in the region. that of the Kurds in terms of timing, The Merdalites who depended on agricul- causes and destinations. At this point, it ture and livestock had to leave their lands is needed to correct a widespread error due to the regional chaos. At first they re- in the field. The tribes of Merdalite and garded migration as a temporary measure Mihallami are seen as two large Kurdish and intended to “return” when the stabil- tribes who share a same ethnic identity ity is restored. but differ on language.38 In fact, the Mi- hallami tribe living in Turkey, Syria and For the second wave of the Arabic migra- Lebanon is a Kurdish tribe that speaks tion that lasted from the beginning of the Arabic39, yet the Merdallite tribe is an an- 1950s to the 1970s, the main motivat- cient Arabic tribe that is dispersed in the ing factor had been economic problems. region. The Merdalites, who moved from Lebanon was preferred as a popular des- Mardin to Lebanon and Syria, are distin- tination due to factors such as the com- guished from the other Arabs on the ac- mon language of Arabic and the presence count of their dialect. Since the Arabs of of relatives. Once again, they regarded Mardin used to depend on agriculture for migration as a temporary measure and their livelihood, they suffered a great deal intended to return once they earn some from regional instability and therefore had money. They frequently made trips to to migrate. At that point, Beirut stood out Turkey and sought to invest in their villag- among other alternatives as a prosperous es and married people from Turkey. Such metropolis offering attractive new oppor- trips were sometimes disrupted by securi- tunities. ty concerns and completely stopped after the beginning of the Syrian civil war which The families of Atris, Fahro, Fettah, Harb, blocked the land route. Despite that, the Miri, Omari, Ramazan, Rammu, Şa’bu, Mardinites have not severed their material Şeyhmusa and el-Zeyn are the Merdalite and spiritual bonds with Mardin or Tur- branches that moved to Lebanon. Almost key, on the contrary their bonds in terms all Arab people from the villages of Üç Ka- of identity, culture and relations have been vak (Raşidiye), Ömerli (Ma’serte), Yemişli strengthened lately. (Killis) and Söğütlü (Kinderi) around Mar- din currently lives in Beirut. Beirut’s out- The first generation of émigrés, who had lying slum neighborhoods of Basta, Zikak worked in the agricultural sector in Mar- Bilat, Burc Ebu Haydar, Ayşa Bakkar and din, worked in jobs that require physical Burc el-Barajne are the places where the labor such as porter and construction Arabs of Mardin have been living since work. The second generation émigrés de- their arrival. In addition, a few Merdalite veloped their labor potential and started Arab families live in el-Hiyara and Bir working as small artisans, mechanics, Elyas in the valley of Baqaa. painters and repairmen which require more qualified labor. Therefore, their The Merdalite migration took place economic status has been relatively en- mostly in small groups such as families. It hanced. Even though they enjoy some ad- started simultaneously with the Kurdish vantages of the common Arabic language, migration and intensified in two periods. the second generation émigrés have seen The first period between 1920 and 1945 what the lack of education meant for their has seen war and rebellions. The main fathers and attached the necessary impor- motivations of the Arabs who migrated in tance to the education of both themselves this period are threefold: war, safety and and their children. There are doctors, en- forced conscription. The two world wars gineers and businessmen among the sec- and the rebellions in the southeast of Ana- ond generation Merdalites. The third gen-

ORSAM 20 Report No: 208, March 2017 THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE ORSAM eration émigrés, who have received higher people started having Turkish education education despite all difficulties, are mul- in these centers and had the chance to get tilingual and have fully been integrated acquainted to the other families with a into Lebanon. In our interviewees, the similar experience. third generation émigrés stated that they feel both Lebanese and Turkish and have a In the final analysis, the historical experi- great deal of affinity toward Turkey. In ad- ence and the porous political borders in dition, the third generation seeks to learn the region have made migration a wide- Turkish and receive education in Turkey. spread and natural practice among the regional people. In general, the migration The Turks of Mardin define their identity from Mardin to Lebanon fits this overall over Turkey and Lebanon. The Merda- course. Nevertheless, the natural course lites identify themselves as Turkish Ar- has been disrupted in two instances with abs, Mardinite Arabs or only Mardinites. pertaining to the Mardinite migration. The Merdalites that we interviewed The majority of the Mardinites living in complained that “They understand from Lebanon today belongs to the families that our accent that we came from Turkey, migrated in these two periods. The first Kurds speak either Kurmanji or Lebanese generation of émigrés could not develop “ammi” language, yet the Lebanese people a reaction against being labeled as Kurds call us Kurds”. They state that lately they for there were benefits about belonging have higher awareness about their relation to the Kurdish identity and the French- to and roots in Turkey and others need to Turkish tensions created a sense of neces- take into consideration the sensitive situ- sity. The first émigrés had suffered a great ation about their roots. Particularly the deal from economic and social problems, third generation émigrés who have been which the second generation somewhat born and raised in Lebanon define them- overcame. The third generation sees the selves “half Turkish half Lebanese”. Their Mardinite identity as a unifying factor and love and interest toward Turkey are affect- regards the religious and ethnic differenc- ed by the developing relations between es as secondary. Nevertheless, current po- the two countries and the Turkish cultural litical and economic problems affect the institutions operating in Lebanon. Young lives of the Mardinites negatively.

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 21 ORSAM CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

5. CAUSES OF THE MARDINITE MIGRATION TO LEBANON

This chapter handles the causes of the 5.3. Declaration of the Republic of Mardinite migration under four point Turkey and Regional Policies which were briefly mentioned in the pre- vious chapters. The third cause for the migration from Mardin is the regional effects of the new- ly-founded Turkish Republic’s policies for 5.1. War and Forced Conscription national restoration. Turkey has sought to redress the wounds of the war by forming The First World War that took place be- a new nation state, while at the same time tween 1914 and 1918, and the liberation the citizenship policies of the new state struggle in the aftermath had created an in its initial years had had a negative ef- enormous need for manpower. In this fect on non-Turks. Syriacs felt a security period, long years of military service and liability for their religion while Kurds for heavy wartime conditions are two impor- their ethnic identity and started moving to tant factors that triggered migration. Most Lebanon and other regional countries. As of our interviewees stated that their fore- the Ottoman subjects became “citizens” fathers moved to Lebanon with the aim of in the new republic, the focus on one lan- avoiding compulsory military service. guage and one religion in the nation-state building process was perceived as a threat by the minorities, thereby triggering both 5.2. Rebellions and Instability migration and rebellion. The chaotic character of the region caused by rebellions and their aftermath is anoth- 5.4. Economic Problems er cause for migration. Mardinites were The fourth and the last cause for the mi- motivated to find somewhere else to live gration is the economic problems. From for safety and stability concerns. Particu- the wartime years onwards, the resources larly, the Sheikh Sa’id rebellion of 1925 of the country were reserved for national had been a turning point for Mardin and defense while uprisings, war and stability its entire people. 1925 witnessed the larg- affected the rural areas that were engaged est migration wave. Large and small upris- in agriculture and livestock negatively. ings in the southeast of Anatolia sparked These widespread economic conditions instability in the region while the majority were more harshly felt in the rural areas. of Mardin’s people fled to the major cit- Particularly, the fast urbanization process ies such as Izmir, Istanbul or Ankara, or in the 1950s is another socio-economic migrated to other regional countries such cause that triggered migration to metro- as Iraq, Syria and Lebanon. politan cities in the Middle East.

ORSAM 22 Report No: 208, March 2017 THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE ORSAM

6. MAIN PROBLEMS OF THE MARDINITE PEOPLE IN LEBANON

All three subgroups of the Mardinite com- non have lived through these stages in a munity have been living in Lebanon for a painful way. long time. They have been experiencing various problems in every aspect of life The end of the Ottoman Empire has such as their self-identity, daily life, eco- brought about a series of treaties which nomic problems and education. Since would determine the fate of the regional Lebanon is a micro-model of the Middle communities. The League of Nations con- East with its longstanding multicultural firmed the boundaries of the French man- character, its social harmony and socio- date in accordance with the Sykes-Picot economic stability depend on the content Treaty which included the provinces of of the social groups and enhancing of the Lebanon, Syria and Hatay, while the ter- living standards. Therefore, solving these ritories of Iraqi, Palestine and Jordan were problems is necessary not only for the left to the British mandate.40 The Section Mardinite community but also for entire II of the Lausanne Treaty titled National- Lebanon. ity” that was signed on 24 July 1923 has been developed in order to define the status of the people living in territories 6.1. Citizenship carved from the Ottoman Empire. The The biggest problem of the Mardinite “law on citizenship” for the French man- community has been the citizenship date on Syria and Lebanon was based on problem up to now. They have had and the Article 30 of that treaty. According to still having difficulties obtaining either that, “Turkish subjects habitually resident Lebanese or Turkish citizenship. Citizen- in territory which in accordance with the ship their most urgent and most serious provisions of the present Treaty is de- problem since it stands at the center of all tached from Turkey will become ipsofac- problems that the sub-communities expe- to, in the conditions laid down by the local rience. law, nationals of the State to which such territory is transferred.”41 The citizenship After long years and many hardships, were law which stipulates that the Ottoman the Mardinites able to obtain their Leba- subjects resident in the country that is nese citizenship. They still have problems detached from the Ottoman Empire will obtaining the citizenship of the country be citizens of that new state did not in they live in. at first it is needed to underline practice bring about citizenship for the that the people of the region is gradually Mardinites in Lebanon at that time. This getting more aware of the importance of is partly because of the unwillingness of citizenship in the nation-state framework. local authorities and partly because of the Those people who were subjects of a great weakness of the Mardinites to put pres- empire, yet defined themselves through sure on the government. their tribe, family or religious differences have been transformed into citizens after The French which retained their mandate many stages such as wars, new state bor- in Lebanon until 1943 adopted policies ders, and the reflections of nationalism in that encouraged Kurdish nationalism, the Middle East. The Mardinites in Leba- which would reinforce their dominance in the region in their thinking.42 Then,

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 23 ORSAM CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

Kamuran Bedirhan, who acted as media- Lebanese”, thereby confining them to an tor between the colonial administration area of exclusion with unclear borders. and the resident Kurds, had managed to acquire temporary citizenship (residential A new regulation in 1962 added the line ID) for some Kurds.43 The Kurds that we “nationality under construction (Cinsiyye interviews stated that they called these Kayd ed-Ders)” to the IDs of immigrants documents the “Kamuran ID” among and minorities. They also need to renew themselves. Bedirhan’s close relations with their IDs each year. People with such IDs the French and the resulting privileges are banned to own property in Lebanon, caused some Mardinites to identify them- serve in the state institutions or the army selves as Kurds. Even though they had or cast votes in elections.45 In other words, some official documents, not only they they can live in Lebanon, making up for were denied basic rights and freedoms the labor gap in the country by working but also what they had as basic rights were in underpaid jobs; yet cannot determine limited. In this period, the majority of the who will govern them how, acquire politi- Mardinites did not have a temporary citi- cal representation or economic power. zenship document or ID, even those who had had no rights to participate in politics These restrictive policies over the citizen- or social life. Since the immigrants were ship prospects of the Mardinite communi- mostly Muslim (Sunni and Shia), the Ma- ty have made social adaptation harder and ronites maintained their objection against created countless problems for Mardinites granting citizenship to them fearing that in education, health and labor. Rafiq Hari- the delicate political balance among the ri, the first Prime Minister after the civil groups would change in their expense. war set up a Citizenship Commission in After the French and Bedirhan left the 1992 in order to address the status of the country in 1946, the Maronites started stateless people in Lebanon. The report of applying harsher policies about residence the commission work was declared as a list permits and citizenship to minorities and in the official journal dated 30 June 1994. immigrants. Accordingly, 39.460 families excluding the children were granted citizenship. In this During the Prime Ministry of Sami Sulh44, period, 7,000 Mardinites were granted cit- some Mardinites managed to acquire izenship.46 Approximately 30,000 of these citizenship as a result of the initiatives by families had the IDs with the line “under Kemal Jumblatt. In 1956, the Sunni’s in- construction (Kayd ed-Ders)”.47 Around sistent demands resulted in some regula- 157,000 Mardinites received citizenship tions which granted citizenship to 4,500 in 1994. From then on, the social, politi- Mardinites. Nevertheless, Sunni and Ma- cal and economic status of the Mardinites, ronite politicians raised objections to the who had been struggling for survival, has regulations fearing that the Mardinite entered a recovery period. Kurds’ political power would increase. The regulations in 1961 altered the ID Among the Mardinites, those who had documents of the Mardinites and ruled endured a painful process for Lebanese that the line “unspecified nationality (cin- citizenship still have some problems about siyye gayri muayyene)” to be included in Turkish citizenship. They complain about their IDs. According to the regulation, the the heavy procedure about obtaining children born to minorities or immigrants Turkish citizenship which prevents them would be granted Lebanese citizenship. from applying. Those who applied state The “unspecified nationality” line would that the procedure goes very slowly and be instrumental in denying political rights they have to spend a great deal of effort to these people and define them as “non- for obtaining Turkish citizenship. Some of them overcame many difficulties and

ORSAM 24 Report No: 208, March 2017 THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE ORSAM obtained citizenship but they complain Turkey also have some difficulties. They that their names are written differently in receive their pre-university education in their Turkish and Lebanese IDs, therefore the Lebanese curricula, and when they they have difficulty in explaining authori- want to enter Turkish universities, they ties that the two different names belong are getting stuck in the university entrance to the same person. While they state that exam since they were not prepared in ac- they are generally pleased with the work of cordance with its requirements. At this the Turkish Embassy in Beirut, they also point, they ask for support which will en- complain about the slow pace of their pro- able them to receive education in Turkey. cedures due to the inadequate number of In addition, the Mardinite people who are personnel in the embassy. also Turkish citizens complain that they cannot benefit from the Turkish scholar- ship opportunities for Lebanese students. 6.2. Education

The first generation émigrés from Mardin As of the 2000s, sympathy and interest to Lebanon were people with low educa- toward Turkey among the young people tion levels who had financial hardships. have soared. The Mardinite people have Beirut became a popular destination since started developing a sense of identity and it needed unqualified labor such as por- self –awareness after receiving citizenship ters, construction workers and fruit or in 1994 and now develop their reactions vegetable salesmen. Their income man- against being labeled as “Kurds” in a more aged to make their ends meet, yet they organized manner. One could argue that couldn’t benefit from education opportu- the rising self-awareness and self-identity nities in Lebanon where education is not of the Mardinites were directly propor- free since they had no citizenship. Even tionate to both their citizenship and edu- though they initially intended to return cation level and Turkey’s developing rela- after earning money, they had to stay in tions with the Middle East. The works of Lebanon and visit Turkey occasionally. the Turkish institutions such as TİKA and Yunus Emre Cultural Centre had a posi- The second generation Mardinite émi- tive effect on the Mardinites and sparked grés had better economic conditions and interest toward Turkey. The cultural ac- in parallel they were more interested in tivities held by these institutions formed education. Today, the third generation the intra-group bonds of the Mardinites, émigrés have adopted successfully in the while at the same time a Turkish teacher multilingual structure of Lebanon thanks assigned by the Turkish Ministry of Na- to their education in Arabic and foreign tional Education gave Turkish education languages such as English and French. to young Mardinites, strengthening their Even though the third generation is eager bonds with Turkey as well. Our interview- to receive education, they are hindered by ees think that such activities must be held paid education and expensive schools. more frequently. They also stated that if they had a cultural centre of their own The young people that we interviewed they would have stronger bonds with both explained the difficulty they had while each other and Turkey. entering universities due to their ethnic identities regardless of the grades they had As a group that is curious for education when applying. They are frequently re- and outgoing towards the world, the Mar- minded of their non-Lebanese status and dinites still suffer from serious problems it is impossible for them to enter respect- concerning citizenship and marginaliza- able universities or find a good job without tion. Firstly, these young people are de- having a “vasıta (mediator)”48. The young prived of the necessary education to en- Mardinites who seek to have education in ter universities, therefore are denied the

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 25 ORSAM CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

education they deserve due to inequality. cal neutralization of the Mardinite com- Those who entered good universities in munity. The Syriacs were integrated into one way or another, in turn have difficul- the Christian political groups, while the ties working in their profession. Our in- Kurds and Arabs were included among terviewees also uttered their difficulties the Sunnis. It has prevented the direct in detail about obtaining legal permits or representation of the Mardinites and licenses for working as doctors or lawyers. hindered their access to the authorities They state that even though legal restric- which would be able to solve their prob- tions do not exist, the nationalist mindset lems. Our interviewees suggested that and the importance of “vasıta (mediator)” they should be granted political represen- prevent them from accessing many oppor- tation not according to their religion or tunities. sect but according to their ethnic identity like the Armenians49 and demand that one In the final analysis, the Mardinites have of the 27 seats reserved for the Sunnis in two-fold needs in education sector: one in the Parliament should be given to them. Turkey and one in Lebanon. At first, they The current political system enables the need an education institution in Lebanon Mardinite’s support for the Sunnis rather where they can have more information than the direct representation of the Mar- about the Turkish culture, hold culture dinites, therefore they cannot participate and art activities and receive Turkish lan- in the political will that is needed to solve guage education. In addition, they need their social and economic problems. opportunities for receiving education in Turkey, particularly for successful stu- The Mardinites have become a more co- dents who lack financial means. herent and organized community thanks to increasing education levels, the activi- ties of the Turkish Embassy, TİKA and the 6.3. Social Exclusion - Nationalism Yunus Emre Institute and their own civil Our interviewees defined themselves as society organizations. In the local elec- Lebanese-Mardinites. Yet, they tell that tions of 2016, they managed to elect one the Lebanese still think and act like that municipal mayor and five neighborhood “they are not Lebanese”. Expressing their governors. Lebanon’s out-of-date sectar- various problems in every aspect of life ian quota system and deadlock election from education to social life, business and system have been criticized on many lev- daily life, the Mardinites are almost con- els in the last three years. Prime Minister stantly faced with political exclusion. Our Saad Hariri, head of the new government interviewees told us numerous examples that was formed in December 2016, re- of the difficulties they face in their daily marked that their government is an “elec- lives and mentioned that they are treated tion government” whose main purpose is as second class citizens. Such discrimina- making the necessary regulations in the 50 tory practices bring about economic hard- election law. There is a specific need for ships for them as well. Most of the Mardi- updating the election and quota system nite people belong to the lowest segment since the country has undergone a signifi- in Lebanon in terms of income distribu- cant demographic transformation since tion. 1932. Fairer and more just political rep- resentation for each group as well as the Mardinites will be possible after the nec- 6.4. Political representation essary revamps are made. The sectarian structure of the Lebanese political system has resulted in the politi-

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RESULTS AND PROPOSALS

Lebanon is the home of 18 different sects, abs have been developing closer relations. each of which are very important in terms Kurds are politically distinguished from of social categories, life standards, politi- these two groups. Mardinite Arabs ex- cal processes, representation opportuni- press that they neither have problems nor ties and the deepest segments of daily life. have close relations with the Kurds. They While in need of manpower, the country observed that with the beginning of ter- hosted numerous immigrants from the rorist attacks in Turkey in the 1980s, the Middle Eastern countries such as Turkey Mardinite Kurds have been marginalized and Syria. The Mardinites have a consid- among the other Mardinite groups; there- erable population and are among the mi- fore they do not have close relations with grant groups in Lebanon that struggle for them. survival. In Lebanon’s multicultural society, the The Mardinite community is composed of Mardinite Arabs have some problems three subgroups that are Arabs, Kurds and about harmonization with the Armenians Syriacs. They had suffered for long years who also migrated from Anatolia. During in order to acquire Lebanese citizenship. the interviews, we have been informed Between 1944 and 1955, a very low num- that the Armenians, who have a strong ber of Mardinites acquired Lebanese citi- social and economic position in the coun- zenship before a significant change hap- try, sometimes treat the Mardinites in a pened in 1994. Since then, an increasing discriminatory way causing tensions be- number of Mardinites have been receiv- tween the two groups. For example, ac- ing citizenship. As the citizenship hurdle cording to some Mardinites, Armenian was bypassed, they managed to have bet- teachers discriminate against Mardinite ter economic and social status, therefore students in some schools. In addition, started to have a higher awareness about some activities by the Mardinites are pro- their identity. They have also started re- tested by Armenians. In this context, po- jecting being called “Sunni Kurds” and litical representation and marginalization instead construct their identity as “Turk- are the most important problems of the ish Muslim with Arabic descent living in Mardinite community in Lebanon, aside Lebanon”. In the final analysis, their liv- from economic problems. ing conditions have changed for the bet- ter with citizenship, yet they still have Mentioning that each social group in unsolved problems. They mentioned Lebanon has a protector and they face numerous problems caused by arbitrary numerous limitations in public and social practices by Lebanese officials about pass- spheres on the grounds of their ethnic port operations, registration in schools or identity, Turkish links and non-Lebanese other official institutions or sales proce- character, the Mardinite community asks dures. They demand assistance from of- for more material and moral support from ficials for resolving these issues. Turkey. TİKA has opened two cultural centers for our citizens in Lebanon, yet The Mardinite community does not have our interviewees remarked the need for serious problems among itself in general a greater cultural center that would bring sense. In the latest period, Syriac and Ar- together and unify all the Mardinites in

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 27 ORSAM CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

Lebanon. Stating that the Mardinite civil there is no official hindrance. They have society organizations such as the New acquired their citizenship in 1994 and Generation Society and Turkish institu- have no legal restrictions about member- tions such as TİKA, Yunus Emre Cultural ship in trade unions, yet they cannot regis- Center are very helpful for their own com- ter in professional organizations and can- munity, the Mardinites stress the need for not work as lawyers, engineers or doctors an umbrella organization that would co- unless they find a “vasita”. ordinate all these institutions and provide infrastructure for finding their own solu- The lack of political representation stands tions to their problems. According to our at the heart of all problems that the Mar- interviewees, the presence of such a cul- dinite people suffer from. As of today, the tural center will enable them to look out second and third generation Mardinites for their cultural heritage, come together was born and raised in Lebanon, and the and celebrate special occasions, thereby majority of them spent their whole lives communicate better among each other there. Therefore, it is quite natural that and be empowered to act together when they demand political rights and repre- needed. Education is another important sentations. Their inclusion in the Sunni requirement that the Mardinites care factions did not necessarily provide rep- about. The Mardinites state that while resentation for them. In contrast with the many minority groups in Lebanon have Shiites and Christians, Sunni groups have their own schools, the people from Turkey a dispersed character which benefits the do not have one; therefore a school and local Sunnis at the end. Therefore, the Turkish language education will serve to Mardinites demand a seat reserved for strengthen their links with Turkey. In ad- themselves among the 27 seat quota of dition, it would be beneficial in the middle the Sunnis. They think, therefore they will to long run for both Turkey and Lebanon have a means to express their demands to provide opportunities for students and carry out further work to solve their seeking education in Turkey with a view problems about political participation. to presenting them better education and more accurate information about Turkey. In the final analysis, the Mardinites feel that they belong both to Turkey, where Unemployment, which is one of the big- they have roots, and to Lebanon, where gest problems of Lebanon, is an important they live. They demand Turkey’s support question for the Mardinites as a subaltern for forging closer relations and for ac- group. Since they suffer from ethnic and quiring a stronger and more active posi- alienatory discrimination and are exclud- tion within Lebanon. At that point, they ed from social mechanisms, the Mardi- ask for an umbrella institution that will nites ask for employment in the Turkish bring together all Mardinites under one companies and institutions working in roof. They also want more Turkish institu- Lebanon. That way, they will be able to tions to operate in Lebanon, particularly enhance their living conditions and will in health and education sectors. In their be able to participate better in social life. opinion that will enable them work to- Those who have completed their educa- gether and grow stronger, therefore they tion despite all hardships cannot work will be better positioned to represent Tur- in their fields of profession even though key in Lebanon.

ORSAM 28 Report No: 208, March 2017 THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE ORSAM

ENDNOTES

1 The word “Vasıta” refers to someone with a powerful and influential position who may act as a pro- tector to someone requiring a position in universities, applying for a job or seeking to finish an official procedure.

2 The Armenians living in Lebanon have a quota of 4 parliament seats and 2 ministers.

3 Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, “The New Subaltern: A Silent Interview”, Mapping Subaltern Studies and the Postcolonial, ed. Vinayak Chaturvedi (Londra: Verso, 2012), 324-339.

4 Antonio Gramsci, “History of Subaltern Classes: Methodological Criteria”, Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, ed. ve çev. Quintin Hoare ve Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1989), 52-53.

5 Gramsci, “History of Subaltern Classes”, 52-53.

6 Some of the ‘others’: alia: sub-altern -> alterate -> alius -> et al. For detailed information see, Ebru Yetişkin; “Post Kolonyal Düşünce ve Madun Çalışmalarından Neler Öğrenebiliriz?”, 13. Ulusal So- syal Bilimler Kongresi (Ankara: Türk Sosyal Bilimler Derneği, 4-6 December 2013). For a summary: http://www.ebruyetiskin.com/postkolonyal-dusunce-ve-madun-calismalarindan-nelerogrenebili- riz/, (accessed on 10 October 2016).

7 Guita G. Hourani, “The Kurds of Lebanon: Socioeconomic Mobility and Political Participation via Naturalization”, LERC Research Paper Series 1 (November 2011).

8 The last population census in Lebanon was held in 1932. The lack of up-to-date knowledge about the population is one of the main problems of Lebanon since it is the main factor that the whole political system is based on. It is needed to point out that the population figures expressed in this report differs in various resources. The report is based on relevant sources and up-to-date reports.

9 David McDowall, “The Kurds”, Minority Rights Group International Report (1996), 39.

10 The ethnic origin of the Syriacs is a contested issue. The Syriacs present two arguments about their origin. The first argument claims to be a political community based on the Assyrians and the Babylo- nians. The second argument advocates the unity of Syriac people based on belief and claims to be of Aramaic descent.

11 The interviewees defined them as Turks with Arabic descent, Arabs of Turkey, or Turkish Arab.

12 Violent clashes took place between the Maronites and the Druze during the civil war. After the civil war, the Western countries increased their pressure on the Ottoman Empire and their interventions in the region. The Ottomans ended the civil war by signing the decree of Cebel-I Lübnan (Mount Lebanon) Regulations declaring that Lebanon would be ruled by a Christian citizen of the Empire.

13 The French occupation started in 1918. The official mandate rule started in 1920 when General Gouraud declared the founding of the Greater State of Lebanon.

ORSAM Report No: 208, March 2017 29 ORSAM CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES

14 Albert H. Hourani, Syria and Lebanon: A Political Essay (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968), 121.

15 Albert H. Hourani, Syria and Lebanon, 385.

16 For detailed information, see Ussama Makdisi, “Reconstructing the Nation-State: The Modernity of Sectarianism in Lebanon”, Middle East Report (July-September 1996), 25.

17 For the full text of the Ta’if Accords, see Taif Agreement, www.un.int/lebanon, (25 November 2016).

18 Ümit Çelik, “İç Çatışmalar ve Dış Müdahaleler Arasında Lübnan”, History Studies IV/1 (2012): 127- 128.

19 For detailed information, see Youssef Chaitani, Post-Colonial Syria and Lebanon: The Decline of Arab Nationalism and the Triumph of the State (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2007).

20 Veysel Ayhan ve Özlem Tür, “İçsel Dinamikler ve Ulusal Aktörler Bağlamında Lübnan Krizinin Ana- lizi”, Akademik Ortadoğu III/1 (2008): 2.

21 Ayhan ve Tür, “İçsel Dinamikler ve Ulusal Aktörler”, 2-3.

22 The information that we gathered from the interviews suggests that there are approximately 3,000- 3,500 Mardinite Kurds in Lebanon. For the population figures of the earlier periods, see Lokman I. Meho ve Farah W. Kawtharani, “The Kurdish Community in Lebanon”, The International Journal of Kurdish Studies XIX/1-2 (2005).

23 Guita G. Hourani, “The Kurds of Lebanon”, 33.

24 Guita G. Hourani, “The Kurds of Lebanon”, 31.

25 Ayhan ve Tür, “İçsel Dinamikler ve Ulusal Aktörler”, 32.

26 Guita G. Hourani, “The Kurds of Lebanon”, 25.

27 From the beginning of the nineteenth century onwards, France has shown close interest toward the Kurds of Middle East and has prepared the information environment and cultural atmosphere that is needed for the freedom movements to emerge.

28 From the beginning of the twentieth century onwards, Lebanon has acted as a shelter for the Kurds who had economic and political problems in the southeast of Anatolia. Kurds followed the route passing through Aleppo and Dora to Beirut during this period. Bedirhan’s protectorship of the Kurds resulted in the recognition of the Kurdish identity in Lebanon.

29 Meho ve Kawtharani, “The Kurdish Community in Lebanon”, 1.

30 The dialect of Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish) is the most spoken dialect of Kurdish and is defined by the linguists within the northwest dialects of the Persian languages. For detailed information, see Kurdish Northern, Ethnologue Language of the World, www.ethnologue.com, (accessed on 1 No- vember 2016).

31 Meho ve Kawtharani; “The Kurdish Community in Lebanon”, 137.

32 For detailed information about the Syriacs, see Bülent Özdemir, Süryanilerin Dünü Bugünü, I. Dünya Savaşı’nda Süryaniler (Ankara: Türk Tarih KurumuYayınları, 2008).

33 The Syriacs did not migrate en masse, rather they traveled by small groups or families.

ORSAM 30 Report No: 208, March 2017 THE MARDINITE COMMUNITY IN LEBANON: MIGRATION OF MARDIN’S PEOPLE ORSAM

34 Interview with Ilyas Georgeous, Beirut, 17 June 2016.

35 Interview with Ilyas Georgeous, Beirut, 17 June 2016.

36 “Lübnan’da ‘Mardin Gökyüzünün Krallığı’ Konferansı”, Anadolu Ajansı, 1 June 2016.

37 The population figures about these groups are not known due to the general problems in Lebanon about population figures. However, 21,000 Mardinite Arabs cast votes in the last municipal elections held in December 2016.

38 Example to the reports that accept both Mihallami and Merdalite tribes as Kurds: “The Kurdish Community in Lebanon”, 3.

39 Martin van Bruinessen, “Kurdish Nationalism and Competing Ethnic Loyalties”, Peuples Méditer- ranéens, 68-69 (1994), 9.

40 Guita G. Hourani, “The Kurds of Lebanon”, 35.

41 For the relevant articles of the Lausanne Treaty about nationality, see Barış Anlaşması (Trail de Paix), Lozan 24 Temmuz 1923 (Metin), SAM, http://sam.baskent.edu.tr/belge/Lozan_TR.pdf (Accesssed on 1 November 2016).

42 Jordi Tejel, Syria’s Kurds: History, Politics and Society, çev. Emily Welle ve Jane Welle (Londra & New York: Routledge, 2009), 7.

43 Tejel, Syria’s Kurds.

44 Sami Sulh became Prime Minister of Lebanon for five times in 1942-1943, 1945-1946, 1952, 1954- 1955 and 1956-1958.

45 Guita G. Hourani, “The Kurds of Lebanon”, 37.

46 Interviews with the Mardinite Arabs.

47 Guita G. Hourani, “The Kurds of Lebanon”, 38.

48 The word “Vasıta” refers to someone with a powerful and influential position who may act as a pro- tector to someone requiring a position in universities, applying for a job or seeking to finish an official procedure.

49 The Armenians living in Lebanon have a quota of 4 parliament seats and 2 ministers.

50 “Hariri Forms National Accord Cabinet”, Daily Star, 19 December 2016.

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ORSAM 32 Report No: 208, March 2017