416 A. Dowkeret al. Cahiers de Psychologie Cogrffive/ Current Psychology of Cognition 1998,17 (2), 417-450 (c) Poems containing similes (1) English, about the picture of the bird: The bird is flying in the sky Like a tiny aeroplane. Phonemic awareness in alphabetically literate (2) Italian, about the picture of the dog: Japanese adults: The influence of the first "Ho visto un cane chc abbaiava forte come un tuono E aveva gli occhi neri come il carbone". acquired writing system (I saw a dog who barked as loudly as thunder And had eyes as black as coal.) Miyoko Nakamura,1 Régine Kolinsky,2-3 (3) French, about the picture of the rabbit: Carmela Spagrioletti,4 and José Morais2 "Le lapin est rapide comme l'éclair Et léger comme une plume." (The rabbit is as fast as lightning 1. Keio University, Japan And as light as a feather.) 2. Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium 3. Belgian F.N.R.S. (4) Polish, about the picture of the horse: 4. Institut des Langues yi^ptntes et de Phonétique, U.L.B., Belgium "Konjestpracowity Jak ta mala mrowka." (The horse is hardworking Abstract. The present study examined the nature of the metapho­ Like a little ant.) nological units that are used by Japanese native speakers who know both mora-based and phoneme-based writing systems. In three experiments, (5) Brazilian, about the picture of the cat: "Eu vi um gato preto como o carvao participants were asked to perform a reversal task. The results show Com os olhos azuls como o eel." that, in comparison to phonemes and syllables, moras are the most pro­ (I saw a cat as black as coal minent units in spontaneous reversal. On the other hand, the participants With eyes as blue as the sky.) were perfectly able to manipulate phonemes under request. Yet, detailed analysis of their phonemic reversals as well as introspective reports reveal that, when asked to reverse phonemes, most subjects used an interchange of written characters instead. While coherent with the notion that phonemes are not the major metaphonological units of Japanese, the use of such a strategy implies the ability to analyze CV kanas into their internal consonant-vowel constituents. Thus, whereas the nature of the first acquired writing system seems to exert a strong, pervasive influence on the native speaker's metaphonological proce­ dures, such language-specific procedures amount to the ability to per­ form metalinguistic operations at the phonemic level.

Correspondence should be sent to Régine Kolinsky, Laboratoire de Psychologie Expérimentale, Université Libre de Bruxelles, C.P. 191, Av. F. Roosevelt 50, 1050 Brussels, Belgium (e-mail: rkolins® ulb.ac.be). ;' 418 M,Nak^mura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 419 INTRODUCTION | • CH0HOH ?h"..oIogical awareness is the very large and heterogeneous set of —saoH • conscious representations that are acquired by focusing attention on the à itr & & A £ £ & ,l *, *, perceptual representations of speech. This concept must be unpacked by <0 Ml * r> c Ç t, * t> specifying the phonological properties the individual is aware of. /•i/ /hi/ /ni/ /«/ /si/ mi l\ I Different forms of phonological awareness are presumably involved in ft H [t/iltfl] judging whether two nonsense utterances are identical or different, in Irai /Jul /ml Awl Inil /tu/ /su/ Au/ /u / deciding which of two evoked names is longer, in appreciating or using gui] [t sut] [m] rhymes and alliterations, and in analyzing short utterances intjauniis like n .* "* ta T # i+ * /«/ /he/ /ne/ /te/ , ^ *- syllables and phonemes (e.g., Morais, 1993). /re/ /se f The metaphonological as well as the phonological units of! Japanese may differ from those of English or French for at least two reasons, §/ à /*/ /à 4/ Z A, /*/ & ,ff namely the characteristics of both the Japanese phonology and the Japa­ nese writing system. At the level of the phonology, modern Japanese HMDAKUOK OAKUÛN tf ti language consists of 19 phonemes: five vowels (/a, i, u, e, of), two /pj/ « sr & semivowels (/j, w/), and 12 consonants (/p, b, t, d, k, g,Z'iJ%n, m, n. r/). Aal lai/ /a/ /ga/ As can be seen in Figure 1, some phonemes present various allophones [d=ïj U S t x (consider for example the different realizations of /h/)„ In addition, A>U A"/ /II/ /g(/ there are some special phonemes, sometimes referred to as archi- [d3Uf* •%•* Q.V *,- I ("bird", "street"). ' ' -' /bj*/ /zj»/ /ij»/ /g%* d /rja/ /«ja/ /hjj/ /£„ "j ' The phonological interpretation of vowel or consonant length is often £ 3»][d3»l /s 17* EïalCtJ-aJCfa] described by using the notion of mora. The mora is usually considered /PJW Ibjul /zju/ /lJu/ /^ /rju/ /.ju/ /hju/ /tj„/ j,J [d3ar][d nl /s to be a subsyllabic unit that can be larger than the phoneme; and serves 31 M [t/mirror] the purpose of measuring syllabic weight (Hyman, 1985j.;Ma|yes, 1989). /pjo/ g* Sx C^ éTj: 0Jt *JS Oi ç> t > AjO/ /ZJO/ /Ijo/ /gjo/ /rjo/ /.jo/ /hje/ /tV/ /^ Id3*]{43o] M [t/o]fjo] 1. We will transcribe vowel length with the sign (:) according to the conven­ tion of the International Phonetic Alphabet. ^S^S*"*^ *"•- -—* M *«_ 420 M. Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 421

In Japanese, light syllables (i.e., open syllables containing a short production side, reports of speech errors tend to support either the CV vowel) contrast with heavy ones (i.e., open syllables containing a long syllable (Kamio & TonoikeJ 1979) or the mora (Kubozono, 1992) as a vowel, and closed syllables). Stated differently, a short vowel (preceded basic phonological unit of Japanese. Yet Terao (1992) reports that in his or not by an onset consonant) counts as one mora, a long vowel counts study only 9% of errors involved the replacement of the whole mora as two, and each coda consonant counts as an extra mora.2 whereas the remaining cases preserved either the vowel or the con­ As regards the writing system, the traditional Japanese system is sonant. Consequently 91% of Terao's corpus of errors can be inter­ generally described as being based on two kinds of signs, namely ideo­ preted as resulting from an interchange of phonemes. grams of Chinese origin, the , and two sets of Japanese so-called As regards speech perception, Otake, Hatano, Cutler, and Mehler syllabic phonograms that stand in a perfect one-to-one correspondence (1993) found evidence that the mora, rather than the syllable, was in­ to each other, namely and . Lexical morphemes such volved in a fragment-detection task. Indeed, when asked to monitor a as nouns as well as verbal and adjectival roots are usually transcribed by list of auditory items for the presence of a word with an initial CVC kanji characters, whereas grammatical morphemes and function words sequence such as TAN, Japanese listeners often missed the target in are written by means of hiragana. Katakana is primarily used for loan carrier words like tanishi. This is supposed to be due to the fact that the words and onomatopoeia. In the everyday life, all three kinds of charac­ matching would require an internal analysis of the mora ni. A criticism ters are usually combined in the same text. Besides, the Roman alpha­ may be raised in that the ^|fect may recognize in the target TAN the bet, romaji, is used for the sake of international communication (essen­ phoneme /N/, hatsuon, which can only appear at the end of a syllable. If tially for proper nouns) and more recently for operating computerized this is the case, then the nasal phoneme that appears in the second mora, word processors. Romaji transcribes each kama character into an alpha­ or syllable, of tanishi is not the same as the final phoneme of the target. betic sequence.3 This in turn would explain why the subjects failed to recognize the Hiragana as welt as katakana are taught at school by using a table in target in such words whereas they recognized it in words like tanshi in which the characters are arranged in a systematic way. As illustrated by which the nasal consonant is indeed a hatsuon /N/. Moreover, taking Figure 1, columns and rows are organized so that all the kanas appear­ into account the phonetic level Only does not always lead to a match ei­ ing in the same column begin with the same consonantal sound, except ther. Indeed, the material^usepmcludes pairs of words such as monaka- the first column which contains the five vowels, and all the kanas of the monka in which n is dental ([n]) in the first member and velar QIJ]) in same row share the same vowel. This reference table is called gojuonzu the second member of the pair (this was the case for five out of eight (literally "50-sounds table") after the original table of old Japanese. pairs of carriers). More interesting, however, are the data concerning There exists a canonical order of recitation of the table which goes reaction times. Indeed, the subjects detected TA as fast in tanshi as in column by column from top to bottom and right to left (/a i u e of, /ka ki tanishi. Given that TA constitutes; the first mora of both items, whereas ku ke ko/, etc.). Dictionaries for instance respect this order, exactly as it corresponds to a syllable iviji$ftniski, and part of a syllable in tanshi, English dictionaries are buiit up accordmg to the alphabet. the fact that there was noiprocessing time difference between these two These characteristics of the Japanese phonological system may have carrier types suggests that the listeners were analyzing them into moras profound implications for the nature of the Japanese speakers' phono­ (or characters, Dupoux & Mehler, 1992) rather than syllables (see also logical units both in speech production and in speech perception. On the Cutler & Otake, 1994; Otake & Hatano, 1994; Otake, Hatano, & Yoneyama, 1996). However, it must be acknowledged that the results obtained with fragment-detection carmot definitely be attributed to a stage of perceptu­ 2. For more details on the Japanese phonology, see for example Shibatani (1990). al, unconscious processing. Indeed, the task implies a conscious analysis 3. Its spelling rules are those of English for the consonants, and of Italian for of the stimulus into parts in order to allow a matching with the target. the vowels. The mora effect obtained in this situation might thus reflect the structure 422 M. Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 423 of the conscious phonological representation rather than, that of the un­ game, people play with "reversed words" conscious ones (Kolinsky, 1998; Morais & Kolinsky^ 1992; Morais, Kolinsky, & Nakamura, 1996). (e.g., fr£Z "Miyoko" £ <£<& "Koyomi"), Jsing as more indirect evidence of unconscious speech segmentation which is actually the literal translation of the name of the game. processes the occurrence of experimentally inducedperceptual errors Although the game has no fixed, established, rule neither for the basis (Kolinsky & Morais, 1996; Kolinsky, Morais & Cluytens, 1995), we of the reversal operation nor for definition of a winner/loser, people recently observed that both the syllable and the mora :Seem to be im­ play with words mainly (but not exclusively) by reversing the order of portant segmentation units in Japanese (Morais et alç, 1996; Kolinsky, kana characters, as shown by the reversal of words containing long Nakamura, Morais, & Cluytens, in preparation). Indeed, Japanese lis­ vowels teners illusorily perceived target words like /hairu/ sfèyéfteh in dichotic pairs in which the information between the ears is experimentally dis­ (e.g., L b "3 "Shiro", [firo:]- -+ Ô b t. "Uroshi"). tributed according to syllabic structure (e.g., /haido-geNru/) as in dich­ The game of "Shiritori" has been much more studied because it has otic pairs in which the information is distributed according to moraic more established rules and thus constitutes a good indicator of what unit structure (e.g., ZhaNdo-geiruV or /haNru-geido/). is actually used in a metalinguistic activity (e.g., Muto, 1987; Katada, In short, on the basis of experimental results it is still difficult to 1990; Hatano & Inagaki, 1992). In this game, players take turns giving decide whether the dominant perceptual unit of Japanese is the mora a word that begins with the end of the precedingly uttered word. The only, or whether both moras and syllables intervene: This last possibil­ game is over when the word ends with /N/, since no Japanese word can ity is however made highly plausible by linguistic analyses showing that begin with this phoneme (e.g., "neko" - cat —> "kodomo" - child - both units are necessary to account for various phenomena of Japanese -> "moN" - gate —> game over). Since playing shiritort starts in the morphology and phonology, like initial loweringl or accent slide in preliterate period, one can follow the progression of the chosen unit Tokyo Japanese (e.g., Haraguchi, 1996). from children's to adults' rules. Muto's (1987) study revealed that Another current matter of concern in psycholinguistic research is the shiritori players of about four years of age first refer to syllable-based nature of the constituent units in the Japanese speakers* Conscious repre­ rules and then move towards kana-based (close to mora-based) strategies sentations of Japanese utterances. What are the metaphonological units during their fifth year of age, after the beginning of kana literacy acqui­ that Japanese speakers develop for their native language? For the Japa­ sition. Muto also reported some responses based on the last vowel or nese language, the mora has often been proposed as a basic structural mora. Unfortunately, the data as they are presented do not permit to unit (e.g., Sugito, 1989). This is partly due to the fact that the number make the difference between the vowels that are part of a CV mora of kanas per word nearly always reflects its number.'of moras. As (e.g., "kisha" -* "ashi") and those that constitute a whole mora (e.g., Fujimura (1966, p. 49) explains, "a sense of the mop is traditionally /take:/ -»• /eki/).Yet, the idea that young children progressively turn entailed in the , and the explicit awareness of moras syllable-based into kana-based shiritori rules as their competence in provides the basis for the metrics of Waka and Haiku, two traditional kana reading increases has been reinforced by more recent evidence pro­ Japanese short poem styles. The kana character is! very close to this vided by Hatano and Inagaki (1992), who concluded that the emergence 4 : timing unit as if it had been created according to it. " : of the concept of mora as a basic phonological unit of Japanese is subse­ Other social activities such as word games, in which: both adults and quent to the acquisition of kana literacy. Experimental tasks of segmen­ children engage, also suggest that the kana, hence tfae?mora, is a prom­ tation corroborate the hypothesis of a progressive emergence of the inent metalinguistic unit (e.g., Imada 1990). In the fsakasa-kotoba" mora as the basic segmentation unit after a period in which both the syllable and the mora are used. This is the case, for instance, of Inagaki and Hatano's (1992) study, inspired by Amano's (1970, 1986, 1988) 4. First author's translation. and Muraishi and Amano's (1972) pioneering works. HZ* M. Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 425 • \- ' ?tf' On the other hand, some experimental studies, such as those of Mann (1986) and of Spagnoletti, Morais, Alegria, and Dominicy (1989), were regardless of whether it repiesènts phonemes or not, can elicit phonemic designed to assess the awareness of moras and phonemes in relation to awareness. literacy acquisition. Both studies showed that children as young as first- Some properties of mefapanese writing system might actually give graders excelled at manipulating moras. As regards phonemes, the chil­ hints at the phonemic structure of speech. First, the arrangement of dren's performance depended on the task. On phoneme counting, Mann kanas into a table in whiclfall the elements that appear in the same found that although Japanese children were clearly above chance level at column share the consonantiand all the elements that appear in the same least from grade four on, the task remained a difficult one even by row share the vowel might help the discovery of the phonemic structure. grade six (75% correct responses, 33% being chance level). Western Second, some of the moras represented by kanas consist of one pho­ alphabetized children are, by the end of grade one, nearly at the same neme, namely the vowels:',al&' the /N/. Third, diacritics are systemati­ level as the Japanese sixth graders (Backman, 1983; Tunmer, Herriman, cally used to distinguish: voj|fed from voiceless initial consonants. And & Nesdale, 1988). Spagnoletti et al.'s study highlights the strategy used fourth, some digraphs imply ari inframoraic analysis. It has for example by Japanese first-graders at phoneme counting (namely, tapping). been proposed to relate phonemic awareness to the acquisition of yoon Indeed, whereas V and VN items were almost always tapped correctly reading and spelling. As shown in Figure 1, contrary to simple kanas once and twice, respectively, CV and VCV items were almost always (which are grouped underline; name of chokuon), yoons are combina­ tapped incorrectly once and twice, respectively. This strongly suggests tions of two kanas: they contain three sounds of which the middle one is that the children were tapping by reference to moras or kanas. On pho­ the palatal fj]. The firstJifna is always one of the second row of neme deletion, Mann found poor scores in Japanese first-graders, with an advantage for [k] over [J] deletion (31% vs. 18% correct, respec­ chokuon, namely those ending with the vowel ft!. The second kana, tively). Spagnoletti et al.'s first-graders performance was overall better written in reduced size, is always a chokuon of the l\l initial column, than Mann's ones, but showed the same effect of phoneme type (67% (for example Ml + /ja/ -* j|ja/ ^ + -^ -> -S J$ ). 5 vs. 57% correct for [k] and [/], respectively). This performance pattern Endo (1991) showed mat me better Japanese preschoolers can read and is the opposite of the one found in Western children (Content, 1984), compose yoon syllables, the better they can detect phonemes. But her and is consistent with a kana-based strategy consisting in replacing the evidence is not conclusiveftsince a relatively good performance on initial CV kana by the corresponding V kana standing in the same row phoneme detection can be obtained by illiterate people who fail at more of the gojuonzu matrix. Indeed, [k] initial characters are spatially closer stringent tests of phonemicfawareness like consonant deletion or pho­ to vocalic characters than [!]; moreover, the majority of [J] initial moras neme reversal (Morais, J99Ê:Morais & Kolinsky, 1994, 1995; Morais, are spelled by means of digraphs made of the kana for [Ji] followed Kolinsky, Alegria, & Scliar^Eabral, submitted). either by that of [fa], Oral or [jo], which renders the vowel kana substi­ The hypothesis that noni-àlphabetic phonographic systems may elicit tution strategy less easy to apply efficiently. phonemic awareness if they present some useful alphabetic cues is thus not unequivocally supported. As acknowledged by Mann, her own From the results of phoneme counting or deletion studies, it thus 1 appears that Japanese first-graders are not aware of phonemes. Never­ results are ambiguous: me fourth-graders of her study may have been theless, considering the fact that fourth-graders who had not yet learned able to discover a useful strategy during the training phase. As a matter the alphabet obtained, on phoneme counting, a higher score than first- of fact, by adding one fâpÉi; the number of kanas whenever the item graders, Mann (1986) suggested that learning a phonographic system, includes a mora that is notalvowel or /N/, a correct score of 88% could be reached.6 Thus, in the absence of further empirical evidence, Mann's

6^ This strategy is unable tofspé with the CVCV items in Mann's (1986) Ssa'ssff*™"'-*» material, since it would lead to|fltree rather than to four taps. 426 M::Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults All

(1986) proposal of a late maturation of the phonemic awareness capacity St-.;:;, too strong. A more conservative position would-be that only ihe speaking children may count one segment more in the pronunciation of learning of a system that explicitly represents phonemes elicits aware­ a word like "pitch" than in the pronunciation of "rich", e.g., Ehri, ness of these units. 1984; Ehri & Wiice, 1980; Perfetti, Beck, Bell, & Hughes, 1987; see In this theoretical framework, one may wonder whether learning the also Perin, 1983) and in experienced, mature readers (for example, alphabetic system after having first learned a non-alphabetic system American adults conceptualize the identity of alveolar flaps as a function would elicit the development of conscious phonemic representations up of their spelling rather than on a phonetic basis; see Ehri & Wilce, to a reasonable level. To our knowledge, up to now only a few studies 1986; see also other evidence in Treiman, 1985; Treiman & Cassar, addressed this question. 1997). Yet, over-reliance on the spelling of words seems to be observed mainly in cases where phonemic awareness is defective, as in dyslexies Holm and Dodd (1996), focusing mainly on literacy; acquisition in a (e.g., Campbell & Butterworth, 1985). Thus, Holm and Dodd (1996) second language, suggested that the non-alphabetic nature of the first- interpreted the over-reliance on spelling as a symptom of the Hong acquired writing system may have long-lasting detrimental effects on Kong participants' inability to detect phonemes rather than as the use of both phonological awareness abilities and the capacity to read and write an inappropriate strategy. Support for this view comes from the fact that an alphabetically written second language. These authors compared the the absence of orthographic information (i.e., of a known spelling), as performance of four groups of Australian students on ai series of tasks realized in a non-word phoneme counting task, did not ameliorate the that assessed phonological awareness and reading and spelling skills in Hong Kong participants' performance (about 20% correct). Since in English, a second language mastered by all the participants. One group addition they performed as well as the other groups in word reading and of participants was coming from Hong Kong, where: the alphabetic spelling but very poorly in reading and spelling non-words involving notation Hanyu Pinyin is not taught but where literacy in, the Chinese either frequent or infrequent graphemes (cf. Treiman, Goswami, & logographs is achieved through the use of a "look and:say" approach Brack, 1990), they seemed to use neither grapheme-phoneme conver­ with the whole character as the basic unit. A second group of partici­ sion nor an analogy process effectively. The authors concluded that pants was coming from the People's Republic of China^;jwhere children when the phonological awareness required for literacy in English had are first introduced to Pinyin as a transitional alphabet for learning liter­ not been developed in the first language, people learning English as a acy of the Chinese Iogographic system; participants offme. third group second language transfer their skills formed during first language liter­ were coming from Vietnam, where the first written language is an al­ acy acquisition to English, being limited, in the case of the Hong Kong phabet that uses Roman characters; the fourth group included Australian students, to poor phonological awareness and to a whole-word, visual participants whose first language was English. Holm and! Dodd showed reading and spelling strategy. that the Hong Kong students had limited phonological awareness com­ pared to the other groups, as well as difficulties in processing English­ Yet, one may find good alphabetic readers in adults having acquired like nonwords. In particular, the Hong Kong participants were much an alphabetically written second language. So, if one uses as criterion of poorer both for counting the number of phonemes in word stimuli with selection the participants' nonword reading score in their second, alpha­ a one-to-many phoneme to grapheme correspondence (like "whistle", in betic language, rather than only the nature (alphabetic versus non-alpha­ which the number of letters fails to correspond to the number of betic) of their first-acquired writing system, one may observe that the phonemes) and for producing spoonerisms on "letter-digraph" pairs of non-alphabetic nature of the first-acquired writing system does not pre­ stimuli like "soft cheese", relying far more than the other participants vent developing explicit phonemic representations later on, once an on spelling knowledge (e.g., responding "coft sheese" iiiistead of "choft alphabetic system has been taught. As a matter of fact, studying Chinese seese"). residents in the Netherlands who came mostly from Hong-Kong, de The influence of orthography on phonemic judgments is commonly Gelder, Vroomen, and Bertelson (1993) contrasted a "non-alphabetic" observed in first-languageusers , both in children (for example, English- group of participants who could only read Chinese characters with an "alphabetic" group of participants who had since their arrival in the 428 M. Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 429

'ritvj;: | Netherlands acquired some basic Dutch reading ability. The authors ob­ : ' III served that on phonemic awareness tests (e.g., deleting the initial con­ phoneme deletion, it cannoit;b'e carried out by using non-phonemic sonant from Dutch pseudowords) the "alphabetic" participants obtained strategies (Content, Kolinsky, Morais, & Bertelson, 1986) and since it far better scores than the "non-alphabetic" ones (e.g., for initial-conso­ implies both segmentation and fusion processes as well as some phono­ nant deletion, on the average 69% vs. 14% correct, respectively). Like logical working memory, itflfehes on elaborated, stable metaphonolog­ the Holm and Dodd's (1996) results, this result clearly confirms the ical entities rather than ott|perceptual representations. As will be main conclusion from studies with illiterate adults that explicit phonemic explained in more details in the introduction sections to the experiments, representations do not develop spontaneously, but only when reading in­ reversal also provides an elegant and easy way of revealing the nature of struction is about an alphabetic system (see Adrian, Alegria, & Morais. the consciously manipulated units that are involved. Spontaneous refer­ 1995; Morais, Cary, Alegria, & Bertelson, 1979; Morais, Benelson, ence to either syllables, moras^or phonemes as well as to written charac­ Cary, & Alegria, 1986, for data on illiterate adults; see also Read, ters was investigated in Experiments 1 and 2. In Experiment 3, we Zhang, Nie, & Ding, 1986, for data on Chinese alphabetic vs. non- checked whether phonemic-based reversals can be easily induced in this alphabetic literates). Moreover, de Gelder et al.'s results suggest that Japanese multiliterate populàtîoh. learning the alphabetic system after having first learned a non-alphabetic system may elicit the development of conscious phonemic representa­ EXPERIMENT 1: IS THE PHONEME SPONTANEOUSLY tions, at least when the reader has achieved a reasonable level of alpha­ USED IN A REVERSAL TASK? betic reading competence. However, since the de Gelder et al.'s (1993) study was run with We know from previous studies that Japanese people can isolate Chinese participants, its conclusion may be valid only as far as morpho- syllabic or moraic units and^use them intentionally with great ease. graphic or logographic first-acquired writing systems like Chinese hanzi Therefore we expected that, «then involved in a reversal task on Japa­ and Japanese kanji are concerned. As we already have discussed, a nese pseudowords, they wouldjsspontaneously refer to syllables or moras moraic system like the Japanese kanas does afford its learners clear rather than to phonemes. This prediction was tested in the present infra-syllabic, metaphonological units, namely the moras. One may thus experiment. In addition, we wanted to check whether participants use a wonder whether Japanese adults who learned the alphabetic system after third strategy, namely, the reversal of graphic, kana characters. Thus, the Japanese kanjis and kanas would nevertheless develop explicit pho­ in addition to a simple VjCV|imaterial, we included some yoon items nemic representations, or whether they would still rely on moras in (V|CjV2) in the experiment. As shown in Table 1, since yoon are analyzing speech explicitly. written by means of two kanalstgns but count as one mora, reversing More specifically, the goal of the present study was to collect evi­ written, kana units would yielf^different responses than reversing pho­ dence on the relative prominence of different phonological units, namely nological units. syllables, moras, and phonemes, in the conscious mental representations of Japanese speech by Japanese adults who know both mora- and Method S phoneme-based writing systems. Using the methodology of the reversal task inspired by Alegria, Pignot, and Morais (1982), we asked the parti­ Participants. The participants were 20 adult native speakers of cipants to reverse Japanese-like pseudowords after the presentation of a Japanese, 19 females andonetjnale, aged 19 to 57 years old (mean age: short series of examples. The choice of this methodology was motivated 31.6), belonging to the middle or upper middle class. Among them, 18 by the fact that reversal stands among the most difficult metaphono­ were tested in Brussels, and two in Japan. Mostly because of their pro­ logical tasks (Carrillo, 1994; Yopp, 1988; see also Sasanuma, ho, fessional occupations, all the participants were well acquainted with at Patterson, & Ito, 1996) and consequently seems appropriate for the least one alphabetically written foreign language (mainly English but study of adults. In addition, unlike other difficult tasks such as initial also French. German, or Spanish). They all had higher education (up to 430 M. Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 431 CL

Table 1 ference with the other participants tested in Belgium, either in terms of Experiment 1: expected response types (with examples) according to differ­ their foreign language experience or in terms of their performance in the ent .-."...viice units tests. Material and procedure. Each participant was tested individually in a Stimulus type Example Reversal type ;; quiet room. The instructions were given in Japanese by a Japanese phoneme mora or kana female native speaker (the first author). The material, recorded by the syllable same speaker, was presented by means of an audio-tape. The required manipulation was a reversal operation. In order to observe the partici­ V1-#CV2 [emo] [ome] [moe] :!; [mbe] pants' spontaneous behavior, we merely asked them to reverse the items in the way they liked, without specific instruction or feedback correc­ &#> th hi. hi tion, then we presented them with 3 examples and 14 preparatory VjV2 trials, which were neutral as regards the nature of the reversed unit. Vl-#CjV2 fakjui) [uukja] [kjtua] ••;;/-' [jiukiaj In the experimental phase, 10 three-phonemes disyllabic bimoraic £>£? V 0 È-*? V|CV2 sequences were used. As shown in Table 1, this structure would give different responses according to the kind of unit (syllable or mora The sign "#" refers to the syllabic boundary and the sign "-" to the moraic vs. phoneme) taken as reference. Among these items, two included a boundary. yoon (V|CjV2), which, as also shown in Table 1, may reveal kana- The Japanese signs are the kana transcriptions of the stimuli and the responses. based reversals. With a few exceptions, the items and the expected responses were pseudowords. The experimental items were presented in a quasi-random order so as to avoid either sound or kana similarity be­ university) and had received formal education on English for 8.5 years, tween adjacent items. on the average (ranging from six to fifteen years), starting atfunior high In order to gain more information on the strategies they used, after school (except for three participants who started duringsielementary completion of the experiment the participants were invited to explain school) up to the university. Nine participants learned French in addi­ how they performed the task. This post-hoc interview was recorded for tion to English, for a mean of 2.9 years (range: 1-9 years). Among later transcription and analysis. them, one started during elementary school. Two participants had also learned Spanish (one for six months, the other one for on&iyear), and Results and discussion one participant had learned German (for two years). Besidéifbrmal edu­ As expected, in the preparatory phase the participants did not show cation, eleven subjects also have had informal, out of school experience any difficulty for reversing vowels: they performed, on the average, at with a western language, mainly during stays out of Japaiit:;Four sub­ 99.2% correct responses. The instructions to reverse the sequences were jects were teachers of English and one of Japanese. The participants' thus well understood. Figure 2 presents the percentages of each type of alphabetic reading experience was assessed by a test in which they were response observed on the experimental material, separately for V,CV invited to read aloud a short newspaper article, either in English or in 2 and for VjCjV stimuli. French, according to their own preference. Their reading was recorded 2 The vast majority of answers corresponded to syllable- or mora- for later analysis. The English reading test was corrected by

In any case, we may conclude that in a task involving an explicit manipulation of speech presented in such a way as to remain unclear on what basis the manipulation must be accomplished, Japanese speakers predominantly refer to the syllabic, moraic, or kana components of their mental representations, but?jbot to phonemes. Phonemes are definitely not the prevalent componentfebf the conscious speech representations of Japanese native speakers.

EXPERIMENT 2: M$RA- VERSUS SYLLABLE-BASED SPONTANEOUS REVERSALS

Figure 2. Experi­ In the former spontaneous reversal task, we observed that the vast ment J: percentage majority of responses consisted of mora- or syllable-based reversals, as of the different types opposed to phoneme-based reversals. While suggesting that the basic of correct reversal metaphonological unit of thelspecial, multiliterate, Japanese population responses. we tested is not the phoneme;'the results observed so far do not tell us In black: V,CV2 items; in gray: exactly which of the syllable! or the mora the participants tended to use VjCjV2 items. most spontaneously. The purpose of the present experiment was to specify whether it is the syllable or the mora which is the preferred metaphonological unit of Japanese speakers who, while being native speakers, have a long expérience with other, stress- or syllable-based languages like English and French. In order to examine this question, we used disyllabic three-moraic sequences, i.e., items in which the syl­ labic and moraic boundaries dp; not coincide. Indeed, as shown in Table mora or syllable phonemo kana 2, such items would lead to different reversal responses for reversing reverMl typa moras than for reversing either syllables or phonemes.

The responses to the items including a yoon did not pattern differ­ ently from those to the other items: inversions of written signs were Method virtually non-existent (only one case was observed). Since yoon are written with two kana characters but constitute one phonological unit (at Participants. The participants were 12 adults, 10 females and two both moraic and syllabic levels) for the Japanese speaker, one might males, aged from25 up to 58|êairs (mean: 35 yrs), among whom 7 par­ conclude that the participants did not refer to written units when they ticipated in the former experiment. The fresh participants presented the have the opportunity to base their response on the mora or the syllable. same characteristics of literacy, and foreign language experience as the Yet, during the post-hoc interviews, most participants (65%) reported others. Their mean duration of formal education on English (from junior that they did refer to written signs. Among them all but two reported high school till university) was 7 years, ranging from 6 to 9 years; their that they referred to kanas constantly (mostly hiragana). Thus, we can­ mean duration of additional formal education on French was 4 years, not rale out the possibility that participants processed the graphical com­ ranging from 3 to 5 years; 1 participant had learned English at elemen­ pounds (the yoon) as one unit, exactly like the other kanas. tary school for 4 years; 3 participants had also informal experience with 434 M: ffakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 435 western languages during stays abroad. Among those who had learned u-,u. iinglish and French, 2 had also learned German (I for i year, the Results and discussion other for 2 years), the latter having also learned Italian for I year. Four of them were language teachers (3 English teachers among whom 1 also As can be seen in Figure 3, mora-based reversals were far more taught French and 1 teacher of Japanese). numerous than syllable-based ones.8 Besides, no participant gave any phoneme-based response, despite the fact that at least some of the exam­ ples (the V,.#V ones) could induce phoneme-based reversals. All the Table 2 2 participants gave a majority of mora-based responses. However, two Experiment 2: expected response types (with examples) according to differ­ ent reference units participants out of 12 presented about half of syllable-based responses for the items with the V,CV2N structure, and four other participants gave at least one such response. On the contrary, no participant pre- Stimulus type Example Reversal type phoneme mora or kana syllable

V1-NWCV2 [iNpe] [epNi] [peNSJ [peiN]

V1-#CV2-N [useN] [Nesu] [Nseu) : I [seNu]

Figure 3. Experiment The sign "#" refers to the syllabic boundary and the sign:. V to! the moraic boundary. 2: percentage of the correct mora or syllable-based reversal responses In black: VXNCV2 Material and procedure. The test included 20 experimental items, items; in gray which were constructed by adding to each experimental item used in V\CV2N items. Experiment 1 the moraic nasal phoneme /N/ either after the first vowel (leading to 10 V,-N-#CV2) or at the end of the item;(leading to 10 V,- 7 #CV2-N). Before being presented with this material, participants had been presented with Vj-#CVj (/oda/ and /azu/) or V,-#V2 (/oa/ and /au/), in which syllabic and moraic boundaries do coincide. The other aspects of the material construction and of the procedure'were similar to those of the former experiment, except that no post-hoc interview was administered.

mora-basod syllaWo-bawd rewiatlYfM 7. Henceforth, the sign "If" will refer to the syllabic boundary, and the sign "-" to the moraic boundary. "«« groupedlosaher. ' ""WB' Consequent, bothstracniri Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 437 436 M. Nakamura et al.

We were in particular interested in checking whether they would use sented a single syllable-based response to V|NCV items. This response 2 gojuonzu-Iike table-based strategies, as was already suggested by pattern is most probably linked to the fact that mora-based reversals of Spagnoletti et al.'s (1989))study on monolingual Japanese children. A V,CV N items, although pronounceable without difficulty, would give 2 quantitative and qualitative analysis of the participants' responses, com­ /N/ initial sequences, which are non-existent in Japanese (see Table 2). bined with examination of their introspective reports, might reveal such The present pattern of results thus shows that Japanese native procedures. If the participants were using an orthographic, table-based speakers well acquainted with foreign languages like French and English strategy, the most difficult items to deal with will be those including a use the mora to a much greater extent than the syllable when required to yoon, since in this case the table-based localizations and replacement of perform an explicit manipulation of speech sequences. In addition, while the units are not straightforward. Furthermore, it was predicted that the the syllabic structure is available to them, as suggested by the fact that participants' response types to [the yoon items would differ as a function they sometimes resort to it when a mora-based reversal would lead to an of their strategies. As a matter of fact, whereas a V2CjV| response illicit sequence (as was the case for the V(CV2N items), the majority of (e.g., /apjo/) to a VjCjV^Jitem (e.g., /opja/) may be obtained on the participants prefer to produce such illegal sequences than legal syllable- basis of a visual, table-based;-strategy (see Figure 1), a V2iCV( response based sequences. These results are thus coherent with those observed on (e.g., /aipo/) would be almost impossible to reach using such a strate­ monolingual monoliterates in revealing the mora as the Japanese speak­ gy.5 ers' most prevalent metaphonological unit. The participants' response types to some other special items would a!" differ according to their strategy. This should be the case with item? including a palatal fricative or affricate in the middle position. In­ EXPERIMENT 3: INDUCED PHONEMIC REVERSAL TASK deed, in Japanese a number of consonants are pronounced with a palatal friction when followed by Ée vowel /i/. For example, before HI, the [J] The results of Experiment 1 showed that Japanese native speakers, sound corresponds to the allophone of the phoneme Is/. What is inter­ even when knowing an alphabetic, phoneme-based, writing system are esting for our purpose is that in the gojuonzu table (see Figure 1), the not prone to spontaneously refer to phonemes when they are asked to kana representing [/,) standsjpnime i row of the sa column, implying that reverse VCV sequences. Coherently, in Experiment 2, while at least [Ji] belongs to the same phonological category as [sa], namely, the cate­ some of the examples (the Vj.#V ones) could induce phoneme-based 2 gory of all the syllables; orporas, that begin with the same consonantal reversal, a phonemic strategy was never observed. Besides, participants phoneme. However, the Japanese language allows sequences in which were found to prefer mora- over syllable-based reversals, even when the the sound [/j appears before other vowels than /!/, namely before /a/, mora-based operation led to an illicit sequence. Yet, none of these two lut, and loi, which is not usually the case with allophonic variants. sets of results implies that Japanese native speakers well acquainted with Japanese scholars agree to describe [Jf] as the allophonic realization of an alphabetic language would be unable to resort to phonemes when /si/ whereas the sequences jfàj;| [fui], and fjo] correspond phonemicaliy induced explicitly to do so. to /sja/, /sju/, and /sjb/ (e|£ j Shibatani, 1990). Coherently, in kana Experiment 3 aimed at examining this possibility by inducing partici­ orthography the sequences fjfai]J [Jul], and [Jo] are each transcribed by pants to perform phoneme reversals. It was also aimed at determining whether the units involved in the reversal operation correspond to pho­ nological or to orthographic units. Indeed, given that our participants were all well acquainted with at least one alphabetic orthography, we 9. This implied that we did not take position as for the linguistically mono- expected them to be able to manipulate phonemes under request. But phonemic (one palatalized consonant) or bi-phonemic (C followed by the glide since alphabetic writing is not their first learned writing system, they /j/) status of the sequence Cj. Besides, for this latter alternative, the reversal of e.g. /opja/ was transcribed as atV2iCV, response (namely, /aipo/) because /Vj/ might tend to resort to written kanas or to the alphabetic romaji spelling sequences do not exist in Japanese; when performing a phonemic, hence perhaps difficult, task. 438 M: Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 439

means of a compound kana, namely, the kana for [Ji], written in full consisted of 10 V,CV2 sequences, 6 V1CjV2 yoon items, and 4 items size, followed by the kana for fja], fjrjj], or (jo], respectively, written in including palatal fricative or affricate in the middle position ([a/i], [atji], u iijialler size than the first one. The same reasoning; holds true for the [od3i],and[ed3i]). affricates [tf] and [d3] (see hnada, 1990; Koizumi, 1978; J1989). For The other aspects of the material construction and of the procedure example, [tji] corresponds to /ti/, whereas [tja], [tlui:],; and [tjo] corre­ 10 were similar to those of the two former experiments. As in Experiment spond to /tja/, /tju/, and /tjo/, respectively. Thus, participants using an 1, after completion of the experiment, the participants were asked to ex­ orthographic, table-based strategy, would tend to show more phonemic- plain how they performed the task. This post-hoc interview was re­ like reversals (e.g., [isa] when presented the item (a/i]).than participants corded for later transcription and analysis. using the alphabetic romaji spelling. This prediction relies on the fact that the phonemic-like response [isa] may result from a quite simple Results and discussion visual cell interchange in the gojuonzu table (see Figure 1), whereas the romaji spelling, which gives an almost allophonic transcription, could When induced to perform a phoneme-based reversal operation, Japa­ 11 lead to the phonetic-like response [ija]- Similarly; [bd3l] should be nese adults are quite able to do so. Indeed, they obtained 79.5% correct, reversed as [idzoj if the reference were table cells, whereas it could be on the average. Yet, there was a strong effect of item type: performance reversed as [idgo] if the participants were relying on the alphabetic was clearly superior for the VCV than for the VCjV structure, with on romaji spelling. the average 88 vs. 59% correct responses, respectively, r(l9)= 4.47, p <.0001. Method The use of orthographic table-based strategies, i.e., of an interchange of table cells instead of a genuine reversal of phonemes, could be Participants. The twenty participants were the same as in Experiment responsible for the low scores recorded for the VCjV items. Indeed, for these items the correct answer requires a rather complex cells inter­ change. Material and procedure. We induced participants to perform a pho­ In the post-hoc interview, resort to a strategy referring to the whole neme reversal by presenting them with a series of 10 :VjCV2 examples or to part of a gojuonzu-like table was acknowledged by the majority which were reversed as V2CVj responses. The 20 experimental trials (60%) of the participants. Two major table-based techniques that are very much alike were reported. In one technique, the participants re­ called either the whole gojuonzu table or the relevant part of it, local­ 10. There is however an alternative approach in which the palatal sound before ized the heard units, and exchanged the kana cells of the two different lit and the alveolar affricate sounds before /a/, lui, and fol ve considered as columns of the same row. For example, as illustrated by a participant's corresponding to the same phoneme, noted Id. Accordingly, while /ci/ is sketch presented in Figure 4, die item /uke/ was analyzed as the lui cell pronounced [tfi], the phonemic sequences leal, /cu/ and :/co/ ; should be of the a-column, «-row; followed by the /ke/ cell of the ifca-column, e- pronounced [tea], [tsui], and [tso], respectively. The phonetic sequences [tja], row. Then the lui was substituted by the unit that corresponded to that [tJai] and [tjo] are then phonemically analyzed as /cja/, Vcju/ and /cjo/, respectively (e.g., Hattori, 1979; Nakajo, 1989; The National Language of the column of the /ke/ but of the same row as the /u/, which gives Research Institute, 1990). /ku/. The same reasoning is applied to the /ke/ which is replaced by lei, 11. This is only true for the standard (also called Hepburn) system. For some the net result being the correct: response /eku/. The other technique is kanas there are two alphabetic spellings, the second one being the kunrei (or similar, except that participants reported that they first prolonged the Nihon) system, which is based on the phonemic transcription». But even if die final mora so as to extract the final vowel (e.g., /ukeee/ -> /e/). kunrei system is taught at school, it is the standard system which is the most Interestingly, some participants (20%) also mentioned the fact that they often used in everyday life, and which we refer to in our discussion and in the data analysis. sometimes used a table representation that included romaji characters.

i 440 M. Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 441

romaji spelling. Inversely^;phonemic-like response ([isa]), which may result from a quite simple visual cell interchange in a gojuonzu-like da table, were the dominant response only in the table-based group of ka ^ 1h a IY" participants. As shown in Figure 6, there was a significant interaction W .? U i h between strategy and reversal | type for the items including a friction, di V. 7 F(l, 13) = 89.97,/» < .COOL: " u 7- i t du

i Z de T ~> * ? fc ' do nT-

Figure 4. Example of a participant's sketch made during the post-hoc inter­ view. The example on the left illustrates the kana table-based strategy used to reverse the items /uke/ into /eku/; the example on die right shows how /edo/ was reversed into /ode/ by reference to the kana table (the alphabetic transcriptions are added - Romaji-Nihon system).

Even if a table-based strategy becomes rather complex when in­ volving VCjV items, the mean score observed on the participants having reported to use table-based representations was not lower than that of the 30% of the participants who reported to use exclusively the romaji spelling as visual support (on the average, 57% vs. 51%, respectively). Nevertheless, as predicted, the first, table-based, group only gave V2CjV, responses, whereas the second group, using the romaji spelling strategy, showed 24% V2iCVj and 28% V2CjV, reversals. As may be seen in Figure 5, there was a small but significant interaction between the reported strategy and the type of reversal of yoon items, F(l, 13) = 4.59,p <.05. The fact that the medial consonant presented a friction (e.g., [a/i])

did not reduce significantly the performance level in comparison to the table-Sasedgroup alphabetic spelrïng-based group other VCV items (85% vs. 89% correct, respectively, t(19) = 1.06). participants grouped as a function of their reported strategy However, as predicted, the response type did vary as a function of the reported strategy: phonetic-like responses (pfa]) were absent in the par­ Figure 5. Reversal response types of the participants to items including a yoon ticipants having reported to use a table-based strategy, whereas it was (V1CJV2) as a function of their reported strategy. In black: VgCVj responses; the predominant response for the participants who reported using the in gray: VjCJVj responses. 442 M. \Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 443

Thus, despite their fairly good ability to perform conscious opera­ tions at the phoneme level on Japanese-like utterances when induced to do so by explicit examples, many Japanese adults speakers who are alphabetic literates living in a foreign country prefer a strategy based on the gojuonzu table to a phonemic or an alphabetic strategy. Thus, the nature of the first acquired writing system seems to exert a strong, per­ vasive influence on the native speaker's metaphonological behaviour in their native language.

GENERAL DISCUSSION

The present investigation aimed at examining the nature of metapho­ nological units used by Japanese adult speakers who also have an ad­ vanced knowledge of alphabetic languages like French and/or English. The analysis of reversal performances reveals that the mora is the most prominent unit, but that the syllable can also be used as a spontaneous reference unit when the mora fails to give a satisfactory result. The participants showed to be also quite able to perform the reversal operation on the phoneme level when explicitly instructed to do so. However, introspective reports revealed that the majority of participants spontaneously imagined a gojuonzu-like table while performing the phoneme-oriented reversal task. As a matter of fact, they mainly re­ lablo-based group alphabetic spolltng-based group ported a strategy which consists of an interchange of kana cells instead participants grouped as • function of their reported strategy of a reversal of phonemes. The use of such a strategy was pointed out in Figure 6. Reversal response types of the participants to items including a the participants' results by several facts. As predicted, we observed that friction (e.g., [afi]) as a function of their reported strategy. In black: phonemic- the most difficult items to deal with were those including a yoon, for like responses like [isa]; in gray:phonetic-like responses tike [ifà]. which no simple cell interchange is possible in a gojuonzu-like table. Furthermore, the participants who reported such a table-based strategy showed qualitatively distinct responses for the yoon items as well as for Besides, it is worth noting that in the group of participants who used items including a friction than participants who reported a romaji the romaji spelling, some responses to these special items revealed a spelling-based strategy. It is worth noting however that in neither case purely letter-oriented strategy. This is for instance the case for the the type of strategy used by the participant affected his/her overall per­ reversal of [atji] into [i:ka]. As a matter of fact, given the Romaji tran­ formance level. Even for difficult items like yoons, participants resort­ scription achi, reversing letters yields ihca, with the letter h indicating ing to a table-based strategy were not poorer at the reversal task than vowel length. Other participants, while responding [ika], ;explained that participants resorting to the romaji spelling. they didn't pronounce the "h". Such errors were never observed in the The rather indirect path used by many participants to accomplish the participants who relied on a table-based strategy. task shows that for them phonemes perse ire not easily accessible meta­ phonological units. But at the same time, the identification of the rele- 444 M. Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 445 vant cells to be interchanged in the kana matrix does imply the ability to kind, thus transforming :the phoneme into a syllable deletion task recognize that a CV kana can be analyzed as a consonant followed by a (Huang & Hanley, 1995). vowel, and that a vowel can be associated to an initial consonant to give Since one does not know whether such adaptations will hold true for a new CV kana, which amounts to the ability to perform metalinguistic the kind of population we tested, namely for highly proficient bilinguals operations at the phonemic level. Thus, despite the fact that the Japa­ and biliterates, any cross-language testing should use severely controlled nese participants we examined have a rich experience with alphabet­ material. In any case, the important point is that even with a native ically written languages, most of them do not use the same access proce­ language-like materiallikéjthe one we used, the language-specific proce­ dures to the segmental units represented by the French or English ortho­ dures adopted by the participants are powerful enough to allow a quite graphies as native learners do, but prefer to use the spelling resources of reasonable level of r*rformance in metaphonemic analysis. their native language. However, since in the present study bilingualism and biliteracy were Since the present study was run with Japanese-like pseudowords, confounded, further investigations should examine the possible effects further investigation will have to assess whether such a behaviour will of bilingualism per selon phonological awareness. As a matter of fact, also be observed with a non-native material, for instance with English­ several studies have suggested! that second language learning can accel­ like pseudowords. However, such investigation should take into account erate phonological awareness! but this notion has received little and the fact that non-native listeners' performances might be biased by the even mixed empirical support, at least as far as phonemic analysis (e.g.. way they perceive and/or conceptualize the stimuli, which itself depends Brack & Genesee, 1995; jCampbell & Sais, 1995; Rubin & Turner, on the phonological characteristics of their native language. For exam­ 1989) rather than more general linguistic awareness (e.g., Bialystok, ple, when the mother tongue does not include consonant clusters in 1988, 1997; Galambos & Golilin-Meadow, 1990) is concerned. Never­ syllables, as it is the case in Japanese and in several Chinese languages, theless, replication of ourj study with a group of fluent speakers of European words are typically broken up so that each consonant has its Japanese whose first orthography was not kana (e.g., returnees from own syllable (Wang, 1973). This is quite evident for printed words. For English-speaking countries) may help us in disentangling the effects of example, Chinese renders the name "Clinton" with three characters bilingualism and those of biliteracy. Whereas the language-specific representing three syllables: kuh-lin-ton (cf. Huang & Hanley, 1995). procedures used by the participants were based on their kana reading Epenthetic vowels are also frequent in Japanese written representation competence, it is at least possible that their bilingualism makes them of European words (for example, "Clinton" would be written with five particularly proficient in devising smart, alternative ways to achieve characters: metaphonemic analysis. ' ku-ri-n-to-n ( J \) y \* y ).

The same phenomenon of vowel epenthesis is described as far as spoken ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS language is concerned (for examples, see Shibatani, 1990). It seems to have profound implications in the domain of metaphonology and The present study was supported by the Human Frontier Science perhaps even in the perceptual domain (Dupoux, Kakehi, Hirose, grant (project entitled Processing consequences of contrasting language Pallier, & Mehler, submitted). For example, as regards metaphonology, phonologies) as well as by an "Action de Recherche Concertée", grant it has been shown that the ability to parse consonant clusters differs from the Direction Générale de la Recherche Scientifique-Communauté between Chinese and British children: whereas the latter perform better Française de Belgique; arid by the Belgian Fonds National de la on CVCC words initial phoneme deletion, Hong Kong children perform Recherche Scientifique j(F.NJELS.) - Loterie Nationale (convention n" better on CCVC words, most probably because these children implicitly 8.4505.92). When the jstudy was carried out, the first author was a introduce a vowel after the initial consonant in English words of this researcher of the Laboratoire dé Psychologie Expérimentale, Université 446 M. Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults 447

Libre de Bruxelles, and the third author was Research Assistant of the F.N.R.S. The second author is a Research Associate of the F.N.R.S. Content, A. (1984). L'analyse phonétique explicite de la parole et l'acquisition de la lecture. L'Année Psychologique, 84, 555-572. We thank Kazuaki Miyagishima and Kazuhiko Kakehi for very help­ Content, A., Kolinsky, R., Morais, J., & Bertelson, P. (1986). Phonetic seg­ ful rciuàji&i on an oral presentation of this study. We are ialso very mentation in prereaders: effect of corrective information. Journal of Experi­ grateful to Takashi Muto and Sumiko Sasanuma for their precious: com­ mental Child Psychology, 42. 49-12. ments and continuous encouragements from the beginning of this study, Cutler, A., & Otake, T. (1994). Mora or phoneme? Further evidence for to Frank Rupert for his help in evaluating participants' mastery of the language-specific listening. Journal of Memory and Language, 33, 824- English language, and to Michiko Makita and Naoko Sakurat for their 844. help in judging the Japanese sounds of the stimuli and responses. We de Gelder, B., Vroomen, J., & Bertelson, P. (1993). The effects of alphabetic- also express our special thanks to all the people who volunteered to reading competence on language representation in bilingual Chinese sub­ jects. Psychological Research, 55, 315-321. participate in the present study. Dupoux, E., Kakehi, K., Hirose. H. Pallier, C, & Mehler, J. (submitted). Epenthetic vowels in Japanese: a perceptual illusion? Dupoux, E., & Mehler, J. (1992). Unifying awareness and on-line studies of REFERENCES speech: A tentative framework. In J. Alegria, D. Holender, J. Junça de Morais, & M. Radeau (Eds.), Analytic approaches to human cognition (pp. 59-75). Amsterdam: North-Holland. Adrian, J. A., Alegria, J., & Morais, J. (1995). Metaphonological abilities of Ehri, L. C. (1984). How orthography alters spoken language competencies in Spanish illiterate adults. International Journal of Psychology, 30, 329-353. children learning to read and spell. In J. Downing & R. Valtin (Eds.), Alegria, J., Pignot, J., & Morais, J. (1982). Phonetic analysis of speech and Language awareness and learning to read (pp. 119-147). New York: memory codes in beginning readers. Memory and Cognition, 10, 451-456. Springer-Verlag. Amano, K. (1970). Go no on-in kozo no bunseki-koi no keisei to kanamoji no yomi no gakushu [Formation of the act of analyzing the phonemic structure Ehri, L. C, & Wilce, L. S. (1980). The influence of orthography on readers' 4 conceptualization of the phonemic structure of words. Applied Psycholin- of words and its relation to learning Japanese syllabic characters). Japa­ guistics, I, 371-385. nese Journal of Educational Psychology, 18. 76-89. Ehri, L. C, &. Wilce, L. S. (1986). The influence of spelling on speech: are Amano, K. (1986). Kodomo no kanamoji no shutoku-katei (The acquisition process of Japanese syllabic characters in children} *. Tokyo: Akiyama- alvolar flaps /d/ or IV. In D. Yaden & S. Templeton (Eds.), Metalinguistic shoten. awareness and beginning literacy (pp. 101-114). Portsmouth: Heinemann. Endo, M. (1991). Nihonjin yoji no in no kanjusei to yoon hyokiho no shutoku Amano, K. (1988). On-in bunseki to kodomo no literacy no shutoku [Acquisi­ [Phonological awareness of Japanese young children and learning to read tion of phonemic analysis and literacy of children] *. Annual Report of and write yoo-on]. * Japanese Journal of Educational Psychology, 39, 448- Educational Psychology in Japan, 27, 142-164. 454. Backman, J. (1983). The role of psycholinguistic skills in reading acquisition: Fujimura, O. (1966). Kotoba no kagaku [Science of language]. * Shizen, 21, A look at early readers. Reading Research Quarterly, 28. 466-479.; 48-53. Bialystok, E. (1988). Levels of bilingualism and levels of linguistic awareness. Developmental Psychology, 24, 560-567. Gaiambos, S. J., & Goldin-Meadow, S. (1990. The effects of learning two languages on levels of metalinguistic awareness. Cognition, 34, 1-56. Bialystok. E. (1997). Effects of bilingualism and biliteracy on children's Haraguchi, S. (1996). Syllable, mora and accent. In T. Otake & A. Cutler emerging concepts of print. Developmental Psychology, 33, 429-440. (Eds.), Phonological structure and language processing: Cross-linguistic Brack, M„ & Genesee, F. (1995). Phonological awareness in young; second language learners. Child Language. 22, 307-324. studies (pp. 45-75). Berlin: Mouton de Gniyter. Hatano, G., & Inagaki, K. (1992). Yoji no on-in ishtki: sono 2. Shiritori wo Campbell, R., & Sais, E. (1995). Accelerated metalinguistic (phonological) awareness in bilingual children. British Journal of Developmental, Psychol­ toshite [Phonological awareness in Japanese children, No.2: Through the ogy. 13, 61-68. verbal game, shiritori] . Proceedings of the 56th Annual Convention of the Japanese Psychological Association. Doshisha University, Kyoto, 813. Carrillo, M. (1994). Development of phonological awareness and reading Hattori, S. (1990). On-inron to seishoho [Japanese phonology and ortho­ acquisition: A study in Spanish language. Reading and Writing, 6, 279-298. graphy. Rev. Ed.].4 Tokyo, Japan: Taishukan-shoten. Hayes, B. (1989). Compensatory lengthening in moraic phonology. Linguistic Inquiry, 20, 253-306. 448 M. Nakamura et al. Phonemic awareness in Japanese adults U9

Holm, A., & Dodd, B. (1996). The effect of first written language on the acquisition of English literacy. Cognition, 59, 119-147. reading: The evolution of current perspectives (pp. 31-71). New York: Springer-Verlag. Huang, H. S., & Hanley, J. R. (199S). Phonological awareness and visual skills in learning to read Chinese and English. Cognition, 54, 73-98. Morais, J. (1993). Phonemic awareness, language and literacy. In R. M. Joshi Hyman, L. (1985). A theory of phonological weight. Dordrecht: Foris. & C. K. Leong (Eds.), Reading disabilities; Diagnosis and component Imada, S. (1990). Hatsuon [Pronunciation]. In The Japan Foundation processes (pp. 175-184). Dordrecht: Kluwer. Japanese Language Institute (Ed.), Kyoshtyo nihongo handbook series, Vol. Morais, J., Bertelson, P., Cary; L., &. Alegria, J. (1986). Literacy training 6. Tokyo, Japan: Bonjin-sha. and speech segmentation. Cognition, 24, 45-64. Morais, J., Cary, L., Alegria;; J-, & Bertelson, P. (1979). Does awareness of Inagaki, K., & Hatano, G. (1992). Yoji no on-in ishiki: sono 1. Go no bunkai speech as a sequence of phones arise spontaneously? Cognition, 7, 323-331. wo toshite [Phonological awareness in Japanese children, N°l. Through a Morais, J.. & Kolinsky, R. (1992). In search of a paradigm for the study of segmentation task]. Proceedings of the 56th Annual Convention of the speech perceprual codes. IJomadas de Estudo dos Processus Cognitivos da Japanese Psychological Association. Doshisha University, Kyoto, 812. Sociedade Portuguesade Psicologia (pp. 113-135). Lisbonne: Astoria. Karnio, A., & Tonoike, S. (1979). Iimachigai no gengogaku [Linguistics of Morais, J., & Kolinsky, R.;:(1994; 1995). Perception and awareness in speech errors]. In K. Imai (Ed.), Gengo-shogai to gengo-riron [Speech phonological processing: Thé case of the phoneme. Cognition, 50, 287-297. disorders and linguistic theories}* (pp. 272-308), Tokyo, Japan: Taishukan- Also in J. Mehler & S. Franck (Eds.), Cognition on cognition (pp. 349- shoten. 359). Cambridge: MIT Press. Katada, F. (1990) On the representation of moras: Evidence from a language game. Linguistic Inquiry. 21, 641-646. Morais, J.. Kolinsky, R., Alegria, J., & Scliar-Cabral. L. (submitted). Al­ Koizumi. T. (1978). Nihongo no seishoho (Japanese Orthography}. * Tokyo, phabetic literacy and psychological structures. Morais, J., Kolinsky, R.,& Nakamura, M. (1996). The psychological reality Japan: Taishukan-shoten. of speech units in Japanese. In T. Otake & A. Cutler (Eds.), Phonological Koizumi, T. (1989). Onsei to on-in [Speech sounds and phones of the Japanese structure and language processing: Cross-linguistic studies (pp. 203-216). language]. In M. Sugito (Ed.), Koza nihongo to nihongo kyoiku, dai 2-kan: Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. j Nihongo no onsei, on-in Qo) [Japanese language and its education, vol. 2, Muraishi, S., & Amano, K. (1972). Yoji no yomi-kaki noryoku [Reading and 4 Speech sounds and phonological issues of Japanese language}4 (pp. 1-20). writing ability of Japanese pre-school children]. (Report No. 45), Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan: Meijt-shoin. Japan: the National Language Research Institute: Tokyo-shoseki. Muto, T. (1987). Relationship between kana character reading and verbal Kolinsky, R. (1998). Spoken word recognition: A stage-processing approach game playing in Japanese young children. Paper presented at the 9th to language differences. The European Journal of Cognitive Psychology, Biennial Meetings of the International Society for the Study of Behavioral 10, 1-40. Development, Tokyo. Kolinsky, R., & Morais, J. (1996). Migrations in speech recognition. Language and Cognitive Processes (special issue, A Guide to Spoken Word Nakajo, O. (1989). Nihongo m>\ pn-in to akusento (Japanese phonological Recognition Paradigms), 11, 611-619. issues and accents]*. Tokyo, Japan: Keiso-shobo. Kolinsky, R., Morais, J., & Cluytens, M. (1995). Intermediate representations Otake, T.. & Hatano, G. (1994). A model of speech perception in Japanese. in spoken word recognition: Evidence from word illusions. Journal of Dokkyo International Review, ^377-401. Memory and Language. 34, 19-40. Otake, T.. Hatano, G., &. Yoneyama, K. (1996). Speech segmentation by Japanese listeners. In T. Otake & A. Cutler (Eds.), Phonological structure Kolinsky, R-, Nakamura, M., Morais, J., & Cluytens, M. (in preparation). and language processing: Cross-linguistic studies (pp. 183-201). Berlin: Perceptual units of speech processingrhr Japanese: Evidence from word illusions. Mouton de Gruyter. Otake. T., Hatano, G., Cutler, A., & Mehler, J. (1993). Mora or syllable? Kubozono, H. (1992). Nihongo no mora: Sono yakuwari to tokusei [Japanese Speech segmentation in Japanese. Journal of Memory and Language, 32, mora: Its role and properties]. In S. Haraguchi (Ed.), Nihongo no mora to 258-278. onsetsu-kozo ni kansuru sogotefd kenkyu) [A comprehensive study on the Perfetti, C. A., Beck. I.. Bell; ij C, & Hughes, C. (1987). Phonemic structure cfthe Japanese mora and syllable]*, (pp. 48-61). Nagoya, Japan: knowledge and learning to read are reciprocal: A longittdinal study of first- Nanzan University. grade children. Merrill-Palmer•Quarterly, 33, 283-319. Mann, V. (1986). Phonological awareness: The role of reading experience. Perin, D. (1983). Phonemic segmentation and spelling. British Journal of Psy­ Cognition, 24. 65-92. chology, 74, 129-144. Morais, J. (1991). Phonological awareness: A bridge between language and literacy, fa D. J. Sawyer & B. J. Fox (Eds.), Phonological awareness in 450 M. Nakamura et al. ^S^^010^ Cognitive/ Read. C, Zhang, Y., Nie, H., & Ding, B. (1986). The ability to manipulate speech sounds depends on knowing alphabetic reading. Cognition, 24. 31- 44. •'! \ ?S. Rubin, H., & Turner, A. (1989). Linguistic awareness skills in grade one vi.uàren in a French immersion setting. Reading and Writing, 1, 73-86. Sasanuma, S., Ito, H., Patterson, K., & Ito, T. (1996). Phonological alexia in Japanese: A case study. Cognitive Neuropsychology, 13, 823-848. The developmental role of rhymes a„H Shibatani, M. (1990). The languages of Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ routmesforco« versity Press. Spagnoletti, C, Morais, J., Alegria, J., & Dominicy, M. (1989). Metaphonological abilities in Japanese children. Reading and Writing, 2, Sarah No i . 221-244. rgate G]ynMCoII 2andvickyLewis] Sugito, M. (1989). Onsetsu ka hafcu ka [Syllable or mora?]: Choon, hatsuon, sokuon. In M. Sugito (Ed.), Koza nihongo to nihongo kyoiku, dm 2-kan: j- Open University, u K. Nihongo no onsei, on-in

Received 23 May, 1997 Accepted 12 December 1997