Why Were the Balkans a Problem Area Before 1914?
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REDEFINING EUROPE-AFRICA RELATIONS Contents
The European Union’s relations with the African continent are facing distinct challenges, with the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic making it all the more evident that the prevail- ing asymmetry is no longer REDEFINING acceptable as we move into the future. EUROPE-AFRICA This analysis takes a closer RELATIONS look at economic relations between the European Union Robert Kappel and Africa, which for some time now have been on a January 2021 downward trajectory, and addresses the impact of the global pandemic at the same time. Additionally, the paper outlines the current political cooperation between the two continents and evaluates the EU’s recent strategy pro- posal. Lastly, the key aspects of more comprehensive stra- tegic cooperation between Europe and Africa are iden tified. REDEFINING EUROPE-AFRICA RELATIONS Contents Summary 2 1 EU-AFRICAN ECONOMIC RELATIONS 3 2 EFFECTS OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC ON AFRICAN ECONOMIES 14 3 COOPERATION WITH AFRICA: FROM LOMÉ TO A COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGY WITH AFRICA 18 4 FORGING A STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ACTION 20 Résumé: Paving the Way for a New Africa-Europe Partnership 28 Literature 30 1 FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG – REDEFINING EUROPE-AFRICA RELATIONS Summary The European Union’s (EU) relations with the African conti- This paper begins by describing the EU’s current economic nent are facing a distinct set of challenges. Contrary to the relations with Africa (Chapter 1), which have been on a expectations of both African and European governments, downward trajectory for quite some time already. The ef- the pending negotiations between the partners are now fects of the Covid-19 pandemic are then outlined in Chap- being put to the test like never before. -
Opening up Europe's Public Data
The European Data Portal: Opening up Europe’s public data data.europa.eu/europeandataportal it available in the first place? What we do And in what domains, or A third of European across domains and across More and more volumes of countries are leading the countries? Also in what data are published every day, way with solid policies, language should the data be every hour, every minute, every licensing norms, good available? second. In every domain. portal traffic and many local Across every geography, small initiatives and events Value focuses on purpose, or big. The amount of data re-use and economic gains of across the world is increasing Open Data. Is there a societal exponentially. A substantial gain? Or perhaps a demo- amount of this data is cratic gain? How many new collected by governments. Public Sector Information jobs are created? What is the is information held by the critical mass? Value is there. The European Data Portal public sector. The EU Directive The question is how big? harvests the metadata on the re-use of Public (data about the data) of Sector Information provides Public Sector Information a common legal framework The Portal available on public data and for a European market for geospatial portals across government-held data. It is The first official version of European countries. Portals built around the key pillars of the European Data Portal is can be national, regional, the internal market: free flow available since February 2016. local or domain specific. of data, transparency and fair Within the Portal, sections are They cover the EU Member competition. -
Vladimir Paounovsky
THE B ULGARIAN POLICY TTHE BB ULGARIAN PP OLICY ON THE BB ALKAN CCOUNTRIESAND NN ATIONAL MM INORITIES,, 1878-19121878-1912 Vladimir Paounovsky 1.IN THE NAME OF THE NATIONAL IDEAL The period in the history of the Balkan nations known as the “Eastern Crisis of 1875-1879” determined the international political development in the region during the period between the end of 19th century and the end of World War I (1918). That period was both a time of the consolidation of and opposition to Balkan nationalism with the aim of realizing, to a greater or lesser degree, separate national doctrines and ideals. Forced to maneuver in the labyrinth of contradictory interests of the Great Powers on the Balkan Peninsula, the battles among the Balkan countries for superiority of one over the others, led them either to Pyrrhic victories or defeats. This was particularly evident during the 1912-1913 Balkan Wars (The Balkan War and The Interallied War) and World War I, which was ignited by a spark from the Balkans. The San Stefano Peace Treaty of 3 March, 1878 put an end to the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878). According to the treaty, an independent Bulgarian state was to be founded within the ethnographic borders defined during the Istanbul Conference of December 1876; that is, within the framework of the Bulgarian Exarchate. According to the treaty the only loss for Bulgaria was the ceding of North Dobroujda to Romania as compensa- tion for the return of Bessarabia to Russia. The Congress of Berlin (June 1878), however, re-consid- ered the Peace Treaty and replaced it with a new one in which San Stefano Bulgaria was parceled out; its greater part was put under Ottoman control again while Serbia was given the regions around Pirot and Vranya as a compensation for the occupation of Novi Pazar sancak (administrative district) by Austro-Hun- - 331 - VLADIMIR P AOUNOVSKY gary. -
The Balkan Wars 1912-13’ Nov
Studying the Ottomans: Section 2: Ottomans in the Modern World (19th -early 20th C.) Revolution in the Caliphate: conflict, refugees and challenges to survival ‘The Balkan Wars 1912-13’ Nov. 19-21 Balkan Wars 1912-13 Crisis in the Balkans 1912-13 (also origin WWI 1914): - ‘roots’ in Treaty of Berlin (1878) [Week Oct. 22-26, Additional Rdgs] - conference chaired by Bismark (newly unified Germany) to establish his value as ‘new player’ in European game imperialism - ‘mediated’ between Russia (had established several puppet states in Balkans as consequence of 19th c. wars against Ottomans) and…. Balkan Wars 1912-13 …. And European Powers (worrying about degree to which Russian victories over Ottomans posed threat to them: ‘balance of power’ issues…) - Balkan states ‘parceled out like prizes at gigantic raffle party’ [Quataert] - Quataert points to importance in terms of showing European Power to carve up maps irrespective of peoples’ culture, ethnicity, religion, language Balkan Wars 1912-13 - Bulgaria: ‘autonomous’ but ‘tributary principality’ under the Sultan, with a Christian government, militia - Bosnia, Herzegovina: occupied, administered by Austria-Hungary who has right to garrisons, military and commercial roads BUT remained ‘vilayet of Bosnia’ in Ottoman Empire - Montenegro, Serbia, Romania ‘independent’: but with specific conditions regarding respect for different religions (worship, public employment etc); Romania lost Bessarabia to Russia Balkan Wars 1912-13 - full significance not seen until those thusly ‘managed’ (Balkan States -
Bill Clinton, the Bosnian War, and American Foreign Relations in the Post-Cold War Era, 1992-1995
VISIONARY POLICY: BILL CLINTON, THE BOSNIAN WAR, AND AMERICAN FOREIGN RELATIONS IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA, 1992-1995 James E. CovinGton III A thesis submitted to the faculty at the UniveRsity of NoRth CaRolina at Chapel Hill in paRtial fulfillment of the RequiRements foR the deGRee of MasteR of Arts in the Military History program in the DepaRtment of HistoRy. Chapel Hill 2015 AppRoved by: Michael C. MoRgan Wayne E. Lee Joseph W. Caddell © 2015 James E. CovinGton III ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT James E. CovinGton III: VisionaRy Policy: Bill Clinton, the Bosnian WaR, and AmeRican Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era, 1992-1995 (Under the direction of Michael C. MoRGan) Bill Clinton assumed office duRinG a particularly challenging peRiod of AmeRican histoRy. AfteR the fall of the Soviet Union, the United States enjoyed a period of unprecedented power and authority. Clinton was elected to office laRGely for his domestic policies, howeveR, his vision foR AmeRica’s position in the post-Cold War woRld steeRed his foReign policy, particularly with respect to Europe. Clinton’s vision was moRe inclusive and encompassinG than that of his predecessor, George H. W. Bush. During the post-Cold WaR yeaRs, Bush was moRe inclined to let EuRope soRt out theiR own pRoblems, particularly in the case of Bosnia. Clinton, however, was moRe willing to see post-Cold WaR EuRopean pRoblems as AmeRican issues. The Bosnian WaR RepResents a point wheRe these two ideals collided. Guided by this vision, Clinton oveRcame challenGes fRom the EuRopean Community, political adveRsaRies, and even his own public en Route to inteRveninG in Bosnia. -
Europe-Africa Fixed Link Through the Strait of Gibraltar
ECOSOC Resolution 2007/16 Europe-Africa fixed link through the Strait of Gibraltar The Economic and Social Council, Recalling its resolutions 1982/57 of 30 July 1982, 1983/62 of 29 July 1983, 1984/75 of 27 July 1984, 1985/70 of 26 July 1985, 1987/69 of 8 July 1987, 1989/119 of 28 July 1989, 1991/74 of 26 July 1991, 1993/60 of 30 July 1993, 1995/48 of 27 July 1995, 1997/48 of 22 July 1997, 1999/37 of 28 July 1999, 2001/29 of 26 July 2001, 2003/52 of 24 July 2003 and 2005/34 of 26 July 2005, Referring to resolution 912 (1989), adopted on 1 February 1989 by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe,1 regarding measures to encourage the construction of a major traffic artery in south-western Europe and to study thoroughly the possibility of a fixed link through the Strait of Gibraltar, Referring also to the Declaration and work programme adopted at the Euro -Mediterranean Ministerial Conference, held in Barcelona, Spain, in November 1995 and aimed at connecting the Mediterranean transport networks to the trans-European network so as to ensure their interoperability, Referring fu rther to the plan of action adopted at the Summit marking the tenth anniversary of the Euro -Mediterranean Partnership, held in Barcelona in November 2005, which encouraged the adoption, at the first Euro -Mediterranean Ministerial Conference on Transport, held in Marrakech, Morocco, on 15 December 2005, of recommendations for furthering cooperation in the field of transport, Referring to the Lisbon Declaration adopted at the Conference on Transport in the -
Asia-Europe Connectivity Vision 2025
Asia–Europe Connectivity Vision 2025 Challenges and Opportunities The Asia–Europe Meeting (ASEM) enters into its third decade with commitments for a renewed and deepened engagement between Asia and Europe. After 20 years, and with tremendous global and regional changes behind it, there is a consensus that ASEM must bring out a new road map of Asia–Europe connectivity and cooperation. It is commonly understood that improved connectivity and increased cooperation between Europe and Asia require plans that are both sustainable and that can be upscaled. Asia–Europe Connectivity Vision 2025: Challenges and Opportunities, a joint work of ERIA and the Government of Mongolia for the 11th ASEM Summit 2016 in Ulaanbaatar, provides the ideas for an ASEM connectivity road map for the next decade which can give ASEM a unity of purpose comparable to, if not more advanced than, the integration and cooperation efforts in other regional groups. ASEM has the platform to create a connectivity blueprint for Asia and Europe. This ASEM Connectivity Vision Document provides the template for this blueprint. About ERIA The Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA) was established at the Third East Asia Summit (EAS) in Singapore on 21 November 2007. It is an international organisation providing research and policy support to the East Asia region, and the ASEAN and EAS summit process. The 16 member countries of EAS—Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Viet Nam, Australia, China, India, Japan, Republic of Korea, and New Zealand—are members of ERIA. Anita Prakash is the Director General of Policy Department at ERIA. -
The Slav Nations Has Afforded Me Very Great M L Pleasure , and I Hope Y Work Wi L Succeed in Its Object and Arouse the Sympathies of The
THE SL AV NATIONS T ' SRGJAN PL . UC IO Englis h Tran slation by F AN Y C P EL N S . O AND A HOD D ER AND STOUGHTON LOND ON NEW Y ORK TORONTO s MC M"" f 0 ’ I A C ONTENTS. PAR - T I THE NORTHERN SLAVS . CHAPTER I . PAGE THE SLAV RACE — — lav Charac eristics SIN Power in the Past The Decline —S ‘ ' t 1 he Dawn " CHAPTER II . RUSSIA c — urik 1. R ss Landsca and the Na ional Chara ter R u ian — t to Peter the t eat German Influen I Siberia W ite R s s Li le Great I. h us ian tt Russians APT R CH E III . RUSSIAN NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS R l vd The S s an d amine The ussian Sa om Mir tres F D m— — ie u a Russian Literature Gogol Tolstoi Dosto vsld deals—The R s l I us ian Sou . APT IV CH ER . POLAND AND BOHEMIA — — I . The Con ras t National Character of the Foley Our t — L ady of Csen stochova—Dancin Peasan s Galician — g t o es Selfish o ic — A l v t P l P l y us ria a a t . t ' S S a e I The o es in ussia e Measures —The I . P l R R i 3 Repressiv — ussa — Slav Ideal A Better Understan ding The Poles in Prussia —The ro Heel—L aw of Ex ro r a ion I p p i . I I n t I . -
The Centrality of Prestige in Russian and Austro-Hungarian Foreign Policy, 1904-1914 William Weston Nunn
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2009 Image Is Everything: The Centrality of Prestige in Russian and Austro-Hungarian Foreign Policy, 1904-1914 William Weston Nunn Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IMAGE IS EVERYTHING: THE CENTRALITY OF PRESTIGE IN RUSSIAN AND AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN FOREIGN POLICY, 1904-1914 By WILLIAM WESTON NUNN A Thesis submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2009 The members of the committee approve the thesis of Weston Nunn defended on July 22, 2009. __________________________________ Jonathan Grant Professor Directing Thesis __________________________________ Peter Garretson Committee Member __________________________________ Michael Creswell Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members. ii This thesis is an offering dedicated to the glory of God, the fountain from which flows all truth and knowledge. Sola Dei Gloria. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many important people who have assisted in the completion of this thesis. I first want to express my gratitude to the departments of History and Religion at Presbyterian College, specifically Drs. Richard Heiser and Roy Campbell, FSU alumni who were not only my teachers, but my advisors, Dr. Mike Nelson, Dr. Anita Gustafson, Dr. Bryan Ganaway, Dr. Craig Vondergeest, Dr. Bob Bryant, and Dr. Peter Hobbie, my teacher, confidant, and friend. Thank you all for your investments in me as a person and as a student. -
1 Russian Policy in the Balkans, 1878-1914
1 Russian Policy in the Balkans, 1878-1914 At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Balkans were the most turbulent region in Europe. On the one hand were the Balkan peoples with their aims of creating their own national states with the broadest borders possible, and on the other, the ambitions of the Great Powers to gain spheres of influence in the European territories of the Ottoman Empire. This led to a continually strained and unstable situation. 1.1 Between the Two Wars: 1856-1877 The Crimean War proved to be the turning point in the relations between Russia and the Near East. After this first serious defeat of the Russian army in a war with the Ottoman Empire, Christians of the Near East and the Balkans looked more and more towards Europe. The image of Russia as the liberator of the Orthodox inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire faded and the authority of the Russian tsar was to a great extent lost. Russian diplomacy after 1856 focused totally on the restoration of Russia’s former authority. Of great significance in this process were the activities of Count N. P. Ignatiev, the ambassa- dor to Constantinople from 1864 to 1877.11 His idea of creating ‘Greater Bulgaria’, a large south-Slavonic state in the Balkans, as a base for Russian interests and further penetra- tion towards the Straits, received the support of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and coincided with the intentions of Tsar Alexander II. In 1870, the Russian government declared that it would no longer comply with the restrictions of the Paris Treaty of 1856. -
Balkan Wars and the Albanian Issue
QAFLESHI, MUHARREM, AJHC, 2018; 1:8 Review Article AJHC 2018,1:8 American Journal of History and Culture (ISSN:2637-4919) Balkan Wars and the Albanian issue QAFLESHI, MUHARREM , Mr. Sc. Phd (c) PRISHTINA UNIVERSITY, DEPARTAMENT OF HISTORY Albanian Address: Street “Bil Clinton” nr. n.n. 22060 Bellobrad -Kosovo ABSTRACT This paper will elaborate the collapse of the Turkish rule in the *Correspondence to Author: Balkans and the future fate of Albania, embarking on the new QAFLESHI, MUHARREM plans of the invasive politics of the Balkan Alliance, especially PRISHTINA UNIVERSITY, DEPAR- of Serbia, Montenegro and Greece. Then the dramatic events TAMENT OF HISTORY Albanian during the Balkan Wars 1912-1913, the occupation of Kosovo Address: Street “Bil Clinton” nr. n.n. and other Albanian lands by Serbia, the Albanian resistance with 22060 Bellobrad -Kosovo special focus on Luma, Opoja and Gora. It will also discuss the rapid developments of the Balkan Wars, which accelerated the Declaration of the Independence of Albania on 28 November, How to cite this article: 1912, and organization of the Ambassadors Conference in Lon- QAFLESHI, MUHARREM.Bal- don, which decided to recognize the Autonomy of Albania with kan Wars and the Albanian issue. today’s borders. Then, information about the inhumane crimes of American Journal of History and the Serbian Army against the Albanian freedom-loving people, Culture, 2018,1:8. committing unprecedented crimes against the civilian population, is given. Keywords: Serbia, Montenegro, Ottoman Empire, Gora, Opoja, eSciPub LLC, Houston, TX USA. Luma. For ProofWebsite: Only http://escipub.com/ AJHC: http://escipub.com/american-journal-of-history-and-culture/ 0001 QAFLESHI, MUHARREM, AJHC, 2018; 1:8 Collapse of the Ottoman Empire and interested as other Balkan oppressed people to creation of the Balkan Alliance become liberated from the Ottoman yoke. -
The War of Shkodra in the Framework of the Balkan Wars, 1912-1913
E-ISSN 2240-0524 Journal of Educational and Social Research Vol 11 No 1 ISSN 2239-978X www.richtmann.org January 2021 . Research Article © 2021 Edit Bregu and Irvin Faniko. This is an open access article licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/) Received: 7 September 2020 / Accepted: 13 December 2020 / Published: 17 January 2021 The War of Shkodra in the Framework of the Balkan Wars, 1912-1913 Dr. Edit Bregu Vice Dean/Lecturer, Law Faculty, Wisdom University College, Rruga Medar Shtylla, Komuna e Parisit, Tirana 1000, Albania Dr. Irvin Faniko Lecturer, Wisdom University College, Rruga Medar Shtylla, Komuna e Parisit, Tirana 1000, Albania DOI: https://doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2021-0013 Abstract Before starting the First Balkan War, the Great Powers were not prepared for a quick victory of the young Balkan allies against an old empire, as it was until 1912 the Great Ottoman Empire. At the Ambassadors Conference in London, Austro-Hungary argued that the involvement of Shkodra City was essential to the economy of the new Albanian state. Meanwhile Russia did not open the way for solving the Shkodra problem, Russian diplomats thought how to satisfy Serbia's ambitions in Northeast Albania, respectively in Kosovo Beyond those considerations of a political character, on 8 October 1912, was the youngest member of the Balkan Alliance, the Shkodra northern neighbor, Montenegro, that rushed to launch military actions, thus opening the first campaign of the First Balkan War. The Montenegrin military assault, as its main strategic objective in this war, was precisely the occupation and annexation of the historic city of Shkodra, a city with a big economic and cultural importance for the Albanian people and territory.