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Poland (Mainly) Chooses Stability and Continuity: the October 2011 Polish Parliamentary Election
Poland (mainly) chooses stability and continuity: The October 2011 Polish parliamentary election Aleks Szczerbiak [email protected] University of Sussex SEI Working Paper No. 129 1 The Sussex European Institute publishes Working Papers (ISSN 1350-4649) to make research results, accounts of work-in-progress and background information available to those concerned with contemporary European issues. The Institute does not express opinions of its own; the views expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author. The Sussex European Institute, founded in Autumn 1992, is a research and graduate teaching centre of the University of Sussex, specialising in studies of contemporary Europe, particularly in the social sciences and contemporary history. The SEI has a developing research programme which defines Europe broadly and seeks to draw on the contributions of a range of disciplines to the understanding of contemporary Europe. The SEI draws on the expertise of many faculty members from the University, as well as on those of its own staff and visiting fellows. In addition, the SEI provides one-year MA courses in Contemporary European Studies and European Politics and opportunities for MPhil and DPhil research degrees. http://www.sussex.ac.uk/sei/ First published in March 2012 by the Sussex European Institute University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG Tel: 01273 678578 Fax: 01273 678571 E-mail: [email protected] © Sussex European Institute Ordering Details The price of this Working Paper is £5.00 plus postage and packing. Orders should be sent to the Sussex European Institute, University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG. -
The Social Bases of Austerity
SPERI Paper No.9 The Social Bases of Austerity. European tunnel vision & the curious case of the missing left. Stephanie Mudge About the author Stephanie Mudge Stephanie Mudge is Research Fellow at SPERI and an Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of California Davis. Her research centres on the historical study of culture, democratic politics, economic policy, and the constitution of political authority. Stephanie completed her PhD at the University of California, Berkeley and was a post-doctoral fellow at the European University Institute (Max Weber Programme) and the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies (MPIfG). Her work has been published in the American Journal of Sociology, Annual Review of Sociology, Social Science History and the Socio-Economic Review. This paper draws in part from a book manuscript titled Neoliberal Politics, which offers an account of the causes and longer-term effects of the third way era in centre-left politics in Western democracies. An earlier version was presented on June 20, 2013 at the Society for the Advancement of Socio-economics’ (SASE) mini-conference on “Economic Culture in the Public Sphere” in Milan, organised by Lyn Spillman and Fred Wherry. ISSN 2052-000X Published in February 2014 SPERI Paper No.9 – The Social Bases of Austerity 1 Before the election of 1932 … there was a majority in the Riksdag consisting of conservatives, liberals, and members of the farmer party, convinced that the budget should be balanced according to the traditional method and that for this reason the plans of the labor party for large public works, financed by borrowing, should be defeated. -
* * Top Incomes During Wars, Communism and Capitalism: Poland 1892-2015
WID.world*WORKING*PAPER*SERIES*N°*2017/22* * * Top Incomes during Wars, Communism and Capitalism: Poland 1892-2015 Pawel Bukowski and Filip Novokmet November 2017 ! ! ! Top Incomes during Wars, Communism and Capitalism: Poland 1892-2015 Pawel Bukowski Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics Filip Novokmet Paris School of Economics Abstract. This study presents the history of top incomes in Poland. We document a U- shaped evolution of top income shares from the end of the 19th century until today. The initial high level, during the period of Partitions, was due to the strong concentration of capital income at the top of the distribution. The long-run downward trend in top in- comes was primarily induced by shocks to capital income, from destructions of world wars to changed political and ideological environment. The Great Depression, however, led to a rise in top shares as the richest were less adversely affected than the majority of population consisting of smallholding farmers. The introduction of communism ab- ruptly reduced inequalities by eliminating private capital income and compressing earn- ings. Top incomes stagnated at low levels during the whole communist period. Yet, after the fall of communism, the Polish top incomes experienced a substantial and steady rise and today are at the level of more unequal European countries. While the initial up- ward adjustment during the transition in the 1990s was induced both by the rise of top labour and capital incomes, the strong rise of top income shares in 2000s was driven solely by the increase in top capital incomes, which make the dominant income source at the top. -
Assumptions of Law and Justice Party Foreign Policy
Warsaw, May 2016 Change in Poland, but what change? Assumptions of Law and Justice party foreign policy Adam Balcer – WiseEuropa Institute Piotr Buras – European Council on Foreign Relations Grzegorz Gromadzki – Stefan Batory Foundation Eugeniusz Smolar – Centre for International Relations The deep reform of the state announced by Law and Justice party (PiS) and its unquestioned leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, and presented as the “Good Change”, to a great extent also influences foreign, especially European, policy. Though PiS’s political project has been usually analysed in terms of its relation to the post 1989, so called 3rd Republic institutional-political model and the results of the socio-economic transformation of the last 25 years, there is no doubt that in its alternative concept for Poland, the perception of the world, Europe and Poland’s place in it, plays a vital role. The “Good Change” concept implies the most far-reaching reorientation in foreign policy in the last quarter of a century, which, at the level of policy declarations made by representatives of the government circles and their intellectual supporters implies the abandonment of a number of key assumptions that shaped not only policy but also the imagination of the Polish political elite and broad society as a whole after 1989. The generally accepted strategic aim after 1989 was to avoid the “twilight zone” of uncertainty and to anchor Poland permanently in the western security system – i.e. NATO, and European political, legal and economic structures, in other words the European Union. “Europeanisation” was the doctrine of Stefan Batory Foundation Polish transformation after 1989. -
Poland | Freedom House
Poland | Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2012/poland About Us DONATE Blog Contact Us REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD Poland Poland Freedom in the World 2012 OVERVIEW: 2012 Parliamentary elections in October 2011 yielded an unprecedented SCORES second term for Prime Minister Donald Tusk of the center-right Civic Platform party. The Palikot Movement, an outspoken liberal party STATUS founded in 2010, won a surprising 10 percent of the popular vote, bringing homosexual and transgender candidates into the lower house of Free parliament for the first time. FREEDOM RATING After being dismantled by neighboring empires in a series of 18th-century 1.0 partitions, Poland enjoyed a window of independence from 1918 to 1939, only CIVIL LIBERTIES to be invaded by Germany and the Soviet Union at the opening of World War II. The country then endured decades of exploitation as a Soviet satellite state 1 until the Solidarity trade union movement forced the government to accept democratic elections in 1989. POLITICAL RIGHTS Fundamental democratic and free-market reforms were introduced between 1989 and 1991, and additional changes came as Poland prepared its bid for 1 European Union (EU) membership. In the 1990s, power shifted between political parties rooted in the Solidarity movement and those with communist origins. Former communist party member Alexander Kwaśniewski of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) replaced Solidarity’s Lech Wałęsa as president in 1995 and was reelected by a large margin in 2000. A government led by the SLD oversaw Poland’s final reforms ahead of EU accession, which took place in 2004. -
European Parliament 2019-2024
European Parliament 2019-2024 Committee on Industry, Research and Energy ITRE_PV(2019)0925_1 MINUTES Meeting of 25 September 2019, 9.00-12.30 and 14.30-18.30 BRUSSELS 25 September 2019, 9.00 – 10.00 In camera 1. Coordinators’ meeting The Coordinators’ meeting was held from 9.00 to 10.00 in camera with Adina-Ioana Vălean (Chair) in the chair. (See Annex I) * * * The meeting opened at 10.04 on Wednesday, 25 September 2019, with Adina-Ioana Vălean (Chair) presiding. 2. Adoption of agenda The agenda was adopted. PV\1189744EN.docx PE641.355 EN United in diversityEN 3. Chair’s announcements Chair’s announcements concerning coordinators’ decisions of 3 September 2019. Chair has informed the Committee members that the Committee meeting of 7-8 October has been cancelled due to the Commissioner hearing. The next ITRE Committee meeting will take place on the 17 October 2019. 4. Approval of minutes of meetings 2-3 September 2019 PV – PE641.070v01-00 The minutes were approved. *** Electronic vote *** 5. Establishing the European Cybersecurity Industrial, Technology and Research Competence Centre and the Network of National Coordination Centres ITRE/9/01206 ***I 2018/0328(COD) COM(2018)0630 – C8-0404/2018 Rapporteur: Rasmus Andresen (Verts/ALE) Responsible: ITRE Vote on the decision to enter into interinstitutional negotiations The decision to enter into interinstitutional negotiations was adopted: for: 49; against: 12; abstention: 2. (Due to technical issues, roll-call page is not available) 6. Labelling of tyres with respect to fuel efficiency and other essential parameters ITRE/9/01207 ***I 2018/0148(COD) COM(2018)0296 – C8-0190/2018 Rapporteur: Michał Boni Responsible: ITRE Vote on the decision to enter into interinstitutional negotiations The decision to enter into interinstitutional negotiations was adopted: for: 56; against: 3; abstention: 4. -
Żŏdyn Niy Prziôbiecŏ Ślōnzŏkōm Tela, Wiela Kandydaci Na Prezydynta 10 Maja 2015 Roku Polacy Wy- Biorą Głowę Państwa
Jaki tu spokój… RAŚ dla każdego Rewizjonista, ale nie nazista. Kilka słów o Herbercie Czai RAŚ jest organizacją dla każdego, komu zależy na rozwoju naszego Czy Herbert Czaja był nazistą, jak chciałyby nie- O tym, co robi albo czego nie robi samorząd wo- regionu. Jeśli dostrzegasz korzy- które środowiska? Jakie miał poglądy na stosun- jewódzki, o staraniach radnych RAŚ w sprawie śc z wprowadzenia autonomii i nie ki polsko-niemieckie po II wojnie światowej? Tę przyznania inicjatywy uchwałodawczej mieszkań- chcesz siedzieć z założonymi ręka- postać i jej dokonania przybliżamy w wywiadzie com województwa w comiesięcznym felietonie mi, przyłącz się do nas. Wykaz tere- z Sebastianem Rosenbaumem pracownikiem na- z cyklu Wiadomo z góry Jerzy Gorzelik. nowych kół RAŚ ukowym katowickiego oddziału IPN. ➣strona 3 ➣strona 5 ➣strona 4 EGZEMPLARZ BEZPŁATNY ŚLŌNSKŎ SZWALBKA SCHLESISCHE SCHWALBE SLEZSKÁ VLAŠTOVKA SILESIAN SWALLOW MIESIĘCZNIK GÓRNOŚLĄSKICH REGIONALISTÓW 4/2015 ISNN 1232-8383 NAKŁAD 24.000 EGZ. Temat numeru Żŏdyn niy prziôbiecŏ Ślōnzŏkōm tela, wiela kandydaci na prezydynta 10 maja 2015 roku Polacy wy- biorą głowę państwa. Postano- wiliśmy sprawdzić, co Śląskowi są w stanie zaoferować kandy- daci na urząd prezydenta. W majowych wyborach głoso- Jacek wać będzie można na 11. kandy- Tomaszewski datów. Są nimi: Janusz Korwin- -Mikke, Bronisław Komorowski, Adam Jarubas, Paweł Kukiz, Marian Kowalski, Jacek Wilk, Andrzej Duda, Janusz Palikot, Mag- dalena Ogórek, Paweł Tanajno i Grzegorz Braun. Wszystkim zadaliśmy cztery pytania: 1. Czy jest Pan/Pani za przyznaniem Śląskowi autonomii? 2. Czy jest Pan/Pani za wprowadzeniem do szkół edukacji regionalnej? 3. Czy popiera Pan/Pani obywatelski projekt ini- cjatywy ustawodawczej o uznaniu Ślązaków za mniejszość etniczną? 3.0 pl Źródło: CC BY-SA Źródło: wiadomości.onet.pl 2.0 Źródło: CC BY-SA 4. -
European Parliament Elections 2019 - Forecast
Briefing May 2019 European Parliament Elections 2019 - Forecast Austria – 18 MEPs Staff lead: Nick Dornheim PARTIES (EP group) Freedom Party of Austria The Greens – The Green Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) (EPP) Social Democratic Party of Austria NEOS – The New (FPÖ) (Salvini’s Alliance) – Alternative (Greens/EFA) – 6 seats (SPÖ) (S&D) - 5 seats Austria (ALDE) 1 seat 5 seats 1 seat 1. Othmar Karas* Andreas Schieder Harald Vilimsky* Werner Kogler Claudia Gamon 2. Karoline Edtstadler Evelyn Regner* Georg Mayer* Sarah Wiener Karin Feldinger 3. Angelika Winzig Günther Sidl Petra Steger Monika Vana* Stefan Windberger 4. Simone Schmiedtbauer Bettina Vollath Roman Haider Thomas Waitz* Stefan Zotti 5. Lukas Mandl* Hannes Heide Vesna Schuster Olga Voglauer Nini Tsiklauri 6. Wolfram Pirchner Julia Elisabeth Herr Elisabeth Dieringer-Granza Thomas Schobesberger Johannes Margreiter 7. Christian Sagartz Christian Alexander Dax Josef Graf Teresa Reiter 8. Barbara Thaler Stefanie Mösl Maximilian Kurz Isak Schneider 9. Christian Zoll Luca Peter Marco Kaiser Andrea Kerbleder Peter Berry 10. Claudia Wolf-Schöffmann Theresa Muigg Karin Berger Julia Reichenhauser NB 1: Only the parties reaching the 4% electoral threshold are mentioned in the table. Likely to be elected Unlikely to be elected or *: Incumbent Member of the NB 2: 18 seats are allocated to Austria, same as in the previous election. and/or take seat to take seat, if elected European Parliament ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• www.eurocommerce.eu Belgium – 21 MEPs Staff lead: Stefania Moise PARTIES (EP group) DUTCH SPEAKING CONSITUENCY FRENCH SPEAKING CONSITUENCY GERMAN SPEAKING CONSTITUENCY 1. Geert Bourgeois 1. Paul Magnette 1. Pascal Arimont* 2. Assita Kanko 2. Maria Arena* 2. -
Studia Politica 32014
www.ssoar.info The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland Sula, Piotr Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Sula, P. (2014). The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 14(3), 395-406. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-445354 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de The 2014 European Elections The Case of Poland PIOTR SULA Introduction This article presents the conduct and consequence of the election to the European Parliament held in Poland on 25 May 2014. It is a commonly accepted view that elections are inherent in the democratic order. Members of the European Parliament are elected following a similar procedure to that governing the elections to national Parliaments. Probably as widespread is the opinion that, since they do not result in the election of the executive branch of government, European elections are of less significance to the competing parties – which appear to prioritise their participation in the future government – than the competition for seats in the national parliament. As a consequence, the lesser impact of the decisions made at the ballot box is also translated into a less intense interest in the European elections expressed by the electorate. -
Poland's 2019 Parliamentary Election
— SPECIAL REPORT — 11/05/2019 POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Warsaw Institute POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Held on October 13, 2019, Poland’s general election is first and foremost a success of democracy, as exemplified by crowds rushing to polling stations and a massive rise in voter turnout. Those that claimed victory were the govern- ment groups that attracted a considerable electorate, winning in more constitu- encies across the country they ruled for the past four years. Opposition parties have earned a majority in the Senate, the upper house of the Polish parliament. A fierce political clash turned into deep chasms throughout the country, and Poland’s political stage reveals polarization between voters that lend support to the incumbent government and those that question the authorities by manifest- ing either left-liberal or far-right sentiments. Election results Poland’s parliamentary election in 2019 attrac- try’s 100-seat Senate, the upper house of the ted the attention of Polish voters both at home parliament, it is the Sejm where the incum- and abroad while drawing media interest all bents have earned a majority of five that has over the world. At stake were the next four a pivotal role in enacting legislation and years in power for Poland’s ruling coalition forming the country’s government2. United Right, led by the Law and Justice party (PiS)1. The ruling coalition won the election, The electoral success of the United Right taking 235 seats in Poland’s 460-seat Sejm, the consisted in mobilizing its supporters to a lower house of the parliament. -
Declining Support for Government of Donald Tusk and for Civic Platform (Po)
DECLINING SUPPORT FOR GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK AND FOR CIVIC PLATFORM (PO) The coalition of Civic Platform and Polish Peasant Party (PO-PSL), which has governed Poland for over four years, is losing social support. Evaluations of the government of Donald Tusk have deteriorated. At present, they are the worst, if both parliamentary terms are considered. The decline was precipitated by, among others, problems with implementation of new rules on refunding medicines, signing of the ACTA agreement (a decision from which the government eventually withdrew), and planned changes in the pension system, especially raising the retirement age to 67 years. From Dec. 2011 to March 2012 the proportion of government supporters fell from 44% to 31%, while the number of opponents rose from 31% to 45%. ATTITUDE TO THE GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK “Don't know” omitted The popularity of the Prime Minster is diminishing. The proportion of respondents satisfied with the work of Donald Tusk as Prime Minister fell from 49% in Dec. 2011 to 33% in March 2012. At the same time, the number of the dissatisfied rose from 38% to 57%. SATISFACTION WITH DONALD TUSK AS PRIME MINISTER “Don't know” omitted The effects of government's activities are perceived ever more critically. The proportion of people satisfied with them fell in the last four months from 45% to 25%, while the number of the dissatisfied rose from 40% to 67%. EVALUATION OF EFFECTS OF ACTIVITY OF DONALD TUSK'S GOVERNMENT UP TO DATE “Don't know” omitted The decline in support for the government is accompanied by a drop in the ratings of the Civic Platform (PO). -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.