Declining Support for Government of Donald Tusk and for Civic Platform (Po)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

DECLINING SUPPORT FOR GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK AND FOR CIVIC PLATFORM (PO) The coalition of Civic Platform and Polish Peasant Party (PO-PSL), which has governed Poland for over four years, is losing social support. Evaluations of the government of Donald Tusk have deteriorated. At present, they are the worst, if both parliamentary terms are considered. The decline was precipitated by, among others, problems with implementation of new rules on refunding medicines, signing of the ACTA agreement (a decision from which the government eventually withdrew), and planned changes in the pension system, especially raising the retirement age to 67 years. From Dec. 2011 to March 2012 the proportion of government supporters fell from 44% to 31%, while the number of opponents rose from 31% to 45%. ATTITUDE TO THE GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK “Don't know” omitted The popularity of the Prime Minster is diminishing. The proportion of respondents satisfied with the work of Donald Tusk as Prime Minister fell from 49% in Dec. 2011 to 33% in March 2012. At the same time, the number of the dissatisfied rose from 38% to 57%. SATISFACTION WITH DONALD TUSK AS PRIME MINISTER “Don't know” omitted The effects of government's activities are perceived ever more critically. The proportion of people satisfied with them fell in the last four months from 45% to 25%, while the number of the dissatisfied rose from 40% to 67%. EVALUATION OF EFFECTS OF ACTIVITY OF DONALD TUSK'S GOVERNMENT UP TO DATE “Don't know” omitted The decline in support for the government is accompanied by a drop in the ratings of the Civic Platform (PO). Compared with Dec. 2011, when PO had the best result since elections, the support dropped by 14 pct. points. However, the opposition parties have not gained from the decline of the main party in government, so far. WHICH PARTY WOULD YOU VOTE FOR IN ELECTIONS TO SEJM? Responses of people who declare participation in elections More information about this topic can be found in CBOS reports in Polish: "Attitude to government in March" and "Party preferences in March", March 2012. Fieldwork for national sample: March 2012, N=1015. The random address sample is representative for adult population of Poland. .

Copy Link

Recommended publications

Poland (Mainly) Chooses Stability and Continuity: the October 2011 Polish Parliamentary Election
Poland (mainly) chooses stability and continuity: The October 2011 Polish parliamentary election Aleks Szczerbiak [email protected] University of Sussex SEI Working Paper No. 129 1 The Sussex European Institute publishes Working Papers (ISSN 1350-4649) to make research results, accounts of work-in-progress and background information available to those concerned with contemporary European issues. The Institute does not express opinions of its own; the views expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author. The Sussex European Institute, founded in Autumn 1992, is a research and graduate teaching centre of the University of Sussex, specialising in studies of contemporary Europe, particularly in the social sciences and contemporary history. The SEI has a developing research programme which defines Europe broadly and seeks to draw on the contributions of a range of disciplines to the understanding of contemporary Europe. The SEI draws on the expertise of many faculty members from the University, as well as on those of its own staff and visiting fellows. In addition, the SEI provides one-year MA courses in Contemporary European Studies and European Politics and opportunities for MPhil and DPhil research degrees. http://www.sussex.ac.uk/sei/ First published in March 2012 by the Sussex European Institute University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG Tel: 01273 678578 Fax: 01273 678571 E-mail: [email protected] © Sussex European Institute Ordering Details The price of this Working Paper is £5.00 plus postage and packing. Orders should be sent to the Sussex European Institute, University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG.
[Show full text]
Political Conflict, Social Inequality and Electoral Cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018
World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2020/25 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018 Attila Lindner Filip Novokmet Thomas Piketty Tomasz Zawisza November 2020 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-20181 Attila Lindner, Filip Novokmet, Thomas Piketty, Tomasz Zawisza Abstract This paper analyses the electoral cleavages in three Central European countries countries—the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland—since the fall of communism until today. In all three countries, the left has seen a prolonged decline in support. On the other hand, the “populist” parties increased their support and recently attained power in each country. We relate this to specific trajectories of post-communist transition. Former communist parties in Hungary and Poland transformed themselves into social- democratic parties. These parties' pro-market policies prevented them from establishing themselves predominantly among a lower-income electorate. Meanwhile, the liberal right in the Czech Republic and Poland became representative of both high-income and high-educated voters. This has opened up space for populist parties and influenced their character, assuming more ‘nativist’ outlook in Poland and Hungary and more ‘centrist’ in the Czech Republic. 1 We are grateful to Anna Becker for the outstanding research assistance, to Gábor Tóka for his help with obtaining survey data on Hungary and to Lukáš Linek for helping with obtaining the data of the 2017 Czech elections. We would also like to thank Ferenc Szűcs who provided invaluable insights. 1 1. Introduction The legacy of the communist regime and the rapid transition from a central planning economy to a market-based economy had a profound impact on the access to economic opportunities, challenged social identities and shaped party politics in all Central European countries.
[Show full text]
Populism and the Erosion of Democracy in Poland and in Hungary
Populism and the Erosion of Democracy in Poland and in Hungary Anna Grzymala-Busse Stanford University October 24, 2017 The failure of party competition The unprecedented support for populist parties, their hold on power, and the subse- quent erosion of democracy in Poland and in Hungary are all the result of the failure of mainstream political parties. The \natural parties of government" failed to articulate distinct policies and to respond to constituent concerns. Populist right-wing parties took advantage of this indifference in the last ten years, and convincingly argued they better represented the interests of \real" Poles and Hungarians against the corrupt and collusive elite establishment. To achieve their goal of a state loyal to the will of the people, these parties then set out to systematically dismantle the formal institutions of liberal democ- racy: courts, media freedoms, civil society associations, and constitutions. They also undermined the informal values that buttress liberal democracy, such as protecting the opposition, transparency in financial dealings, or equal treatment of all citizens. Neither civil society alone nor international criticism have been able to thwart these processes of democratic corrosion. Only other political parties can do so, but they remain too weak, divided, and hampered by new laws passed by the populist governments. Initially after the collapse of communism in 1989, Poland and Hungary were the poster children for successful transformation. They were the first to democratize, with Round Table agreements in 1989 that led to free elections and political competition. Both successfully managed the transition to a market economy, and both were among the earliest entrants to NATO and the EU among the post-communist states.
[Show full text]
Poland: the Olitp Ics of “God's Playground” Jane Leftwich Curry Santa Clara University, [email protected]
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons Political Science College of Arts & Sciences 2014 Poland: The olitP ics of “God's Playground” Jane Leftwich Curry Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/poli_sci Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Curry, J. L. (2014). Poland: The oP litics of “God's Playground”. In S. L. Wolchik & J. L. Curry (Eds.), Central and East European Politics: From Communism to Democracy, (pp. 235-263). Rowman & Littlefield. Copyright © 2014 Rowman & Littlefield. Reproduced by permission of Rowman & Littlefield. All rights reserved. Please contact the publisher for permission to copy, distribute or reprint. View the book in our Faculty Book Gallery. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Baltic Sea BELARUS POLAND *Warsaw eWroclaw CZECH REPUBLIC Map l 0.0. Poland CHAPTER 10 Poland THE POLITICS OF "GOD'S PLAYGROUND" Jane Leftwich Curry Poland was the first and one of the most successful transitions from a centralized com munist state to a liberal, more Western-style democracy. During the European economic crisis, Poland's economy maintained one of the highest growth rates in the European Union (EU). Its political system stabilized. It has been both an active member of the EU and a strong advocate for liberalization of its eastern neighbors as well as for their inclu sion in European initiatives.
[Show full text]
Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens
“The Most Challenging Term Since 1989”: Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens Article by Urszula Zielińska July 9, 2021 Rising corruption, shrinking democratic freedoms, and a crackdown on free media: the political landscape in Poland is challenging to say the least. After a long struggle, Polish Greens made it into parliament in 2019, where they have been standing in solidarity with protestors and fighting to put green issues on the agenda. We asked Green MP Urszula Zielińska how the environment and Europe fit into the Polish political debate, and how Greens are gearing up ahead of local and parliamentary elections in 2023. This interview is part of a series that we are publishing in partnership with Le Grand Continent on green parties in Europe. Green European Journal: 2020 saw presidential elections in Poland as well as a great wave of protest provoked by further restrictions to abortion rights. The pandemic is ongoing in Poland as everywhere. How are the Greens approaching the main issues in Polish politics in 2021? Urszula Zielinska: This period is significant for the Greens. We entered parliament for the first time after the October 2019 election with three MPs as part of a coalition with the Christian Democrat party Civic Platform (PO) and two other partners (The Modern Party and Initiative Poland). It’s taken the Greens 14 years to reach this point and the coalition helped us gain our first MPs. But at the same time, it has been an extremely difficult parliamentary term in general for Poland. In some respects, it may have been the most challenging term in 30 years of free, democratic Poland.
[Show full text]
The October 2015 Polish Parliamentary Election
An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election Article (Accepted Version) Szczerbiak, Aleks (2016) An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 18 (4). pp. 404-427. ISSN 1570-5854 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/63809/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election Abstract The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election saw the stunning victory of the right-wing opposition Law and Justice party which became the first in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority, and equally comprehensive defeat of the incumbent centrist Civic Platform.
[Show full text]
Poland's Second Return to Europe?
BRIEF POLICY POLAND’S SECOND RETURN TO EUROPE? Paweł Swieboda´ SUMMARY The parliamentary elections on 21 October 2007 produced Donald Tusk, the new Polish Prime Minister, wants to bring Poland back to the heart of Europe, a new governing coalition between the Civic Platform and the rebuilding ties with Germany and France to create Polish People’s Party, prompting a sigh of relief in Warsaw’s a ‘Weimar Triangle’, lessening tensions with Russia, foreign policy establishment. The new government, headed and trying to make the country a genuine player by Donald Tusk, is set on changing the country’s foreign in European foreign policy. policy proﬁ le and wants to erase memories associated with The new Government will try to rebalance its the self-centred style of their predecessors. The Kaczyn´ski relationship with the United States, slowing down twins wholeheartedly believed that Poland needed to use the move towards missile defence and withdrawing every opportunity to assert its national interests, and its troops from Iraq. eagerly used their veto power on a range of issues, including the new EU-Russia partnership agreement, the January Although there will be a change of style on contentious issues like Russia, the new government 2006 tax package, the directive on the transfer of prisoners, will still be an ‘assertive partner’ opting out of the and the European Day Against the Death Penalty. Donald Charter of Fundamental Rights; unlikely to join Tusk’s new team will follow a different logic, working more the euro; and likely to put up a ﬁ ght against reform through discussion and persuasion rather than obstruction.
[Show full text]
Poland and Its Relations with the United States
Poland and Its Relations with the United States Derek E. Mix Analyst in European Affairs March 7, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44212 Poland and Its Relations with the United States Summary Over the past 25 years, the relationship between the United States and Poland has been close and cooperative. The United States strongly supported Poland’s accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1999 and backed its entry into the European Union (EU) in 2004. In recent years, Poland has made significant contributions to U.S.- and NATO-led military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, and Poland and the United States continue working together on issues such as democracy promotion, counterterrorism, and improving NATO capabilities. Given its role as a close U.S. ally and partner, developments in Poland and its relations with the United States are of continuing interest to the U.S. Congress. This report provides an overview and assessment of some of the main dimensions of these topics. Domestic Political and Economic Issues The Polish parliamentary election held on October 25, 2015, resulted in a victory for the conservative Law and Justice Party. Law and Justice won an absolute majority of seats in the lower house of parliament (Sejm), and Beata Szydlo took over as the country’s new prime minister in November 2015. The center-right Civic Platform party had previously led the government of Poland since 2007. During its first months in office, Law and Justice has made changes to the country’s Constitutional Tribunal and media law that have generated concerns about backsliding on democracy and triggered an EU rule-of-law investigation.
[Show full text]
Current and Proposed Delegation Members
&855(17$1'352326(''(/(*$7,210(0%(560(0%5(6$&78(/6(7352326e6 /,7+8$1,$/,78$1,(6HDWV6LqJHV CHAMBER OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES / CHAMBRE DES POUVOIRS LOCAUX 5HSUHVHQWDWLYH5HSUpVHQWDQW 0UV0PH1LMROp',5*,1&,(1( SOC LSDP - Social Democratic Party Mayor of Birstonas Municipality Mr / M. Gintautas GEGUZINSKAS* PPE/CCE-EPP/CCE Homeland Union Mayor of Pasvalys District Municipality 6XEVWLWXWH6XSSOpDQW Mr / M. - ZZ SUP CPL (LITHUANIA) NI-NR Mr / M. - ZZ SUP CPL (LITHUANIA) NI-NR &+$0%(52)5(*,216&+$0%5('(65e*,216 5HSUHVHQWDWLYH5HSUpVHQWDQW Mr / M. Vitalijus MITROFANOVAS* SOC LSDP - Social Democratic party Mayor of Naujoji Akmene Mrs / Mme Edita RUDELIENE* GILD-ILDG LRLS - Liberals Movement of the Republic of Lithuania Mayor of Lentvaris, Trakai district 6XEVWLWXWH6XSSOpDQW Mrs / Mme Zivile PINSKUVIENE* GILD-ILDG DP - Labour Party Mayor of Sirvintos Mrs / Mme Henrikas SIAUDINIS* GILD-ILDG LVZS - Lithuanian Peasant Popular Union Mayor of Ignalina 'HOHJDWLRQ&KDLU3UpVLGHQWGHGpOpJDWLRQ Mr / M. Gintautas GEGUZINSKAS* (Working Language : English / Anglais) Mayor of Pasvalys District Municipality Tel : (370) 451 54 100 Fax : (370) 451 54 130 E-mail : [email protected] 'HSXW\+HDGRI'HOHJDWLRQ9LFH3UpVLGHQWGHGpOpJDWLRQ 'HOHJDWLRQ6HFUHWDU\6HFUpWDLUHGHGpOpJDWLRQ Mrs / Mme Ieva ANDRIULAITYTE (Working Language : English / Anglais) Tel : (+370 5) 212 2958 Fax : (+370 5) 261 5366 E-mail : [email protected] 1 / 3 7KH&RQJUHVVRI/RFDODQG5HJLRQDO$XWKRULWLHVRIWKH&RXQFLORI(XURSH/H&RQJUqVGHVSRXYRLUVORFDX[HWUpJLRQDX[GX&RQVHLOGHO¶Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex ±7pO33 (0)3 88 41 21 10±Fax : +33 (0)3 88 41 37 47±[email protected] ±www.coe.int/congress 32/$1'32/2*1(6HDWV6LqJHV CHAMBER OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES / CHAMBRE DES POUVOIRS LOCAUX 5HSUHVHQWDWLYH5HSUpVHQWDQW Mr / M. Robert BIEDRON SOC Independant Mayor Slupsk Mr / M.
[Show full text]
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal.
[Show full text]
The EU and Macedonia's Political Crisis
Commentary No. 23/ 2 July 2015 The EU and Macedonia’s political crisis – another date with history? Julija Brsakoska Bazerkoska lmost ten years since EU membership candidate status and 24 years after gaining independence, Macedonia is back to where it started. Yet again, Macedonian society must A start to learn the basics of democracy, liberty and justice; the latest wire-tapping scandal is proof that the country is undergoing its most serious political crisis since independence. The wire-tapping scandal that was uncovered by Zoran Zaev, leader of the largest opposition party SDSM, exposed the involvement of Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski and his cronies from the ruling VMRO DPMNE in massive electoral fraud and corruption. Recruitment into the public administration, for example, was allegedly done on the basis of securing votes for the governing party and public servants were dismissed solely because they did not support VMRO-DPMNE. Further, the means of gaining votes went from political pressure to switching off elevators in buildings so that elderly opposition party supporters would not turn out to vote. The taped conversations also confirmed concerns raised in the EU Commission’s Progress Reports for Macedonia about the partisan nature of state institutions and the judiciary and the suppression of the freedom of expression. The fundamental problem for Macedonia is how to build a well-functioning state when the basic separation of powers is abused and there is little understanding of democracy or the rule of law on the part of ruling elites. The initial steps must be to restore trust in state institutions and rebuild the checks and balances of the system.
[Show full text]
The Development of Online Political Communication in Poland in European Parliamentary Elections 2014: Technological Innovation V
ORIGINAL ARTICLE The development of online political communication in Poland in European Parliamentary elections 2014: Technological innovation versus old habits Michał Jacuński UNIVERSITY OF WROCŁAW, POLAND Michał Jacuński, Paweł Baranowski UNIVERSITY OF WROCŁAW, POLAND ABSTRACT: Th is article analyzes the methods of electoral communication during the 2014 European Parliament election in Poland. Are Polish candidates to the European Parliament stuck with the old habits and patterns of communication or have they adopted all the available technological innova- tions? Constant technological evolution and increasing Internet usage-rate are not only giving the candidates new possibilities to reach potential voters, but they also pose a challenge. By using content analysis, we have analyzed the structure of candidates’ websites and their offi cial Facebook and Twit- ter profi les. We also analyzed the level of interactivity with candidates’ fans on Facebook and open- ness to two-way communication on websites, a “must” in the late web 2.0 era. KEYWORDS: European Parliament, elections, online political communication, owned media, so- cial media, web campaigning, participation INTRODUCTION According to communication research theoreticians, nowadays “one cannot not communicate” (Motley, 1990). Th rough communication one can fully participate in social groups and processes. When it comes to cyberspace, the above men- tioned rule, originating from communication theoreticians of the Palo Alto school of the 1960s and 1970s, is particularly evident and relates mainly to two- way communication processes in social media. Social media are the media (Dew- ing, 2012) which we use to become socialized (Safk o, 2010), using one of the basic attributes of the human species — communication with other members of the group.
[Show full text]