Current and Proposed Delegation Members

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Current and Proposed Delegation Members &855(17$1'352326(''(/(*$7,210(0%(560(0%5(6$&78(/6(7352326e6 /,7+8$1,$/,78$1,(6HDWV6LqJHV CHAMBER OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES / CHAMBRE DES POUVOIRS LOCAUX 5HSUHVHQWDWLYH5HSUpVHQWDQW 0UV0PH1LMROp',5*,1&,(1( SOC LSDP - Social Democratic Party Mayor of Birstonas Municipality Mr / M. Gintautas GEGUZINSKAS* PPE/CCE-EPP/CCE Homeland Union Mayor of Pasvalys District Municipality 6XEVWLWXWH6XSSOpDQW Mr / M. - ZZ SUP CPL (LITHUANIA) NI-NR Mr / M. - ZZ SUP CPL (LITHUANIA) NI-NR &+$0%(52)5(*,216&+$0%5('(65e*,216 5HSUHVHQWDWLYH5HSUpVHQWDQW Mr / M. Vitalijus MITROFANOVAS* SOC LSDP - Social Democratic party Mayor of Naujoji Akmene Mrs / Mme Edita RUDELIENE* GILD-ILDG LRLS - Liberals Movement of the Republic of Lithuania Mayor of Lentvaris, Trakai district 6XEVWLWXWH6XSSOpDQW Mrs / Mme Zivile PINSKUVIENE* GILD-ILDG DP - Labour Party Mayor of Sirvintos Mrs / Mme Henrikas SIAUDINIS* GILD-ILDG LVZS - Lithuanian Peasant Popular Union Mayor of Ignalina 'HOHJDWLRQ&KDLU3UpVLGHQWGHGpOpJDWLRQ Mr / M. Gintautas GEGUZINSKAS* (Working Language : English / Anglais) Mayor of Pasvalys District Municipality Tel : (370) 451 54 100 Fax : (370) 451 54 130 E-mail : [email protected] 'HSXW\+HDGRI'HOHJDWLRQ9LFH3UpVLGHQWGHGpOpJDWLRQ 'HOHJDWLRQ6HFUHWDU\6HFUpWDLUHGHGpOpJDWLRQ Mrs / Mme Ieva ANDRIULAITYTE (Working Language : English / Anglais) Tel : (+370 5) 212 2958 Fax : (+370 5) 261 5366 E-mail : [email protected] 1 / 3 7KH&RQJUHVVRI/RFDODQG5HJLRQDO$XWKRULWLHVRIWKH&RXQFLORI(XURSH/H&RQJUqVGHVSRXYRLUVORFDX[HWUpJLRQDX[GX&RQVHLOGHO¶Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex ±7pO33 (0)3 88 41 21 10±Fax : +33 (0)3 88 41 37 47±[email protected] ±www.coe.int/congress 32/$1'32/2*1(6HDWV6LqJHV CHAMBER OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES / CHAMBRE DES POUVOIRS LOCAUX 5HSUHVHQWDWLYH5HSUpVHQWDQW Mr / M. Robert BIEDRON SOC Independant Mayor Slupsk Mr / M. Walery CZARNECKI GILD-ILDG Independent Head of the County of Luban Mr / M. Krzysztof IWANIUK NI-NR Independent Mayor of Terespol Mr / M. Krysztof MATYJASZCZYK SOC SLD - Democratic Left Alliance Mayor of Czestochowa Mr / M. Dariusz WROBEL CRE-ECR Independent Mayor of Opole Lubelskie Mrs / Mme Hanna ZDANOWSKA PPE/CCE-EPP/CCE PO - Civic Platform Mayor of Lodz 6XEVWLWXWH6XSSOpDQW Mr / M. Marcin LAGUNA NI-NR PIS - Law and Justice Mayor of Wawolnica Mrs / Mme Beata MOSKAL-SLANIEWSKA SOC SLD - Democratic Left Alliance Mayor of Swidnicy Mr / M. - ZZ SUP CPL (POLAND) NI-NR Mr / M. - ZZ SUP CPL (POLAND) NI-NR Mr / M. - ZZ SUP CPL (POLAND) NI-NR Mr / M. - ZZ SUP CPL (POLAND) NI-NR &+$0%(52)5(*,216&+$0%5('(65e*,216 5HSUHVHQWDWLYH5HSUpVHQWDQW Mrs / Mme Bernadeta HORDEJUK PPE/CCE-EPP/CCE PO - Civic Platform Regional Councillor, Warminsko-Mazurskie Region Mr / M. Wojciech JANKOWIAK PPE/CCE-EPP/CCE PSL - Polish People's Party Deputy Marshal, Wilekopolskiego region Mr / M. Marek MAZUR PPE/CCE-EPP/CCE PSL - Polish People's Party Chairman, Regional Council of Lodskie Region Mrs / Mme Janina Ewa ORZELOWSKA NI-NR PSL - Polish People's Party Deputy Marchal of Mazovia Region Mrs / Mme Elzbieta POLAK PPE/CCE-EPP/CCE PO - Civic Platform Marshall, Lubuskie Region Mr / M. Andrzej PRUSZKOWSKI CRE-ECR PiS - Law and Justice Regional Councillor, Lubelskie Region 6XEVWLWXWH6XSSOpDQW Mr / M. Michal CZARSKI NI-NR SLD - Democratic Left Alliance Regional Councillor, Slaskie Region Mr / M. Grzegorz GRZELAK PPE/CCE-EPP/CCE PO - Civic Platform Regional Councilor, Pomorskie Region Mrs / Mme Anna Maria HORODYSKA NI-NR PO - Civic Platform Regional Councillor, Dolnoslaskiego Region Mr / M. Jan Norbert KRAJCZY NI-NR PSL - Polish People's Party Regional Councillor, Opole Mrs / Mme Daria SAPINSKA PPE/CCE-EPP/CCE PO - Civic Platform Regional Councillor, Podlaskie Region Mrs / Mme Tatiana SOKOLOWSKA PPE/CCE-EPP/CCE PO - Civic Platform Regional Councillor, Wielkopolskiego Region 2 / 3 7KH&RQJUHVVRI/RFDODQG5HJLRQDO$XWKRULWLHVRIWKH&RXQFLORI(XURSH/H&RQJUqVGHVSRXYRLUVORFDX[HWUpJLRQDX[GX&RQVHLOGHO¶Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex ±7pO33 (0)3 88 41 21 10±Fax : +33 (0)3 88 41 37 47±[email protected] ±www.coe.int/congress 'HOHJDWLRQ&KDLU3UpVLGHQWGHGpOpJDWLRQ Mr / M. Dariusz WROBEL (Working Language : English / Anglais) Mayor of Opole Lubelskie Tel : +48 81 827 2045 Fax : +48 81 827 7200 E-mail : [email protected] 'HSXW\+HDGRI'HOHJDWLRQ9LFH3UpVLGHQWGHGpOpJDWLRQ Mr / M. Wojciech JANKOWIAK (Working Language : English / Anglais) Deputy Marshal, Wilekopolskiego region Tel : +48 61 6266610 Fax : +48 61 6266611 E-mail : [email protected] 'HOHJDWLRQ6HFUHWDU\6HFUpWDLUHGHGpOpJDWLRQ Mrs / Mme Katarzyna HALAS-PACZYNSKA (Working Language : English / Anglais) Tel : +48 61 633 50 56 Fax : +48 61 633 50 60 E-mail : [email protected] 3 / 3 7KH&RQJUHVVRI/RFDODQG5HJLRQDO$XWKRULWLHVRIWKH&RXQFLORI(XURSH/H&RQJUqVGHVSRXYRLUVORFDX[HWUpJLRQDX[GX&RQVHLOGHO¶Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex ±7pO33 (0)3 88 41 21 10±Fax : +33 (0)3 88 41 37 47±[email protected] ±www.coe.int/congress.
Recommended publications
  • Poland (Mainly) Chooses Stability and Continuity: the October 2011 Polish Parliamentary Election
    Poland (mainly) chooses stability and continuity: The October 2011 Polish parliamentary election Aleks Szczerbiak [email protected] University of Sussex SEI Working Paper No. 129 1 The Sussex European Institute publishes Working Papers (ISSN 1350-4649) to make research results, accounts of work-in-progress and background information available to those concerned with contemporary European issues. The Institute does not express opinions of its own; the views expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author. The Sussex European Institute, founded in Autumn 1992, is a research and graduate teaching centre of the University of Sussex, specialising in studies of contemporary Europe, particularly in the social sciences and contemporary history. The SEI has a developing research programme which defines Europe broadly and seeks to draw on the contributions of a range of disciplines to the understanding of contemporary Europe. The SEI draws on the expertise of many faculty members from the University, as well as on those of its own staff and visiting fellows. In addition, the SEI provides one-year MA courses in Contemporary European Studies and European Politics and opportunities for MPhil and DPhil research degrees. http://www.sussex.ac.uk/sei/ First published in March 2012 by the Sussex European Institute University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG Tel: 01273 678578 Fax: 01273 678571 E-mail: [email protected] © Sussex European Institute Ordering Details The price of this Working Paper is £5.00 plus postage and packing. Orders should be sent to the Sussex European Institute, University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG.
    [Show full text]
  • Assumptions of Law and Justice Party Foreign Policy
    Warsaw, May 2016 Change in Poland, but what change? Assumptions of Law and Justice party foreign policy Adam Balcer – WiseEuropa Institute Piotr Buras – European Council on Foreign Relations Grzegorz Gromadzki – Stefan Batory Foundation Eugeniusz Smolar – Centre for International Relations The deep reform of the state announced by Law and Justice party (PiS) and its unquestioned leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, and presented as the “Good Change”, to a great extent also influences foreign, especially European, policy. Though PiS’s political project has been usually analysed in terms of its relation to the post 1989, so called 3rd Republic institutional-political model and the results of the socio-economic transformation of the last 25 years, there is no doubt that in its alternative concept for Poland, the perception of the world, Europe and Poland’s place in it, plays a vital role. The “Good Change” concept implies the most far-reaching reorientation in foreign policy in the last quarter of a century, which, at the level of policy declarations made by representatives of the government circles and their intellectual supporters implies the abandonment of a number of key assumptions that shaped not only policy but also the imagination of the Polish political elite and broad society as a whole after 1989. The generally accepted strategic aim after 1989 was to avoid the “twilight zone” of uncertainty and to anchor Poland permanently in the western security system – i.e. NATO, and European political, legal and economic structures, in other words the European Union. “Europeanisation” was the doctrine of Stefan Batory Foundation Polish transformation after 1989.
    [Show full text]
  • Declining Support for Government of Donald Tusk and for Civic Platform (Po)
    DECLINING SUPPORT FOR GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK AND FOR CIVIC PLATFORM (PO) The coalition of Civic Platform and Polish Peasant Party (PO-PSL), which has governed Poland for over four years, is losing social support. Evaluations of the government of Donald Tusk have deteriorated. At present, they are the worst, if both parliamentary terms are considered. The decline was precipitated by, among others, problems with implementation of new rules on refunding medicines, signing of the ACTA agreement (a decision from which the government eventually withdrew), and planned changes in the pension system, especially raising the retirement age to 67 years. From Dec. 2011 to March 2012 the proportion of government supporters fell from 44% to 31%, while the number of opponents rose from 31% to 45%. ATTITUDE TO THE GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK “Don't know” omitted The popularity of the Prime Minster is diminishing. The proportion of respondents satisfied with the work of Donald Tusk as Prime Minister fell from 49% in Dec. 2011 to 33% in March 2012. At the same time, the number of the dissatisfied rose from 38% to 57%. SATISFACTION WITH DONALD TUSK AS PRIME MINISTER “Don't know” omitted The effects of government's activities are perceived ever more critically. The proportion of people satisfied with them fell in the last four months from 45% to 25%, while the number of the dissatisfied rose from 40% to 67%. EVALUATION OF EFFECTS OF ACTIVITY OF DONALD TUSK'S GOVERNMENT UP TO DATE “Don't know” omitted The decline in support for the government is accompanied by a drop in the ratings of the Civic Platform (PO).
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
    Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Young People, Precarious Employment and Nationalism in Poland: Exploring the (Missing) Links
    European Review, Vol. 29, No. 4, 470–483 © 2020 Academia Europaea. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S1062798720000514 Young People, Precarious Employment and Nationalism in Poland: Exploring the (Missing) Links ADAM MROZOWICKI & JUSTYNA KAJTA Institute of Sociology, University of Wrocław, ul. Koszarowa 3, 51-149 Wrocław, Poland. Email: [email protected] This article explores the relevance of economic and cultural (identity-based) factors in the emergence of nationalist sentiments among young people in Poland. It discusses the changing labour market situation of young workers, involving their precarisation and critically reviews existing accounts of new nationalism in Poland. In the body of the article, based on the analysis of biographical narrative interviews with young nationalist activists and right-wing supporters, the subjective justifications of their far-right views are analysed. It is concluded that the central motives for supporting the agenda of the nationalist movement by our informants are not directly connected with their economic situation, but related to their search for solid, clear and unambiguous foundations of social order and their biographical identities. Introduction Over the last few years, it has been observed that there is a growing presence and increasing activity of nationalist organisations and political parties in Poland. Even though it is hard to estimate the membership of radical nationalist organisations due to the lack of reliable statistics, the rapidly increasing number of participants in the Independence Day Marches – from around 10,000 people in 2010 to 60,000 in 2017 and 250,000 in 2018, when it was supported by the government, clearly indi- cates their potential for attracting new supporters.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Conflict, Social Inequality and Electoral Cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018
    World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2020/25 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018 Attila Lindner Filip Novokmet Thomas Piketty Tomasz Zawisza November 2020 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-20181 Attila Lindner, Filip Novokmet, Thomas Piketty, Tomasz Zawisza Abstract This paper analyses the electoral cleavages in three Central European countries countries—the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland—since the fall of communism until today. In all three countries, the left has seen a prolonged decline in support. On the other hand, the “populist” parties increased their support and recently attained power in each country. We relate this to specific trajectories of post-communist transition. Former communist parties in Hungary and Poland transformed themselves into social- democratic parties. These parties' pro-market policies prevented them from establishing themselves predominantly among a lower-income electorate. Meanwhile, the liberal right in the Czech Republic and Poland became representative of both high-income and high-educated voters. This has opened up space for populist parties and influenced their character, assuming more ‘nativist’ outlook in Poland and Hungary and more ‘centrist’ in the Czech Republic. 1 We are grateful to Anna Becker for the outstanding research assistance, to Gábor Tóka for his help with obtaining survey data on Hungary and to Lukáš Linek for helping with obtaining the data of the 2017 Czech elections. We would also like to thank Ferenc Szűcs who provided invaluable insights. 1 1. Introduction The legacy of the communist regime and the rapid transition from a central planning economy to a market-based economy had a profound impact on the access to economic opportunities, challenged social identities and shaped party politics in all Central European countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Independence Movements in the EU? How Separatism Takes Over and Endangers Europe As a Peace Concept 1
    3 / 2019 & Sabine Riedel Independence Movements in the EU? How Separatism Takes over and Endangers Europe as a Peace Concept 1 Separatist movements exist worldwide, often due to conflicts over power and resources. If this phe- nomenon also affects the European Union, all politicians should sound the alarm bells. The EU is a peace project based on an ever-closer cooperation between its members. However, regional parties, which are currently striving for independence, seek a conflict, for the central question is not whether the regions have a right to secession, but whether the EU members will recognise them as states. Since a territorial secession violates the constitutional order against the will of the nation states concerned, the circle of supporters is likely to remain small. Therefore, the separatist parties demand majority decisions from supranational bodies. In this way they want to solve another problem, namely that their regions remain in the EU as full members. The pro-European image cultivated by many separatist parties is therefore a strategic calculation for the realisation of their vision of a ‘Europe of all peoples’, by which they mean though ethnic and cultural units and not the national peoples of the EU. This redefinition of the concept of nation, however, endangers member states’ stability and thus European integration. Independence movements are social forces that independence movements. In fact, the 193 mem- want to separate a regional unit from a certain ber states of the United Nations (UN) decide state territory. Scholars speak of separatism, within the international legal framework whether which can have different goals.
    [Show full text]
  • Populism and the Erosion of Democracy in Poland and in Hungary
    Populism and the Erosion of Democracy in Poland and in Hungary Anna Grzymala-Busse Stanford University October 24, 2017 The failure of party competition The unprecedented support for populist parties, their hold on power, and the subse- quent erosion of democracy in Poland and in Hungary are all the result of the failure of mainstream political parties. The \natural parties of government" failed to articulate distinct policies and to respond to constituent concerns. Populist right-wing parties took advantage of this indifference in the last ten years, and convincingly argued they better represented the interests of \real" Poles and Hungarians against the corrupt and collusive elite establishment. To achieve their goal of a state loyal to the will of the people, these parties then set out to systematically dismantle the formal institutions of liberal democ- racy: courts, media freedoms, civil society associations, and constitutions. They also undermined the informal values that buttress liberal democracy, such as protecting the opposition, transparency in financial dealings, or equal treatment of all citizens. Neither civil society alone nor international criticism have been able to thwart these processes of democratic corrosion. Only other political parties can do so, but they remain too weak, divided, and hampered by new laws passed by the populist governments. Initially after the collapse of communism in 1989, Poland and Hungary were the poster children for successful transformation. They were the first to democratize, with Round Table agreements in 1989 that led to free elections and political competition. Both successfully managed the transition to a market economy, and both were among the earliest entrants to NATO and the EU among the post-communist states.
    [Show full text]
  • Poland: the Olitp Ics of “God's Playground” Jane Leftwich Curry Santa Clara University, [email protected]
    Santa Clara University Scholar Commons Political Science College of Arts & Sciences 2014 Poland: The olitP ics of “God's Playground” Jane Leftwich Curry Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/poli_sci Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Curry, J. L. (2014). Poland: The oP litics of “God's Playground”. In S. L. Wolchik & J. L. Curry (Eds.), Central and East European Politics: From Communism to Democracy, (pp. 235-263). Rowman & Littlefield. Copyright © 2014 Rowman & Littlefield. Reproduced by permission of Rowman & Littlefield. All rights reserved. Please contact the publisher for permission to copy, distribute or reprint. View the book in our Faculty Book Gallery. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Baltic Sea BELARUS POLAND *Warsaw eWroclaw CZECH REPUBLIC Map l 0.0. Poland CHAPTER 10 Poland THE POLITICS OF "GOD'S PLAYGROUND" Jane Leftwich Curry Poland was the first and one of the most successful transitions from a centralized com­ munist state to a liberal, more Western-style democracy. During the European economic crisis, Poland's economy maintained one of the highest growth rates in the European Union (EU). Its political system stabilized. It has been both an active member of the EU and a strong advocate for liberalization of its eastern neighbors as well as for their inclu­ sion in European initiatives.
    [Show full text]
  • Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens
    “The Most Challenging Term Since 1989”: Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens Article by Urszula Zielińska July 9, 2021 Rising corruption, shrinking democratic freedoms, and a crackdown on free media: the political landscape in Poland is challenging to say the least. After a long struggle, Polish Greens made it into parliament in 2019, where they have been standing in solidarity with protestors and fighting to put green issues on the agenda. We asked Green MP Urszula Zielińska how the environment and Europe fit into the Polish political debate, and how Greens are gearing up ahead of local and parliamentary elections in 2023. This interview is part of a series that we are publishing in partnership with Le Grand Continent on green parties in Europe. Green European Journal: 2020 saw presidential elections in Poland as well as a great wave of protest provoked by further restrictions to abortion rights. The pandemic is ongoing in Poland as everywhere. How are the Greens approaching the main issues in Polish politics in 2021? Urszula Zielinska: This period is significant for the Greens. We entered parliament for the first time after the October 2019 election with three MPs as part of a coalition with the Christian Democrat party Civic Platform (PO) and two other partners (The Modern Party and Initiative Poland). It’s taken the Greens 14 years to reach this point and the coalition helped us gain our first MPs. But at the same time, it has been an extremely difficult parliamentary term in general for Poland. In some respects, it may have been the most challenging term in 30 years of free, democratic Poland.
    [Show full text]
  • The October 2015 Polish Parliamentary Election
    An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election Article (Accepted Version) Szczerbiak, Aleks (2016) An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 18 (4). pp. 404-427. ISSN 1570-5854 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/63809/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election Abstract The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election saw the stunning victory of the right-wing opposition Law and Justice party which became the first in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority, and equally comprehensive defeat of the incumbent centrist Civic Platform.
    [Show full text]