Poland's Turbulent and Consequential Presidential Election
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Poland (Mainly) Chooses Stability and Continuity: the October 2011 Polish Parliamentary Election
Poland (mainly) chooses stability and continuity: The October 2011 Polish parliamentary election Aleks Szczerbiak [email protected] University of Sussex SEI Working Paper No. 129 1 The Sussex European Institute publishes Working Papers (ISSN 1350-4649) to make research results, accounts of work-in-progress and background information available to those concerned with contemporary European issues. The Institute does not express opinions of its own; the views expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author. The Sussex European Institute, founded in Autumn 1992, is a research and graduate teaching centre of the University of Sussex, specialising in studies of contemporary Europe, particularly in the social sciences and contemporary history. The SEI has a developing research programme which defines Europe broadly and seeks to draw on the contributions of a range of disciplines to the understanding of contemporary Europe. The SEI draws on the expertise of many faculty members from the University, as well as on those of its own staff and visiting fellows. In addition, the SEI provides one-year MA courses in Contemporary European Studies and European Politics and opportunities for MPhil and DPhil research degrees. http://www.sussex.ac.uk/sei/ First published in March 2012 by the Sussex European Institute University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG Tel: 01273 678578 Fax: 01273 678571 E-mail: [email protected] © Sussex European Institute Ordering Details The price of this Working Paper is £5.00 plus postage and packing. Orders should be sent to the Sussex European Institute, University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG. -
Declining Support for Government of Donald Tusk and for Civic Platform (Po)
DECLINING SUPPORT FOR GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK AND FOR CIVIC PLATFORM (PO) The coalition of Civic Platform and Polish Peasant Party (PO-PSL), which has governed Poland for over four years, is losing social support. Evaluations of the government of Donald Tusk have deteriorated. At present, they are the worst, if both parliamentary terms are considered. The decline was precipitated by, among others, problems with implementation of new rules on refunding medicines, signing of the ACTA agreement (a decision from which the government eventually withdrew), and planned changes in the pension system, especially raising the retirement age to 67 years. From Dec. 2011 to March 2012 the proportion of government supporters fell from 44% to 31%, while the number of opponents rose from 31% to 45%. ATTITUDE TO THE GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK “Don't know” omitted The popularity of the Prime Minster is diminishing. The proportion of respondents satisfied with the work of Donald Tusk as Prime Minister fell from 49% in Dec. 2011 to 33% in March 2012. At the same time, the number of the dissatisfied rose from 38% to 57%. SATISFACTION WITH DONALD TUSK AS PRIME MINISTER “Don't know” omitted The effects of government's activities are perceived ever more critically. The proportion of people satisfied with them fell in the last four months from 45% to 25%, while the number of the dissatisfied rose from 40% to 67%. EVALUATION OF EFFECTS OF ACTIVITY OF DONALD TUSK'S GOVERNMENT UP TO DATE “Don't know” omitted The decline in support for the government is accompanied by a drop in the ratings of the Civic Platform (PO). -
America First and the Populist Impact on US Foreign Policy
Survival Global Politics and Strategy ISSN: 0039-6338 (Print) 1468-2699 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tsur20 America First and the Populist Impact on US Foreign Policy Georg Löfflmann To cite this article: Georg Löfflmann (2019) America First and the Populist Impact on US Foreign Policy, Survival, 61:6, 115-138, DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2019.1688573 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2019.1688573 Published online: 19 Nov 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 515 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=tsur20 America First and the Populist Impact on US Foreign Policy Georg Löfflmann The election of Donald Trump as president of the United States and the success of Brexit in the European Union referendum campaign in the United Kingdom are the most prominent examples of the populist disruption of the status quo in international politics. This has led to heightened interest in the phenomenon of populism, both among global media and in academia.1 In the past, most analysts viewed populism as a domestic phenomenon rel- evant to voter mobilisation, with a particular focus on its impact on liberal democratic systems, comparisons among populist movements and leaders, and its development in Europe and Latin America.2 Populism’s impact on foreign policy and national security has garnered relatively little attention, and there has been little crossover between -
Political Conflict, Social Inequality and Electoral Cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018
World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2020/25 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018 Attila Lindner Filip Novokmet Thomas Piketty Tomasz Zawisza November 2020 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-20181 Attila Lindner, Filip Novokmet, Thomas Piketty, Tomasz Zawisza Abstract This paper analyses the electoral cleavages in three Central European countries countries—the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland—since the fall of communism until today. In all three countries, the left has seen a prolonged decline in support. On the other hand, the “populist” parties increased their support and recently attained power in each country. We relate this to specific trajectories of post-communist transition. Former communist parties in Hungary and Poland transformed themselves into social- democratic parties. These parties' pro-market policies prevented them from establishing themselves predominantly among a lower-income electorate. Meanwhile, the liberal right in the Czech Republic and Poland became representative of both high-income and high-educated voters. This has opened up space for populist parties and influenced their character, assuming more ‘nativist’ outlook in Poland and Hungary and more ‘centrist’ in the Czech Republic. 1 We are grateful to Anna Becker for the outstanding research assistance, to Gábor Tóka for his help with obtaining survey data on Hungary and to Lukáš Linek for helping with obtaining the data of the 2017 Czech elections. We would also like to thank Ferenc Szűcs who provided invaluable insights. 1 1. Introduction The legacy of the communist regime and the rapid transition from a central planning economy to a market-based economy had a profound impact on the access to economic opportunities, challenged social identities and shaped party politics in all Central European countries. -
The Case for Fort Trump Couldn't Be Stronger | Salvatore Babones
09/10/2018 The Case For Fort Trump Couldn’t Be Stronger | Salvatore Babones Unknown date Salvatore Babones The Case For Fort Trump Couldn’t Be Stronger Poland’s President Andrzej Duda met with President Donald Trump at the White House Tuesday to talk defense. Poland’s defense. But then, Poland’s defense is Europe’s defense, and European defense has been a core U.S. foreign-policy mission for more than a century. Poland is crucial to European defense because it is the keystone of a NATO arch that runs from Norway in the Arctic to Turkey in the Caucasus. NATO’s northern ank is secure. NATO’s southern ank is in disarray as Turkey’s commitment to NATO comes under doubt. But it is in the center that any future conict will be won or lost. Germany used to be the bulwark of NATO’s central front, but today Germany’s defense spending is among the lowest in Europe and its operational readiness is abysmal. Just as important, the German public does not support NATO’s mission or America’s role in it. By a 42 percent to 37 percent margin, Germans want U.S. troops out of their country. Even more alarming is the fact that only 40 percent of the German public supports the use of German troops to defend another European country from a Russian invasion. The corresponding gure for both the United States and Poland is 62 percent. That’s right: Americans are more willing to send troops to defend a European ally than Germans are. -
Populism and the Erosion of Democracy in Poland and in Hungary
Populism and the Erosion of Democracy in Poland and in Hungary Anna Grzymala-Busse Stanford University October 24, 2017 The failure of party competition The unprecedented support for populist parties, their hold on power, and the subse- quent erosion of democracy in Poland and in Hungary are all the result of the failure of mainstream political parties. The \natural parties of government" failed to articulate distinct policies and to respond to constituent concerns. Populist right-wing parties took advantage of this indifference in the last ten years, and convincingly argued they better represented the interests of \real" Poles and Hungarians against the corrupt and collusive elite establishment. To achieve their goal of a state loyal to the will of the people, these parties then set out to systematically dismantle the formal institutions of liberal democ- racy: courts, media freedoms, civil society associations, and constitutions. They also undermined the informal values that buttress liberal democracy, such as protecting the opposition, transparency in financial dealings, or equal treatment of all citizens. Neither civil society alone nor international criticism have been able to thwart these processes of democratic corrosion. Only other political parties can do so, but they remain too weak, divided, and hampered by new laws passed by the populist governments. Initially after the collapse of communism in 1989, Poland and Hungary were the poster children for successful transformation. They were the first to democratize, with Round Table agreements in 1989 that led to free elections and political competition. Both successfully managed the transition to a market economy, and both were among the earliest entrants to NATO and the EU among the post-communist states. -
Poland: the Olitp Ics of “God's Playground” Jane Leftwich Curry Santa Clara University, [email protected]
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons Political Science College of Arts & Sciences 2014 Poland: The olitP ics of “God's Playground” Jane Leftwich Curry Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/poli_sci Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Curry, J. L. (2014). Poland: The oP litics of “God's Playground”. In S. L. Wolchik & J. L. Curry (Eds.), Central and East European Politics: From Communism to Democracy, (pp. 235-263). Rowman & Littlefield. Copyright © 2014 Rowman & Littlefield. Reproduced by permission of Rowman & Littlefield. All rights reserved. Please contact the publisher for permission to copy, distribute or reprint. View the book in our Faculty Book Gallery. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Baltic Sea BELARUS POLAND *Warsaw eWroclaw CZECH REPUBLIC Map l 0.0. Poland CHAPTER 10 Poland THE POLITICS OF "GOD'S PLAYGROUND" Jane Leftwich Curry Poland was the first and one of the most successful transitions from a centralized com munist state to a liberal, more Western-style democracy. During the European economic crisis, Poland's economy maintained one of the highest growth rates in the European Union (EU). Its political system stabilized. It has been both an active member of the EU and a strong advocate for liberalization of its eastern neighbors as well as for their inclu sion in European initiatives. -
Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens
“The Most Challenging Term Since 1989”: Uphill Struggle for the Polish Greens Article by Urszula Zielińska July 9, 2021 Rising corruption, shrinking democratic freedoms, and a crackdown on free media: the political landscape in Poland is challenging to say the least. After a long struggle, Polish Greens made it into parliament in 2019, where they have been standing in solidarity with protestors and fighting to put green issues on the agenda. We asked Green MP Urszula Zielińska how the environment and Europe fit into the Polish political debate, and how Greens are gearing up ahead of local and parliamentary elections in 2023. This interview is part of a series that we are publishing in partnership with Le Grand Continent on green parties in Europe. Green European Journal: 2020 saw presidential elections in Poland as well as a great wave of protest provoked by further restrictions to abortion rights. The pandemic is ongoing in Poland as everywhere. How are the Greens approaching the main issues in Polish politics in 2021? Urszula Zielinska: This period is significant for the Greens. We entered parliament for the first time after the October 2019 election with three MPs as part of a coalition with the Christian Democrat party Civic Platform (PO) and two other partners (The Modern Party and Initiative Poland). It’s taken the Greens 14 years to reach this point and the coalition helped us gain our first MPs. But at the same time, it has been an extremely difficult parliamentary term in general for Poland. In some respects, it may have been the most challenging term in 30 years of free, democratic Poland. -
The October 2015 Polish Parliamentary Election
An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election Article (Accepted Version) Szczerbiak, Aleks (2016) An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 18 (4). pp. 404-427. ISSN 1570-5854 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/63809/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election Abstract The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election saw the stunning victory of the right-wing opposition Law and Justice party which became the first in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority, and equally comprehensive defeat of the incumbent centrist Civic Platform. -
Special Raport
SPECIAL REPORT 02/11/2019 U.S. PERMANENT MILITARY BASE IN POLAND: FAVORABLE SOLUTION FOR THE NATO ALLIANCE Warsaw Institute U.S. PERMANENT MILITARY BASE IN POLAND: FAVORABLE SOLUTION FOR THE NATO ALLIANCE U.S. Permanent Military Base in Poland: Favorable Solution For the NATO Alliance Publisher: Warsaw Institute Wilcza St. 9 00-538 Warsaw Poland www.warsawinstitute.org [email protected] Authors: Grzegorz Kuczyński - Director of Eurasia Program, Warsaw Institute Krzysztof Kamiński – President, Warsaw Institute Glen E. Howard - President, Jamestown Foundation Laurynas Kasčiūnas - Member of the Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania Iulian Chifu – President, Conflict Prevention and Early Warning Center Editor: Agnieszka Nitek - Warsaw Institute Translations & proofreading: Aleksandra Iskra - Warsaw Institute ISBN 978-83-947602-2-9 © Warsaw Institute 2019 The opinions given and the positions held in this publication solely reflects the views of authors. 2 Special Report www.warsawinstitute.org U.S. PERMANENT MILITARY BASE IN POLAND: FAVORABLE SOLUTION FOR THE NATO ALLIANCE Dear Readers, On September 18th, 2018, during a joint press conference of the President of the United States and President of the Republic of Poland, the proposal to increase the involvement of U.S. Army in Central and Eastern Europe was announced. President Donald J. Trump said the U.S. is considering to deploy more U.S. troops and military equipment to Poland. His Polish counterpart, President Andrzej Duda, suggested building a permanent U.S. base in Poland. Poland has openly proposed a permanent U.S. presence since President George W. Bush was in office. All significant political forces in Poland have been supporting this idea for years. -
Poland's Second Return to Europe?
BRIEF POLICY POLAND’S SECOND RETURN TO EUROPE? Paweł Swieboda´ SUMMARY The parliamentary elections on 21 October 2007 produced Donald Tusk, the new Polish Prime Minister, wants to bring Poland back to the heart of Europe, a new governing coalition between the Civic Platform and the rebuilding ties with Germany and France to create Polish People’s Party, prompting a sigh of relief in Warsaw’s a ‘Weimar Triangle’, lessening tensions with Russia, foreign policy establishment. The new government, headed and trying to make the country a genuine player by Donald Tusk, is set on changing the country’s foreign in European foreign policy. policy profi le and wants to erase memories associated with The new Government will try to rebalance its the self-centred style of their predecessors. The Kaczyn´ski relationship with the United States, slowing down twins wholeheartedly believed that Poland needed to use the move towards missile defence and withdrawing every opportunity to assert its national interests, and its troops from Iraq. eagerly used their veto power on a range of issues, including the new EU-Russia partnership agreement, the January Although there will be a change of style on contentious issues like Russia, the new government 2006 tax package, the directive on the transfer of prisoners, will still be an ‘assertive partner’ opting out of the and the European Day Against the Death Penalty. Donald Charter of Fundamental Rights; unlikely to join Tusk’s new team will follow a different logic, working more the euro; and likely to put up a fi ght against reform through discussion and persuasion rather than obstruction. -
5 June 2019 Diego García-Sayán, United Nations Special Rapporteur of the Human Rights Council on the Independence of Judges A
5 June 2019 Diego García-Sayán, United Nations Special Rapporteur of the Human Rights Council on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights United Nations Office at Geneva 8-14 Avenue de la Paix 12-11 Geneva 10, Switzerland Via Email: [email protected] RE: Complaint Against the United States of America: Interference with Judicial Proceedings at the International Criminal Court “The United States will use any means necessary to protect our citizens and those of our allies from unjust prosecution by this illegitimate court.” - U.S. National Security Advisor John Bolton1 “…subsequent changes within the relevant political landscape both in Afghanistan and in key States (both parties and non-parties to the Statute), coupled with the complexity and volatility of the political climate still surrounding the Afghan scenario, make it extremely difficult to gauge the prospects of securing meaningful cooperation from relevant authorities for the future.” - ICC Pre-Trial Chamber II, 12 April 2019 Decision2 Dear Special Rapporteur García-Sayán, This complaint and request for a comprehensive investigation is prompted by the well- founded belief that there has been, and likely continues to be, interference with the independence of judicial proceedings at the International Criminal Court (“ICC” or “Court”) by senior officials of the United States, up to and including President Donald Trump. Public statements by U.S. officials make clear that the target of this interference extends not only to personnel of the ICC, including members of the judiciary, but also to Member States of the ICC as well as inter-governmental organizations, such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (“NATO”), and threatens to interfere with the work of lawyers representing victims or otherwise engaging with the ICC.