Musamus Law Review

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Musamus Law Review MUSAMUS LAW REVIEW Volume 2 Issue 1, October 2019 Faculty of Law, Musamus University, Merauke, Papua, Indonesia ISSN Online: 2621-959X, ISSN Print: 2621-9581 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. The Urgency of Radicalism Regulation in Legal Norms in Indonesia Lisa Mery1 1 Faculty of Law, East Indonesia University, Makassar-Indonesia, [email protected] ABSTRACT ARTICLE INFO Radicalism is a serious threat to countries in the world, Indonesia as Keywords: a country that has a large area and a population that has increased Radicalism; Urgency; the potential threat of understanding derived from radical ideology Element Identification. (negative), to show the efforts made by the Indonesian government in anticipating radicalism in the country then This article lightly How to cite: discusses the urgency of anticipating the threat of radicalism into the Mery, L., (2019). The rule of law and identifying the elements of radicalism to enter into a Urgency of Radicalism classification of crime that is different from terrorism. This research Regulation in Legal Norms method uses a literature study that qualitatively seeks to analyze the in Indonesia. Musamus phenomenon of rising tendencies of radicalism in Indonesia and Law Review, 2(1), 1-11 explains the urgency of regulating radicalism into a legal norm. Discussion and analysis of research shows that radicalism is very important (urgent) to be anticipated in a rule of law so that although there are already specific rules in Law No.5 of 2017 concerning terrorism, radicalism also has urgency to be regulated by looking at elements of the pattern of crime development that different from terrorism as a crime that is more clearly characterized by actual. The results of the identification of elements of radicalism show different tendencies with more significant indicators of radicalism before the onset of terrorism. Copyright © 2018 MuLaRev. All rights reserved. 1. INTRODUCTION After the reformation of the information flow and the technological vortex had an impact on the Indonesian state whose citizens experienced a euphoria of freedom, both delivering positive and negative ideas. Identifying positive facts certainly makes a growing impact for both the nation and state, not so with negative facts related to the tendency of rising factors of radicalism, this phenomenon is increasingly felt even though it is not a new fact. The development of IT (Information Technologie) opened a taboo partition that had been controlled by the Indonesian government during the New Order era. Radicalism from various sides deserves serious attention, this makes the world countries work 1 Lisa Mery together to prevent and overcome the seeds of threats that come from various points of the country, for example in Indonesia there have been several bomb threats that have delivered messages of terror to several intended because of political differences, the Bali Bombing I terror on 12 October 2002 with 202 dead, JW Marriot bombing on 5 August 2003 killed 14 people including perpetrators, the Australian Embassy Bombing on 9 September 2004 killed 9 people and 180 people injured, the Bali Bomb II on October 1, 2005 killed 23 people, the JW Marriot bombing and the Ritz Carlton that occurred with a difference of five minutes resulted in 9 people killed and 53 injured, suicide bombing at the Az Dzikra Mapolrestas mosque in Cirebon on 15 April 2011 killed 25 perpetrators and wounded 25 people, Sarinah bomb, Jakarta on January 14, 2016, 5 perpetrators and 2 war three civilians were killed and several residents injured, the Solo Mapolresta Bomb on July 5, 2016 killed the perpetrator and injured a police officer, a suicide bombing around the Kampung Melayu Terminal on May 24, 2017 killed the perpetrator and 3 police officers and injured 11 people, the Surabaya Bomb and Sidoarjo suicide bombings in three churches in Surabaya, East Java on May 13, 2018 the bomb exploded in the morning at 07.00 WIB and at 21.00 WIB killed 17 people, and finally on May 14, 2018 there was a suicide bombing at Surabaya Mapolresta at 08.50 WIB five people who are one family, four people were declared dead on the spot and one managed to escape death, suspicion, and punishment have been handed down to several individuals, networks and groups that move efforts to disrupt the stability of the nation and state. The development of radicalism that led to terrorism is not only symptomatic in Indonesia, various countries of the world have also experienced bomb terror and the magnitude of the influence of global radicalism that has attracted global vigilance to actively engage in increasing internal security and international cooperation to take concrete steps, both at national and international levels by taking all kinds of defense and security lines. This condition is truly astonishing, especially now that Indonesia actually has a National Human Rights Commission and a Human Rights Court that has long worked.1 These incidents require deeper analysis to encourage research into the concrete urgency of a rule of law. Based on the background of the above description, the problem is formulated that can be studied and analyzed about the urgency of anticipating the threat of radicalism into the rule of law and identifying the elements of radicalism to enter into a classification of crime that is different from terrorism. 2. METHOD This research is research that uses qualitative research methods. The research method used is Normative Research which is researching and analyzing legal rules2, where the law is conceptualized as a norm or rule that is used as a basis for anticipating the 1 Imanuel Marthen Dumais, Muhadar Muhadar, Marwati Riza. (2018). The Right of Suspects to Obtain Legal Aid in Criminal Investigation. Musamus Law Review, 1(1), 53-62. https://doi.org/10.35724/mularev.v1i1.736 pp. 54 2 Julianto Jover Jotam Kalalo, Chyntia Novita Kalalo. (2018). Legal Protection Against Health Workers in Taking First Aid Medical Measures. Musamus Law Review, 1(1), 40-52. https://doi.org/10.35724/mularev.v1i1.1076 pp.42 2 Musamus Law Review. 2(1): 1-11 tendency of serious crimes against humanity. Sources of normative legal research in the form of secondary data, taking primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials.3 The author uses several approaches, namely: Approach to legislation (statute approach), conceptual approach (conceptual approach), case approach (case approach). The source of legal material used in this study is primary legal material and secondary legal material.4 Secondary data sourced from official documents, books, research results in the form of reports, diaries, and so on in the form of documents.5 3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 3.1. The Urgency of Anticipating the Threat of Radicalism The state in organizing the life of the nation and the nation faces threats originating from within the country and outside the country. The threat is seen from two dimensions, the real threat, and the non-real threat, for example, the threat of open war involving countries. The real threat comes in the form of the usual types of threats in the form of acts of terror (terrorism), disruption from armed uprisings, natural disasters, epidemics and abuse of narcotics and psychotropic substances. Some of these threats already have concrete norms in the regulation of national law. While radicalism, which in the last five years has increasingly shown its critical momentum, is evidenced by several analyzes from legal experts, intelligence and headlines in various mass media, it has not become a concern for more serious anticipation. Humans are the most perfect creatures and given the noblest position before God Almighty, human beings are equipped with physical and mental perfection and grace in the form of thoughts and reason so that they can distinguish between good and bad this is the ideal concept of humans.6 Radicalism is born from various things that accumulate so that it grows into anarchists. Radicalism has become a joint issue with world countries because since the Arab Spring has been mobilized by violent groups there have been various political and humanitarian crises since 2011 which destroyed many Middle Eastern countries, namely Libya, Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, and Syria. The success of pro-violence groups in the Middle East has inspired groups that carry radicalism in other countries in various parts of the world. The radical network of pro- violence is active in Asia, Europe, Africa, America and Australia, radical groups have a Utopian desire to "establish a Khilafah in all corners of the world." The Syrian crisis pattern was replicated by radical groups in Indonesia. Networks of radical groups in Indonesia are connected with Syrian crisis actors. For example, at the headquarters of Al Qaida (Jaysh Al Islam), one of the terrorist groups in Aleppo, Syria, was found to be a shipment from one of the non- 3 Amiruddin & H. Zainal Asikin. (2006). Pengantar Metode Penelitian Hukum. Jakarta: PT Raja Grafindo Persada. pp. 167-168 4 Yusdar, Y. (2019). Accessibility of Persons with Disabilities in Realizing Elections with Integrity. Musamus Law Review, 1(2), 105-114. https://doi.org/10.35724/mularev.v1i2.1198 pp.108 5 Soerjono Soekanto. (1986). Pengantar Penelitian Hukum. Jakarta: UI Perss. pp. 22 6 Arhjayati Rahim. (2019). Diversion in the Form of Protection of Human Rights. Musamus Law Review, 1(2), 87-94. https://doi.org/10.35724/mularev.v1i2.1126 pp. 89 3 Lisa Mery governmental organizations in Indonesia, and a label that said IHR (Indonesian Humanitarian Relief) was found, this shipment brought a question mark of correlation between Syrian sectarian radical groups and NGOs in Indonesia, is there really connectivity? The flow of funds from Bachtiar Nasir was in the form of a slip of transfer evidence to Turkey from the Justice Foundation for all, bringing international media claims to have links with ISIS.7 In addition to the aid of goods and also the flow of funds for terror groups in Syria, intentionally or unintentionally it should increase awareness of the vulnerability of the transnational movement to influence groups or organizations in a sovereign state.
Recommended publications
  • Countering Violent Extremism in Indonesia: Need for a Rethink
    No Need for Panic: Planned and Unplanned Releases of Convicted Extremists in Indonesia ©2013 IPAC 1 COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN INDONESIA: NEED FOR A RETHINK 30 June 2014 IPAC Report No.11 contents I. Overview ..............................................................................................1 II. Background to the Government Program .......................................2 III. Terrorism Prevention Coordination Forums (FKPT) ....................3 IV. Deradicalisation and Counter-radicalisation 2013-2014 ...............6 A. The Deradicalisation Blueprint and the PNPT ........................6 B. The Sentul Deradicalisation Centre ...........................................7 C. Visits of Middle Eastern Ulama..................................................8 V. Mosques ................................................................................................9 A. The Takeover of the Muhammad Ramadhan Mosque ............9 B. The Case of Mesjid Jami, Krapyak, Klaten ..............................12 C. Lessons for BNPT .......................................................................13 VI. Prisons ...............................................................................................13 A. “Self-Deradicalisation”...............................................................14 1. Organisational Disengagement ..........................................14 2. Individual Disengagement .................................................15 B. Assessment of High-Risk Prisoners .........................................16
    [Show full text]
  • The Populism of Islamist Preachers in Indonesia's 2019 Presidential
    The Populism of Islamist Preachers in Indonesia’s 2019 Presidential Election Yuka Kayane University of Tsukuba Populism without leadership? he literature on populism in Asian countries over the past two decades has generally featured charismatic and often autocratic leaders, as notably demonstrated elsewhere by the rise (and fall) of Thaksin Shinawatra due to his vehement rhetoric that antago- Tnized political elites in Bangkok, Rodrigo Duterte’s brutal and lawless war on drugs, and the continuous electoral success of Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist government, which prop- agates a divisive rhetoric that alienates Muslim minorities.1 Those analyses and media com- mentaries have highlighted personalistic leaders’ political strategies for seeking or exercising governmental power based on direct, unmediated, un-institutionalized support from large numbers of mostly unorganized followers.2 While the aforementioned top-down populism with powerful leadership has often attracted significant attention, recent studies have shown that there are varieties of other forms of populist mobilization; some take bottom-up forms of social movement, while others have both personalist leadership and social movement.3 In addition, its characteristics substantially depend on local context, such as the ideological bases that are most appealing to the specific society, the figures best positioned to succeed in gaining acceptance as a representative of the people, and how antagonistic oppositions are constructed. The term ‘populism’ was widely used during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election, in which both candidates––Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and Prabowo Subianto––leveraged the 1 Joshua Kurlantzick,“Southeast Asia’s Populism is Different but Also Dangerous,” Council on Foreign Relations, November 1, 2018, https://www.cfr.org/in-brief/​south​east-asias​-popul​ism-diffe​rent-also-dange​ rous, accessed December 12, 2019.
    [Show full text]
  • Capturing Anti‑Jokowi Sentiment and Islamic Conservative Masses : PKS 2019 Strategy
    This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Capturing anti‑Jokowi sentiment and Islamic conservative masses : PKS 2019 strategy Priamarizki, Adhi; Dinarto, Dedi 2019 Priamarizki, A., & Dinarto, D. (2019). Capturing anti‑Jokowi sentiment and Islamic conservative masses : PKS 2019 strategy. (RSIS Working Paper, No. 324). Singapore: Nanyang Technological University. https://hdl.handle.net/10356/136709 Nanyang Technological University Downloaded on 25 Sep 2021 13:25:00 SGT NO. 324 CAPTURING ANTI-JOKOWI SENTIMENT AND ISLAMIC CONSERVATIVE MASSES PKS 2019 STRATEGY ADHI PRIAMARIZKI AND DEDI DINARTO S. RAJARATNAM SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES SINGAPORE 21 NOVEMBER 2019 Abstract This paper examines the Prosperous and Justice Party (PKS)’s strategy in the 2019 Indonesian general elections. Among the Islamic-based political parties, PKS gained the most significant increase in votes. We aspire to understand the breakthrough by looking at the party’s strategy. On the one hand, our findings confirm the existing studies that correctly noted the moving of Indonesian political parties towards a “catch-all” direction by which they aim to garner wider support beyond a specific type of voter base. On the other hand, our research notes that PKS has started to exploit the phenomenon of rising Islamic conservatism in Indonesia. Despite solely maintaining an inclusive electoral strategy, this research asserts that the party has adjusted its campaign strategy to fit in with the trend of rising Islamic conservatism while concurrently exploiting the anti-incumbent president (Joko Widodo) sentiment. This paper aims to enhance discussion on Indonesian politics as well as Indonesia’s political parties, particularly the PKS.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of Islamism and the Future of Indonesian Islam
    Journal of International Studies Vol. 16, 105-128 (2020) How to cite this article: Al Qurtuby, S. (2020). The rise of Islamism and the future of Indonesian Islam. Journal of International Studies, 16, 105-128. https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2020.16.7 The Rise of Islamism and the Future of Indonesian Islam Sumanto Al Qurtuby Department of Global & Social Studies College of General Studies King Fahd University of Petroleum & Minerals [email protected] Received: 6/4/2020 Revised: 28/6/2020 Accepted: 12/7/2020 Published: 30/12/2020 Abstract Since the downfall of Suharto’s dictatorial regime in 1998, Indonesia has witnessed a surge of various Islamist groups that have potentially threatened the country’s religious tolerance, civil Islam, and civic pluralism. Moreover, it is suggested that the rise of Islamist groups could likely transform Indonesia into an intolerant Islamist country. However, this article asserts that the Islamist groups are unlikely to reform Indonesia into an Islamic State or Sharia–based government and society, and are unable to receive the support and approval of the Indonesian Muslim majority due to the following fundamental reasons: the groups’ internal and inherent weaknesses, ruptured alliance among the groups, lack of Islamist political parties, limited intellectual grounds of the movement, the accommodation of some influential Muslim clerics and figures into the central government body, and public opposition toward the Islamist groups. Keywords: Islamism, Islamist movement, civil Islam, Muslim society, Islamist radicalism, peaceful Islamist mobilization, religious pluralism. Introduction One of the consequences observed in Indonesia after the downfall of Suharto in May, 1998 was the surge in Islamism.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Decline in Indonesia: the Role of Religious Authorities Saskia Schäfer
    Democratic Decline in Indonesia: The Role of Religious Authorities Saskia Schäfer Abstract The Council of Indonesian Islamic Scholars (MUI) has exerted increased political influence in Indonesian politics since the fall of Suharto. Constituted by representatives from various Muslim civil society organizations, the council was originally intended by Suharto to serve as a political representative for Indonesia’s two largest civil society organizations, the Muhammadiyah and the Nahdlatul Ulama. This article argues that in addition to its own non-democratic structures and its fatwas opposing democratic values, the MUI has contributed to Indonesia’s democratic stagnation and decline in two ways: by undermining the authority of elected state representatives through its anti-pluralist stance and its epistocratic claims, and by imperiling the fragile but functioning balance of religion and the state through its undermining of long-established religious civil society organizations. Keywords: Islam, democracy, religious authorities, Indonesia, authoritarianization DOI: 10.5509/2019922235 Introduction wenty years after the fall of the military dictator Suharto in 1998, Indonesia has not fallen into the hands of Islamist extremists via Telections, nor did the country’s oligarchs succeed in passing the presidency from one former military officer (Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) to another (Prabowo Subianto) in the 2014 election. The former furniture entrepreneur Joko Widodo, called Jokowi, who became Indonesia’s first ____________________ Saskia Schäfer works on politics and religion in Southeast Asia at Humboldt University of Berlin. Email: [email protected]. Acknowledgements: Earlier versions of this article were presented at the workshop “Conceptualizing the Bureaucratization of Islam and its Socio-Legal Dimensions in Southeast Asia” at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in Halle in September 2017 and at the workshop “Post-Democratizing Politics in East Asia” at the National University of Singapore in March 2019.
    [Show full text]
  • Download This PDF File
    Comparative Study of Post-Marriage Nationality Of Women in Legal Systems of Different Countries http://ijmmu.com [email protected] International Journal of Multicultural ISSN 2364-5369 Volume 6, Issue 4 and Multireligious Understanding August, 2019 Pages: 254-272 Social Movement based on Religiosity as a New Model of Social Movements in Jakarta (The 212 Social Movement in Jakarta 2016) Ubedilah Badrun Sociology Education Study Program, Universitas Negeri Jakarta, Indonesia http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i4.976 Abstract Social movements can be understood as a group of people organized in self-awareness that continuously challenges the existing system and values. This study aims to read the phenomenon of the 212 Movement (2016) in Jakarta, Indonesia using the perspective of the theory of social movements (1848-2013). This research used qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Data collected through observation, interviews and analysis of literatures and news media. This case study found the Movement 212 was able to mobilize millions of people including the category of the Social movement Based on Religiosity because militancy that mingled with voluntary attitudes that were seen in the behavior of the figures and the mass of the action. The religious basis is the main motive for the new social movement 212. The 295.8 km long march carried out by the Ciamis community led by K.H. Nonop Hanafi towards the Jakarta National Monument which later inspired the Bogor and Bekasi people to do the same is a fact of militancy and voluntary which is carried out with a high and sincere awareness on the basis of their religiosity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of the Fatwa
    The Politics of the Fatwa Under review, Journal of Asian Studies Jeremy Menchik Assistant Professor Pardee School of Global Studies Boston University 11 April 2019 Abstract: Fatwas from Islamic organizations are prominent elements of public debates in democratic Indonesia, as well as the broader Muslim world. Yet scholars lack a clear theoretical explanation for the power of fatwas in politics. This paper draws on original archival material to explicate the authority of the fatwas from the Indonesian Council of Ulama (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, MUI), which over the past twenty years has become one of the country’s most influential actors. The paper distinguishes three periods in the growth and transformation of MUI’s authority; starting with charismatic authority and expert authority, MUI later gained regulatory authority, and now uses agenda setting, lobbying, mass mobilization, and the threat of violence. By examining how the power of MUI’s fatwas increased as the organization accrued more forms of authority, this periodization demonstrates that explaining the political power of the fatwa requires understanding the modern organizational authority of Islamic actors. Keywords: Islam, politics, religious authority, Indonesia Acknowledgements: Versions of this essay were presented at the 2018 meeting for the Association for Asian Studies, the Gatty Lecture Series at Cornell University, and Northwestern University. I am indebted to the Centre for Strategic and International Studies for generous access to their clipping library. I am grateful for feedback from Chiara Formichi, Robert Hefner, Sana Jaffrey, Diana Kim, Dominik Müller, Kaija Schilde, Nicholas Rush Smith, Tom Pepinsky, John Woodward, Jeff Wasserstom and three anonymous reviewers. Yoshiko Herrera, Tamir Moustafa, and Scott Straus merit a special thanks for encouraging me to research fatwas long before any of us could articulate why they merit attention.
    [Show full text]
  • Pengaruh Bimbingan Agama Ustadz Bachtiar Nasir Terhadap Kemampuan Coping Remaja Di Ar-Rahman Qur’Anic Learning Islamic Center Tebet Jakarta Selatan
    PENGARUH BIMBINGAN AGAMA USTADZ BACHTIAR NASIR TERHADAP KEMAMPUAN COPING REMAJA DI AR-RAHMAN QUR’ANIC LEARNING ISLAMIC CENTER TEBET JAKARTA SELATAN Skripsi Diajukan Untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Komunikasi Islam (S. Kom. I) Oleh: Siti Lidya Rahmi NIM: 1111052000004 PROGRAM STUDI BIMBINGAN DAN PENYULUHAN ISLAM FAKULTAS ILMU DAKWAH DAN ILMU KOMUNIKASI UIN SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 1436H/2015M ABSTRAK Siti Lidya Rahmi, NIM 1111052000004, Pengaruh Bimbingan Agama Ustadz Bachtiar Nasir Terhadap Kemampuan Coping Remaja di Ar-Rahman Qur’anic Learning Islamic Center Tebet Jakarta Selatan, di bawah bimbingan Dra. Nasichah, MA. Bimbingan Agama merupakan proses pemberian bantuan yang diberikan oleh pembimbing kepada terbimbing, secara terus menerus, sistematis dan menyentuh aspek kognitif, afektif dan psikomotorik dalam memecahkan masalah yang dihadapi, agar tercapai self understanding, self acceptance, self realization dan kemampuan untuk hidup selaras dengan ketentuan dan petunjuk Allah sesuai dengan potensi dalam mencapai penyesuaian diri dengan lingkungannya, baik lingkungan keluarga maupun masyarakat, sehingga tercapainya kebahagiaan di dunia dan di akhirat. Pada saat remaja mengikuti bimbingan Agama, kemudian memahami dan mengimplementasikannya maka, kemampuan coping yang dimiliki seseorang akan berbeda dengan sebelum mengikuti bimbingan Agama. Adapun tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis pengaruh bimbingan Agama Ustadz Bachtiar Nasir terhadap kemampuan coping remaja di Ar-Rahman Qur’anic Learning Islamic Center dengan rumusan masalah Bagaimana pelaksanaan bimbingan agama ustadz Bactiar Nasir di Ar-Rahman Qur’anic Learning Islamic Center Tebet Jakarta Selatan?, Bagaimana kemampuan coping remaja di Ar-Rahman Qur’anic Learning Islamic Center? Dan Bagaimana pengaruh bimbingan agama ustadz Bachtiar Natsir terhadap kemampuan coping remaja di Ar-Rahman Qur’anic Learning Islamic Center?.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesian Foreign Policy: the China Factor
    13 September 2018 Indonesian Foreign Policy: The China Factor Lindsay Hughes Research Analyst Indian Ocean Research Programme Key Points The Sino-Indonesian relationship is a complicated one. It is ostensibly built on economic and mutually-beneficial foundations. Economic factors such as illegal fishing by Chinese boats in Indonesian waters and a sceptical perception of Chinese business organisations by Indonesians are a drawback. Ethnic tensions in China and Indonesia add to the tensions. Summary Formal Sino-Indonesian diplomatic relations were established on 13 April 1950. They were built on mercantile ties that had existed for centuries past and had witnessed ethnic Chinese traders and fishermen settle in various parts of Indonesia. The relationship between ethnic Indonesians (the “pribumi”) and the Chinese settlers in Indonesia was, however, one fraught with underlying tensions. It was predicated to a significant degree on a healthy dose of envy on the part of the Indonesians who perceived the Chinese as being wealthier than Indonesians in their own land. That resentment has spilled over into bloody violence on occasion, most notably in 1965, when anti-communist violence soon became conflated with anti-Chinese sentiment and led to at least several hundred thousand deaths. China consequently suspended its ties to Indonesia on 30 October 1967. No matter that the relationship began to be re-established in the 1980s, the underlying tensions remain; ethnic Chinese are still viewed with suspicion, albeit not to the same degree as in 1965. China’s aggressive approach towards South-East Asia, additionally, has not helped that situation. Analysis South-East Asia in the 1960s was a region in flux: some countries were throwing off the regimes of their imperial overlords but faced indigenous threats to their newly-established independence from vested interest groups.
    [Show full text]
  • 75 BAB III BIOGRAFI DAN KITAB TADABBUR AL-QUR'a>N A
    75 BAB III BIOGRAFI DAN KITAB TADABBUR AL-QUR’A>N A. BIOGRAFI 1. Latar Belakang Keluarga Setiap buku tidak dapat dilepaskan dari latar belakang kehidupan penyusunnya, begitupula dengan kitab tadabbur Al-Qur’a>n karya Bahtiar Nasir, Pengenalan mengenai identitas penyusun dengan berbagai latar belakang kehidupannya merupakan suatu hal penting dalam memberikan gambaran yang jelas mengenai kehidupan penyusunnya, baik kehidupan sosial maupun pengalaman hidup yang dialami dalam perjalanan pendidikan dan pengajaran. Nama lengkapnya adalah Bachtiar Nasir. Salah satu ulama Indonesia yang saat ini terkenal sebagai ketua Gerakan Nasional Pengawal Fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia (GNPF MUI) berkaitan dengan perbuatan penistaan agama yang dilakukan oleh Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Cahaya Purnama atau yang lebih dikenal dengan sebutan Ahok yang meyinggung al-Qur’a>n Surat al-Maidah ayat 51 di dalam pidatonya di Kepulauan Seribu Jakarta yang akhirnya banyak menimbulkan kecaman dari masyarakat indonesia, Bachtiar Nasir juga sebagai ketua lembaga Tadabbur Indonesia, Ketua AQL (Arrahman Qur’anic Lerning center) dan pendiri AQC (Arrahman Qur’anic College) di Cirampak, Mega Mendung digilib.uinsby.ac.id digilib.uinsby.ac.id digilib.uinsby.ac.id digilib.uinsby.ac.id digilib.uinsby.ac.id digilib.uinsby.ac.id digilib.uinsby.ac.id 76 Bogor, lahir pada tanggal 26 Juni 1967 Masehi di Kampung Luar Batang Jakarta Utara. Bachtiar Nasir dididik dalam keluarga yang hidup dalam kesederhanaan dan penuh kesehajaan, ayahnya H. Muhammad Nasir Kadir adalah seorang nelayan yang sekaligus wirausaha perikanan yang menamatkan sekolah hanya sampai SR (Sekolah Rakyat) dan ibunya yang bernama Hj. Santaliyah binti Salehaning juga tamatan Sekolah Rakyat memilih berprofesi sebagai ibu rumah tangga yang menjadikannya sebagai guru pertama bagi anak-anaknya dalam manganjarkan al-Qur’a>n dan ilmu- ilmu yang lain.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Indonesians in the Eyes of the Pribumi Public
    ISSUE: 2017 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 27 September 2017 Chinese Indonesians in the Eyes of the Pribumi Public Charlotte Setijadi* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The racist rhetoric seen in the Ahok blasphemy case and during the Jakarta gubernatorial election held earlier this year sparked fresh concerns about growing anti-Chinese sentiments in Indonesia. To gauge public sentiments towards the ethnic Chinese, questions designed to prompt existing perceptions about Chinese Indonesians were asked in the Indonesia National Survey Project (INSP) recently commissioned by ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute. The majority of pribumi (‘native’) survey respondents agreed to statements about Chinese Indonesians’ alleged economic dominance and privilege, with almost 60% saying that ethnic Chinese are more likely than pribumi Indonesians to be wealthy. The survey confirmed the existence of negative prejudice against ethnic Chinese influence in Indonesian politics and economy, and many pribumi believe that Chinese Indonesians may harbour divided national loyalties. * Charlotte Setijadi is Visiting Fellow in the Indonesia Studies Programme, ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute. This is the fourth in the series based on the Indonesia National Survey Project, published under ISEAS’ Trends in Southeast Asia, available at https://www.iseas.edu.sg/articles-commentaries/trends-in-southeast-asia. 1 ISSUE: 2017 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 ANTI-CHINESE SENTIMENTS IN INDONESIA Chinese Indonesians have received considerable public attention in the past year, mostly because of the Jakarta gubernatorial election and blasphemy controversy involving Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama. A popular governor with consistently high approval ratings, Ahok, a Chinese and a Christian, was widely tipped to win the 2017 Jakarta election held earlier this year.
    [Show full text]
  • The Islam Defence Action: a Challenge of Islamic Movement to Democratic Transition in the Post 2014 Indonesia
    ISSN : 1411-0199 Wacana Vol. 20, No. 2 (2017) E-ISSN : 2338-1884 The Islam Defence Action: A Challenge of Islamic Movement to Democratic Transition in the Post 2014 Indonesia 1 2 3 4 Ari Ganjar Herdiansah *, Dian Arifiyati Putri , Latip Ashari , Rini Maduratmi 1234Department of Political Science, Padjadjaran University Abstract The Islam Defense Action in Jakarta during November to December 2016 was the largest protest movement that ever been held in Indonesia and brought national concerns over political instability. Hundred of thousands to millions of people overwhelmed the streets protesting the alleged blasphemy on Islam by Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a candidate for the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election that has a close connection to President Joko Widodo. This article analyzes the outbreak of the protest movement as a depiction of the strategic influence of Islamic groups in the midst of political upheaval threat. The protest movement showed a struggle to defend their values, but on the other hand, its political impact cannot be disclaimed. Above all of the phenomena, Islam Defense Action implies that religious sentiment still interacts with the politics and challenging the role of Islamic civil society to democratic transition in the post-2014 Indonesia. Keywords: political Islam, civil society, democracy, protest action, political stability INTRODUCTION* Moon Party (Partai Bulan Bintang, PBB). The In understanding the relationship between second candidate, Jokowi, who is genuine cadres religion and politics in Indonesia lately, some of Indonesia Democracy Party of Struggle (Partai conditions need to be examined and elaborated Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, PDIP) coupled to describe the complexity of the issues related with Jusuf Kalla.
    [Show full text]