The Sahelian Crisis and the Poor .Zg;

Home , Millet (Ottoman Empire)

mandara trll'f. They were not ashamed to admit Department of Anthropology (PhD dissertation). their shortage of food. On the contrary, they were Moore, S.F. 1991. Inflicting harm righteously: turn proud of the fact that they had so many good rela ing a relative into a stranger: an African case. In: tions to rely upon for assistance. MTh. FOgen (ed.),Fremde der Gesell.schaft. Frank 14. For an elaborate example sec 'Umbu Hapi versus furt am Main: Klostennann. {'-'-t) Umbu Vmccnt. Legal pluralism as an arsenal in Raatgever, R. 1988. De verwantschappelijke The Sahelian crisis and the poor viUage combats' (Vel 1991). .zg;. ekonomie: essays in hislorisch-malerialislische The role of Islam in social security 15. Sally Falk Moore draws attention to the fact that antropologie. Brugge: Walleyndruk. .3ot.te '!".I 2./hw.P... a person cannot be deviant in general, but that Taussig, MT. 1980. The devil and commodity fetish among Fulbe pastoralists, central Mali* 'deviant' always "presupposes some conception ism in South America. Chapel HiU: University of 3e./JQ~.tt~ of 'the nonnal' to which the deviant person docs North Carolina Press. 3 .sg./2. not confinn" (Moore 1991: 115). Vel, I.A.C. 1991. Umbu Hapi versus Umbu Vmccnt. · Legal pluralism as an arsenal in village combats. Mirjam de Bruijn In: F. von Benda-Beckmann and M. van der Velde (eds.), Law as a resource in agrarian struggles. References Wa~eningen: Agricultural University Wageningen (Wageningsc Sociologische Studies no.33). Vel, I.A.C., L.R. van Veldhuizen and B. Petch 1991. The question of how the poor in Africa survive 1990). The sole strategy mentioned for these peo Adeyoju, S.K. 1976. Land usc and land tenure in the Beyond the PTD-approach. In: Joining fanners' ex in situations of crisis and famine is important, ple is migration to towns, which is only possible tropics: where conventional concepts do not apply. periments. London: Intennediate Technology Publi given the multitude of disasters that plague the if they have relatives living there (Dahl 1979). Unasylva, 28: pp. 2641. cations. continent. They may rely on age-old survival But not all the poor migrate to urban areas. Many Benda-Beckmann, F. von, K. von Benda-Beckmann, Wouden, F. van 1977. Local groups and:double strategies and self-help mechanisms. However, stay within their village in their own society. Are E. Casii'io, F. Hir1z, G.R. Woodman and H.F. Zacher descent in Kodi, west-Sumba. In: P.E. de Iosselin under the har8h circumstances, other ways of they looked after, do they find ways to survive? (eds,), 1988. Introduction. In: ibid., Between kinship de Iong (ed.), Structural anthropology in the crisis management have been developed in the Poverty in pastoral societies is nothing new. and the state: social seCIIrity and law in developing Netherlands. The Hague: Martinus N"Jjhotr. countries. Dordrecht Foris Publications. recent past. These are based on new strategies Poor people have always been present, because Booth, A 1993. Counting the poor in Indonesia. Bul and different types of social relations. While there disaster looms over the pastoral enterprise (Ingold letin ofIndonesian Economic Studies, 29(1): pp. 53- have been some historical and geographical stud 1980: 80), striking individuals regardless oftheir 83. ies of disaster situations in Africa (Watts 1983, wealth. Historical records show that pastoral so Comer, L. 1989. East and West Nusa Tenggara: isola Mortimore 1989, De Waal1989, Spittler 1992), cieties have developed several mechanisms to tion and poverty. In: Hal HiU (ed.), Unity and diver thelong-tenn effects of recurrent droughts dur cope with their poor (lliffe 1987). The 1\vareg, . sity: regional economic development in Indonesia .since 1970. Oxford University Press. ing the past decades on society and especially nomadic pastoralists, integrated the poor into the 1 Dammennan, K. W. 1926. Soembancesche Dieren- en the poor have rarely been studied. This article social hierarchy of society (lliffe 1987: 85-7; Plantennamen. Tijdschriflvoor 1ndische Taal-, aims to bridge this gap in our knowledge to some Bemus 1990). The institUtion of cattle loans to Land- en Volkenkunde. Koninklijk Bataviaasch extent by. highlighting how poor members of the poor is widespread among other pastoral so genootschap van Kunstcn en Wetcnschappen, 66: pp. Fulbe society, a group of agro-pastoralists in the cieties (see van Dijk, this volume). These kind 205-39. Sahel, central Mali, are surviving after two dec of mechanisms may be labelled 'traditional' so Dove, M.R. 1988. Introduction: traditional culture and ades of environmental disasters. cial security arrangements as opposed to Soc:ial development in contemporary Indonesia. In: M.R. The socio-economic situation of (agro-)pasto security provided by the state (Midgley 1984). A Dove (ed.), The real and imagined role ofculture in ral people after the droughts in Africa has been ciear definition of what is understood by 'tradi development: case studies from Indonesia. Hono lulu. described extensively, but always from the per tional' social security does not exist (Von Benda Forth, GL. 1981. Rindi, an ethnographic study of a spective of the relatively rich members of soci Beckmann et al 1988a, Ahmad et ai 1991). For traditional domain in eastern Indonesia. ety, the people who recovered from the crisis, who the moment I will define social security mecha Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor had access to land, cattle and labour. These stud nisms and institutions as those social relations Taal-, Land- en Vo/kenlcunde, nr. 93. The Hague: ies, therefore, concentrate on 'ecological' adap and institutions in society, that provide its mem Martinus Nijhoff. tation and survival strategies in which mobility, bers with protection against extreme poverty and Hoflinan, CL. 1988. The 'wild Punan' ofBomeo. In: sedentarization, herd composition and cultiva starvation, a guaranteed minimum subsistence M.R. Dove (ed.), The real and imagined role ofcul tion are key words (Swift 1977, Dyson-Hudson level, as defined by society. Social security mecha ture in development: case studies from Indonesia. Honolulu. & Dyson-Hudson 1980, Salzman 1980). Little nisms are embedded in culture. They are based Kapita, Oe.H. 1976. Masyarakat Sumba dan adat insight is given into the situation of those who on social relationships, networks and institutions istiadatnya. Waingapu: Gunung Mulia. did not make it, the poor and deprived members that are defined through cultural means, such as Keane, E.W. 1990. The social life of representations: of society. These are often women (Horowitz & kinship, religion and norms of solidarity. These ritual speech and exchange in Anakalang (Sumba, Jowkar 1992), and people who lost all their cat relationships and institutions are often not de Eastern Indonesia). Chicago: University of Chicago, tle (Turton 1977, Hogg 1985, Baxter & Hogg fined explicitly, but they are part of a value sys-

46 Focaal no.22123, 1994: pp. 47-63 47 tem that is prevalent in society (Elwert 1980, VOn the course ofhistory this Fulbe society developed Fulbe society in the Hayre is no longer sufficient works become more important under the changed Benda-Beckmann et al 1988b, Platteau 1991). into the chiefdoms of Dalla and Boni, with a to sustain all its members, not even if all the circumstances. What role the Islamic institutions Social security in the wider sense should not political hierarchy consisting of a political elite wealth were to be redistributed. This becomes and networks played in the past is difficult to merely be seen in the transfer of goods and serv (Weheebe), an Islamic elite (Moodibaabe), a clear if we look at the enormous migration of assess. In the present situation, however, these ices, it also includes a 'mental', 'psychological' group of pastoralists (Ja/loube), a slave group people over the last decade and the material base institutions have become essential for the sur aspect. By this I mean the ideological explana (Riimaybe), and castes like traders (Jaawambe) of most families in the form of cattle and har vival of a number of people within the Jalloube tion ofthe situation in which people live, a frame and craftsmen (Nyeeybe). 3 Although each ofthese vests. A wealth-ranking exercise executed in community. This increasing significance mani work to direct their actions, to find motivation, social categories depends for its survival on a Serma with the help of a methodology developed fests itself: in the changing significance of the and a feeling of security. This can be found in form of agro-pastoralism, and the political hier by Grandin (1988) indicated that only 3% of the zakat institution, and of social relationships that the religious, kinship and solidarity idiom of so archy has lost many of its historical :functions, households could subsist on livestock alone, ac are based on Islam; in the potential of Islamic ciety. Social security defined in this way is a heu the relatious as defined in this hierarchy play an cording to the criteria developed by Dahl & Hjort knowledge and status based on this knowledge; ristic concept, a problem field rather than an important role in the ideas about each other, and (1976). Still the poor and disabled people sur and in its role as a source of mental well-being. ontological entity. in the relations between, and the behaviour of, vive. Before considering the role of Islam in social Apart from food aid there are hardly any for the members of the various social categories of On the level ofFulbe society the political hier security relations and institutions, I will frrst mal, that is state based, social security arrange society (see De Bruijn & Van Dijk 1993, 1994). archy had a social security function in the past, describe the specific Jalloube variant oflslam. ments for rural people, and a fortiori for pasto The Jalloube live during the rainy season (July when raiding neighbouring groups was an im ral people, in Africa (Von Braun 1991). They September) in cattle camps around a sedentary portant survival strategy. The chief was the nu have to rely on the 'traditional' social security cultivation hamlet offor example Riimaybe. The cleus of a redistributive network, that was based The variant of Islam arrangements as they exist overtly or latently in rest of the year, the families that have some cat on the redistribution of bounty among his vas as Fulbe religion their community. It will be clear, however, that a tle will camp a few months on their own fields sals. The slaves, owned by the Jalloube, were part certain material base is necessary for the social in order to manure these, and on the fields of of the family and as such they were cared for. According to the oral traditions of the region, security mechanisms to function. Gift relation other cultivators in the region. In this period they These functions of the political hierarchy have the first contacts with Islam go back to the six ships, mutual help, religious charity (almsgiving) gain a living by exchanging milk for millet. In disappeared or are severely eroded nowadays. teenth century, when an Islamic scholar crossed cannot :function when there is nothing to redis many cases, however, they also have to sell some Under normal circumstances the poorer peo the region on his way to Mecca. This man was tribute. In times of crisis, therefore, the normal cattle in order to buy grain. Only the rich fami ple of the Jalloube can rely on social security re invited to stay at the chief's court in Dalla to social security mechanisms may cease to func lies explore the enormous underpopulated pas lations and institutions that exist at community teach Islam to the people.4 Islam became there tion, and the minimum subsistence of the poor ture area south of the Hayre, the Seeno. We con and family level. These are based on kinship and ligion ofthe elite and remained so until the nine and deprived members ofsociety may be at stake. ducted our fieldwork in a village called Senna, co-residence in the same hamlet or rainy season teenth century. In the beginning of the nineteenth This can lead to starvation, but people may also situated in the former territory of the Fulbe camp .. Relations of mutual help between kin-re century the Hayre became a dependency of an look for new ways of crisis management and use chiefdom Boni, which consists of one cultiva lated people exist, for example between broth Islamic Fulbe state in the Inner Delta ofthe Niger other social relations to survive. Relations and tion hamlet where mainly Riimaybe cultivators ers. Women can always rely on their brothers in (Maasina), which resulted from a Fulbe Jihadic institutions that are based on religion, Islam in live, and which has eight rainy season camps case of illness. Within the hamlet or rainy sea movement in West Africa (Ba & Daget 1984). this case, may be of help to survive hard circum where Jalloube herders live. stances. son camp, mutual help between women, or be The efforts of the Islamic state to spread Islam The last two decades have been marked by re tween families is not unusual. Often the richer also led to a wider penetration of Islam in the The situation of the Fulbe in central Mali current droughts and plagues from locusts, birds families will give the poorer families some milk Hayre. Islam as an ideology ofpower for the elite throws light on this. After a brief sketch ofFulbe and worms which caused persistent crop failure, and millet in times of scarcity. The circumstances was enforced by the state ofMaasina. Slaves were society with special attention to the basic social leading to chronic food deficits, in the Hayre. dictate the operation of these social security re also to a certain extent encouraged to become security mechanisms, I will discuss old as well The Jalloube, whose agro-pastoral land use sys lations. These are no close-knit networks of peo Muslim, which made them free serfs in the ide as new social security mechanisms that are re tem was based on livestock, lost most of their ple with fixed (reciprocal) gift- or exchange re ology of Islam. Islamic education gradually lated to Islam. The invention of 'new' relations herds. For several sub-groups and individuals of lations. reached the herders in the bush. These develop and institutions is a process that is still going the Jalloube this hJlS led to a situation of extreme The social security mechanisms on local level, ments continued under the French colonial re on. That is why I can present here. only a few poverty; people who lost all their cattle, or al based on kinship and co-residence, do still exist, gime. The liberated slaves could all become examples of what is happening, based on obser most all; old women; young women abandoned but can no longer protect all members of society Muslim, and the spread oflslam was made easier vations and stories of individuals. by their husbands. Men who were destitute often against poverty. This is a consequence of the by the peace and order policies of the French, migrated to other parts ofMali. For these people impoverishment of society after the drought of ·which gradually stopped the raids and wars in Fulbe society in central Mali, and the rural people in general, the Malian state 1985, which has resulted in an erosion of the the area. the Jalloube offers no social security arrangements. The poor material base on which these social security The exact time of conversion to Islam by the and disabled people rely totally on social secu mechanisms are grounded (see also de Bruijn & JalloUbe and Riimaybe is difficult to assess. Some rity mechanisms and arrangements as they are van Dijk 1992). The poor, therefore, have to look lineages of the Jalloube maintained close rela The Jalloube, agro-pastoralists, are part of the defined at Fulbe society, community, settlement elsewhere to find social security relations or prac tions with the elite and this brought them into Fulbe society of the Hayre in central Mali. 2 In or family level. However, the material base of tices. It seems that Islamic institutions and net- contact with Islam. Some Torodbe, a Fulbe line-

48 Focaal no.22123,1994: pp. 47-63 49 'Zakat, an official Islamic social redistribution of zakat arose when it appeared age that converted to Islam very early, settled in cultivate .. The number of scholars present in that the chiefs divided the zakat amongst each the nineteenth century among the Jalloube and Serma varies with the seasons. Serma itself has security institution other and did not redistribute anything to the Riimaybe of the Hayre (see Willis 1978). Their 13 recognized Islamic scholars from a total of poor. At the beginning of the tWentieth century spread throughout West Africa was possible be 61 families who live in the village. During the The institution of'zakat' this practice of the chiefs resulted in a conflict cause of the neW religious climate caused by the dry season several scholars from other villages, between the chiefs and the Jalloube of Senna, Jihadic movement in West Africa. They must or even regions, stay for a period in the village, One of the most important Islamic institutions who then refused to pay zakat. 10 The French in have preached their religion among the popula with or without their students. relevant to providing social security to the poor corporated zakat into their tax system as cattle tion. The genealogies of Jalloube in the Hayre From the number and variety of tasks of the and needy is zakat. In the Koran zakat is men tax, they counted 1/40 of the cattle as zakat. 11 indicate that it was only at the end of the nine Moodibaabe in the village, it follows that Islam tioned as one of the five pillars of Islam. It is an From this scanty information we can conclude teenth century that the Jalloube started to study is very important in the life of Jalloube and expression of devotion to Islam/God, it forms the that the states that ruled the Hayre never used the Koran and some Jalloube became Islamic Riimaybe. They are indeed visited frequently by basis of the Islamic principle of charity.• Al zakat as a mechanism of poverty alleviation. In scholars (Moodibaabe). 5 Nowadays Islam has the villagers for health problems of children and though the amount of goods or money paid as pre-colonial times zakat was just another type of penetrated almost all social spheres ofFulbe life. adults, for marriage, conflicts, name-giving cer zakat is not fixed in the Koran and can differ per tribute. In colonial times it was reduced to a way The Jalloube regard themselves as good Mus emonies, the fabrication of charms, and instruc society, there is a general norm. During the year of collecting taxes. After independence (1960) lims; although their own Moodibaabe have a dif tion in how to perform the daily prayers. All peo each member of society must fulfil his or her zakat the Malian government abolished zakat. How ferent opinion, because they do not follow all Is ple perform the daily prayers after a certain age, duty twice. One pays zakat, 10% of the harvest ever, in the Hayre nowadays zakat and mouddou lamic rules correctly. For the Jalloube being a in general after they have married or after hav and 2.5% of livestock or other wealth one owns, still exist but in a totally different context. These Muslim is not rebtied to power as it is for the ing given birth to a child. 6 Specifically related to and the zakat-al-jitr, which must be paid after taxes are no longer paid to the state, but they are elite. Tllis does not deny the importance of Is the ecological crisis, Moodibaabe write charms the fasting month Ramadan, consisting ofjust a kept within the community, for example of lam for their identity, being a good Muslim is to protect the harvest against pests and droughts small gift. A closely related religious gift is Jalloube and Riimaybe in Serma. People in the also part of being a good Jallo. Among the and to protect humans and animals against ill-_ almsgiving, sadaqa. Zakat and sadaqa are meant Hayre are familiar with sadaqa (sadaka in Riimaybe we did not meet any Islamic scholar, ness. In this way Islam is a 'tool' for people, with to redistribute wealth in a society, and as such Fulfulde), casual almsgiving, and some of them but they consider themselves, nowadays, as good which they attempt to control the unpredictable can alleviate poverty. The Imam is the collector indeed give food to Koranic scholars, to travel Muslims. Being Muslim has become an expres ecology of the Sahel. This variant of Islam also of zakat. Zakat has developed into a form of tax lers and to poor people. sion of their free status. provides people with a view of the supernatural in most Islamic societies (Waardenburg 1984: Umaru Adya Dicko, a member of the elite and . The variant of Islam t'>h community level in world which helps them to explain their daily 1Q0-2). . family of the 'traditional' chief of the Fulbe, the Hayre is illustrated by the case of Serma, a life and the crisis. In the nineteenth century zakat (diakka in whom he represents in Serma, explained to us community of Jalloube and Riimaybe. The vil· Nowadays the religion, the Fulbe variant of Fulfulde, the language of the Fulbe) was intro the official version ofzakat in the Hayre. 12 Umaru lage mosque is centrally situated in the Riiniaybe Islam, is not the only idea system that provides duced as one of the several taxes to be paid to the collects together with a son of the chief of Boni hamlet of Senna. However, the mosque is not people with justice, health care, and cha£?ls court of the Islamic state Maasina in the Inner the poll tax for the national government, in very frequently visited and, if it is, by a few men againSt plagues. Since independence (as our m Delta of the Niger, of which the Hayre was a de Serma. He distinguishes two forms ofzakat, zakat only. The Imam of the village is a Torodo (plural formants say) Islamic law has lost its importance. pendency. This tax was collected via the chief of of the millet, and zakat of the animals. Of each Torodbe). As religious leader the Imam has po People do still ask their scholars' advice in case the Fulbe chiefdom in the Hayre, and not via the ten loads of millet a person harvests, one load is litical prestige in the village. The Imam is a of conflict, but they are no longer the only spe Imam.9 Theamountofzakatwas 1/10 of the har reserved for the zakat. 13 If the harvest does not learned men, but he is not the only one in the cialists. The chief of Boni, who also represents vest of the cultivators, and 1/30 of the cattle or reach these 10 loads, then nozakat has to be paid. village. Among the Jalloube several men stud Malian National law, is consulted now and then. 1/40 of the sheep (and goats) from the herds of The zakat on animals is paid after the month ied the Koran at a young age with Islamic schol Besides, people can go to a secular ~te court. the pastoralists. The zakat probably did not re haaram. Of 30 cows, one gives as zakat a bull of ars of both Fulbe and other ethnic origins, far The veterinary service, which started m~at place the tribute people already had to pay their two years old; of 60 cows, the zakat is a heifer of away from their homes. They returned to their ing livestock in the 1940s, has taken the_cunng chief, which meant they had to pay extra. This two years old; on 40 goats and sheep one gives a own village only after some ten to twenty years. of animals out of the hands ofthe Moodibaabe. form of zakat was regulated at the level of the she-goat or ewe. Another form of zakat is the Then they are reprded as 'learned men' and join_ Modem health care also penetrates the area state ofMaasina. Next to zakat several other re holding apart of one fist of millet from each bowl the Moodibaabe ofthe village. These Moodibrulbv sradually. Although people have ~~re ~nfi~nce ligious gifts were introduced, such as the of millet one eats before the harvest. This can be are the represonmtives of Islam for the Jlllloubii in the skill of their Islamic spec1ahsts m this re mouddou (zakat-al-jitr), a religious gift which compared with the mouddou. The payment ofthe and the Rl.imaybe in Fulbe society. In their rela ~ they do visit the 'modem' hospital in town, one was free to give, and Consisted of 1 moud of zakat is explained in the yearly sermon from the tionship with the common people they have sev now and then.' · millet per member of the family per year, to be Koran by the Imam of Serma at the occasion of eral tasks: they teach people how to pmy1 ffil!ii fulfilled after Ramadan (Diop 1971: 32; see also Laya, the Tabaski feast. Then it is said, that pay and wod\en alike; they are healer~ fur which they Ba & Daget 1984). Under French colonial rule ing zakat is an obligatory duty of each Muslim. use knowledge frOm ttll: 'Koran and knowledge (1895-1960), people continued to pay zakat to According to Umaru, it is not clear who is re of medicinal plants and btrbti th;y 1olve eon their chiefs, besides the poll tax they had to pay sponsible for the collection of the zakat in Serma. flicts; and they pcrfolm. rituals, A§ Wi!ll as being to the French administration. Conflicts about Consequently, there is no one who sees to it that a Moodibo, they havt Ul.@if 6\vn herds and they

Focaal no.22123, 1994: pp. 47-63 51 50 the zakat is given by everybody in a proper way. had enough to eat and many herders were also her family to the south, where they herd the cat dents there. One of these latter is Yaaya Cuume, All the same everybody accept that zakat is di far away, so most people only fulfilled their zakat tie of a Dogon (cultivator). Her other daughter an old lady of 72 who has no children who are vided among the poor of the community. duty after the harvest, long after the month lives in another camp in Serma. She and her able to look after her. One of her sons is very This explanation of zakat is a generally shared Haaram. To get an idea about the functioning of husband have only a few cows. Hawa does not sick with tuberculosis and cannot work, another view on this Islamic institution in Serma. Eve zakat and sadaqa we will present the stories of a want to live with her daughters, because she is son is unable to find employment. With another rybody admits that zakat is a good thing to do, few receivers and givers of zakat and sadaqa. afraid of being a nuisance to them. In the camp son she has had a serious quarrel, and she is un and that it is part of the Islamic duties a pious Hadjata is about 65 years old. Her husband, where she lives, her hut is next to the hut of a willing to ask him for anything. Her daughters Muslim has. However, nobody talks in public who was a Moodibo, died in 1990. He was rather son of her late brother, and a son of her late sis are all married, but are too poor to be able to about their zakat gifts. That is a private affair. famous and they could live well off his earnings ter. In 1990 Hawa received nozakat, but in 1991 support their mother properly. Even when the The information we gathered reveals that every as Moodibo and off the harvests from his land. the children of her brother and sister gave her old hut in which Yaaya Cuume lived collapsed, body has his or her own interpretation of this Their cattle had been dying since the 1970s and some millet. She got some millet from another leaving her without shelter, her daughters de gift, especially on how to divide it and on whom now no animal was left. Hadjata also possessed neighbour and from a rich nephew who lives in layed before coming to help, and several months to give it to. Some people gave it directly to the a considerable number of animals in this herd, another camp ofthe village. In total she received went by before the hut was rebuilt. Yaaya Cuume people they thought to be poor and needy, others which were the offspring of the 5 animals she ten loads of millet, which, that year, was suffi often showed me what little her daughters gave gave it to the Imam and hoped that he would pre-inherited from her father when she married, cient for her to survive on. her to eat: just a little buttermilk and a few days divide it among the poor. Many people gave to and 9 animals from her bride price. Hadjata is Allaye, a father of seven children, has no ani leftovers of the millet stew. She could not have the Moodibaabe. These gifts were also interpreted the mother of 3 daughters and one son. One mals of his own, but herds two cows of the phar survived on this. In fact, because she has become as zakat, while in many cases they were simply daughter died a few years ago in childbirth. The macist ofBoni. In 1990 he hardly harvested any a village member, she received help from other payments for the services rendered by the child survived and now lives with Hadjata. An millet. In 1991, however, he was more lucky and villagers: "It's one's duty to support the poor vil Moodibaabe during the rainy season. For exam other of Hadjata's daughters has married the harvested eighty loads of millet. From these lagers", they would say. Two of the richer villag ple, at the beginning of the rainy season of 1990 husband of the deceased daughter. A third daugh eighty loads he took eight (=10%) to divide as ers were very active in this way, both of them in Serma, the villagers agreed to give the ter, with her child, is now living with Hadjata, zakat. He divided it himself: one load to a Diimaajo (the singular of Riimaybe). One was Moodibaabe one load of millet each for their serv after having divorced her husband who left Serma Moodibo who made charms for him, one load to Belco, a cultivator, the other Altine, a woman ices, if the season would be good. Silently this several years ago to look for work and never re a Moodibo, who was needy and very ill, one load who kept the best shop in the village. From these load was passed as zakat. In Serma there are no turned. Hadjata's son left Serma nine years ago for his aunt (Hawa), one load for another aunt two, Yaaya Cuume regularly received a good people who pay zakat on animals, because no to bring cattle to Abidjan, where he stayed. In who has no sons, one load for the eldest man meal. Belco explained to me that this kind of one owns a sufficient number of animals. 14 between he has been back in Serma for two years, and lineage leader of Serma, one load for a giving was part of his duty as a Muslim, and after 1985, but he realized he could not survive Moodibo who stayed for a few months with his besides, had Yaaya Cuume not become his aunt?16 The practice of 'zakat' and 'sadaqa' or look after his mother, and left again. They students in Serma, one load for an old woman in These examples show us that for some people among the Jalloube, 199011991 have not heard anything of him for four years the Riimaybe village, one load for a destitute zakat has become crucial as a social security now. Nowadays, Hadjata, her divorced daugh woman from his own cattle camp. Four of these mechanism, but only in times of relative abun Exact information on the actual payment of zakat ter, and two grandchildren, live in the cultiva eight people live in the same cattle camp as dance. Their children are absent or have not on village level in the past is absent We followed tion hamlet of Serma, near the brothers of her Allaye. The others, except the visiting Moodibo, enough means to support them all the time. Ac the practice of zakat in the village during our late husband. They are very poor, now, having are close kin. Besides these eight loads, he set cording to Fulbe customary rules, grown-up chil stay. The harvest of 1990, however, was so small no men to work their land, and no livestock. 15 two loads apart to divide in small portions among dren, especially sons, are expected to support that besides the Moodibaabe nobody got zakat. They live on gifts and on some home industry, other people (mouddou/sadaqa). their old mother and father. As in the Fulbe kin This zakat was not redistributed by the such as the weaving of mats and the making of Lobbel from Ngouma, a cattle camp of Serma, ship SYStem the children of one's brothers and Moodibaabe, as they considered it a payment for rope from bark. After the harvest of 1991 Hadjata is handicapped, he has only one leg. He owns no sisters are also one's children. Normally there their services. Nobody took a part of his/her herd received some zakat. She got a little millet from cattle, only a few goats. He and his wife go each should be a considerable number of people to take as zakat, not even the richest cattle-owner of different people in the village, among them Buya, dry season to Boni, looking for work. Mter care of the old (retired) family members. In times Serma. In 1991 the harvest was relatively good who is her brother-in-law and Imam of Serma, Ramadan they took sixteen bowls (almost 11 kilo) of crisis, however, these relatives are absent or and zakat was paid by several people. It became some Riimaybe and her son-in-law. In total she ofmillet from their granary and divided it among too poor to fulfil their social duty. Zakat then clear that, in practice, everybody who gave zakat got four loads in Serma. She went to Beebi, 30 three people. One part for the Moodibo who had allows older people (and also disabled people and distributed it him/herself. It was given to needy km north of Serma, where her paternal kin live. made some charms for them, one part for an old poor families) to stay longer in the village, and relatives, to the Imam (as payment for his serv There they had a good harvest, as she was told. woman in their cattle camp, and one part for an it gives them some independence from their rela ices) and sometimes to the destitute of society. Her family in Beebi gave her another eight loads old woman who is their aunt. tives. On the other hand, the examples also give Almost no payment of real zakat was made di of millet. The giving of sadaqa is illustrated by the case us insight into the willingness and ability of peo rectly to the Imam so that he had nothing to dis Another old woman, Hawa, is the 'mother of of Yaaya Cuume. There are some impoverished ple to pay the zakat, which they consider as their tribute. Mouddou was rarely given directly after all Seedoobe' (sub-lineage of the Jalloube), and Jalloube living in the Riimaybe village of Serma; Islamic duty. However, if possible, they divide Ramadan. In 1990 and 1991 the month of 72 years old. She has no sons, only two daugh some of them stay only temporarily in the dry zakat themselves and they prefer to give zakat to Ramadan was in the dry season, when nobody ters. One of her daughters migrated in 1990 with season, but others have become permanent resi- their own people, related through kinship or co-

52 Focaal no.22/23, 1994: pp. 47-63 53 residence, or to the Moodibaabe. In such a way he is highly respected by society and will be con Nokara at the age of 14. When he was 19 years as a healer and as a maker of charms. With the they fulfil at the same time their obligation ac sulted frequently. He is compensated for these old he went to Kerana, where he studied till he Humbebe he can earn more than with the Fulbe. cording to the principles of Fulbe custom. 17 consultations, but he will also receive gifts, like was 26. Then he went to Tenenkou, Gembe (near As Buya has an important say in political deci It was difficult to talk to the relatively rich milk, some grains, and a little money, from peo Mopti) and Bankass.20 When he was 30 years sions he has the opportunity to get his share of members of society about the amount and divi ple who want to show respect to him. As such, a old he returned to Serma. He came back as a food aid or of other development efforts for the sion of their zakat. We observed them also giv Moodibo can survive on his knowledge (cf. Saul learned man and he is regarded by the whole vil village ofSerma. In the dry seasonof1990-1991 ing to their needy aunts, to the Moodibo who 1984). lage as a wise Moodibo. Buya specialized in Is he was able to build up some capital, although had written charms for them. According to a This became clear after the drought in 1985. lamic law. He also knows a lot about curing peo he did not harvest anything. He got three bulls Moodibo, who came from another village, not The Moodibaabe were as much victims of the ple, and many people come to him when they of one year old, as payment for the healing of all people pay zakat, but as it is not the custom to droughts as all other members of society. Some are attacked by hindu, which is an illness caused some people. He sold these bulls for 30,000 talk about the amount of takat given, this does lost all their cattle, while others were able to keep by bad spirits. A few years ago he gave up teach FCFA. 21 With this money he had two houses built, not harm their reputation. some. Some Moodibaabe who had a lot of cattle ing the Koran, because he felt old. If children he bought millet, and he bought clothes for his Sadaqa, given by the Riimaybe, has become and did not really practise their skills as learned are sent to him to receive instruction, he sends wife and children. After finishing the millet he part of existing mutual help relations, based on men, now took up their work as Moodibo in or them to other teachers. At most rituals or festivi survived on the sale of a goat (the goat of his the transformation of a historical relationship. der to survive the crisis. A Jallo Moodibo we met ties we attended, Buya was there as Moodibo. wife) and on the revenues of his work as Moodibo, In the past the Riimaybe depended on the Jalloube in Douentza (district capital) lived there since People prefer to call him to perform the rites be mainly the performance of rituals. and the elite, nowadays it seems that this depend 1985, because he lost all his cattle. One cow was cause he is the wisest Moodibo and because he is Despite these earnings Buya complains about ency has turned around. For the Riimaybe this left, which is herded by his uncle's son in Serma. member of the old Torodbe lineage. As Imam, the diminishing returns he gets for his work as giving, and also paying of zakat, is an expres As a descendant ofa Moodibo, who was regarded he leads in prayer at Islamic ceremonies, he is Moodibo. For instance, due to competition of sion of their Islamic piety. As Islam was a privi as a saint after his death, he has prestige in responsible for the maintenance of the mosque, 'modem' justice he is only seldom asked to judge. lege ofthe elites in the past, this can also be seen Douentza and was asked to become Imam of a and he leads the Friday prayers. Buya's power, If necessary people now go to the village chief of as an expression of their new status as independ new mosque. Life in town provides him with a however, is not restricted to ritual and religious Boni. Other conflicts are brought directly to the entpeople. good living. Other Moodibaabe have fled the re spheres. As he is Imam and because he is a mem Malian court. Making charms and healing peo We can conclude that the Islamic gift institu gion after they lost all their cattle, and wander ber of one of the oldest lineages in Serma, which ple are his most important activities nowadays. tions are indeed functioning as an alleviation of around in the Inner Delta of the Niger or in ar implies he is related by kinship ties to almost all But because people have less money, cattle, and poverty on the community level. 18 However, it is eas south of Serma and in Burkina-Faso. They . people in Serma, he is also consulted about po cereals, they will pay him only a little and often doubtful if it is indeed an improvement of the have students and seem to survive fairly well, litical problems in the village. after the harvest. Still, he has a good income as poor people's situation, given the way zakat is compared to other wandering Fulbe without edu Buya has married twice. His first wife was bar an important Moodibo and as Imam of Serma. redistributed, that is among kin and neighbours. cation of the Koran and other Islamic books. We ren and he divorced her. His second wife bore Buya's brother, Abdrumaane, also studied the It seems to replace other 'traditional' social se met some people who only studied the use of him eleven children, of whom only two sons and Koran. He did not choose to become a practising curity mechanisms. It is not extra. Furthermore, medicinal herbs and plants, which they started a daughter are alive. One son is studying the Moodibo. He returned after his study to Serma the paying and receiving of zakat and sadaqa after they lost their cattle. They dare not operate Koran in Petaka, 50 km west ofSerma, his young as a herder. In the drought of 1968-1973 all his seems to be a 'new' arena in which social and in their own village and region, travel long dis est son gets Koranic instruction from Buya him cattle died. He was forced to pick up his job as political differences between people are manipu tances and never seem to come back with any self. They have no cattle any more, and they live Moodibo. Being a member of the old Torodbe lated. money in their pocket. The Moodibaabe we know as sedentary people in a mud-brick house in the lineage, he was easily accepted as a Moodibo in in Serma are comparatively well-off after the Riimaybe village of Serma, next to the mosque. Serma, though the living he earns with his work drought. 19 In one way or another they are re Buya has large tracts of land, but he cannot work as Moodibo is only very marginal, but he sur Religious knowledge as an asset spected, and many people consult them for dif it all as he has no adult sons to help him. As he vives. ferent things. In the dry season they leave for the is Imam, however, a group of young men of the Moodibaabe towns where the better off Jalloube camp with village work his fields each year. For his work as Old women their small herds, and there they easily gain a Imam, who leads people through the path of Al As a Jallo woman told me: "Knowledge is power living. lah, he is given part of the zakat. If he has been Religious knowledge is important as a source of (annda/ ni woni semmbe) and therefore the The way Buya, the Imam of Serma, organizes successful with the healing of people or the mak income not only for the Moodibaabe. Other peo Moodibaabe have power (moodibaabe jogan his life, gives us more insight into how the ing of charms he receives goats or millet in re ple who have knowledge of the Koran may make semmbe)". Discussing with some Jalloube (two Moodibaabe survive after the droughts. Buya is turn. Although Buya is poor in terms of cattle use of it. The way some old women in Serma women and two men) what assets rich persons the eldest surviving member of the Torodbe lin and labour, he has access to the labour of the survive may serve as an example. If a woman have, they all mentioned cattle and knowledge eage in Serma, who were the first to occupy the villagers because he is Imam, and he has access has learned some of the Koran she can fulfil a of Islam. Knowledge is thus regarded as capital area around Serma, so he can lay a claim to the to cash and food because of his knowledge. few ritual functions. Hawa, an old woman in (cf. Bour:dieu 1977). The capital of a Moodibo land. His family has an old tradition of studying In the dry season Buya often goes to a Humbebe Serma whom we introduced already (under is, of course, knowledge of the Koran, and other and, since there is a mosque in Serma, his line (singular Kumbeejo) (cultivators) village 40 km zakat), studied the Koran as a young woman and books. If a Moodibo has proven to be very wise, age provides the Imam. Buya started his study in south of Serma, where he has a good reputation gained some knowledge of plants. She held the

54 Focaal no.22/23, 1994: pp. 47-63 55 women's rain ritual in 1990. Women would ask These examples show us that Islamic knowl Social networks based enough to survive. As it turned out, indeed they could not. Moreover that may not have been her advice when their children were ill. For all edge can provide people an additional income. on religious relations these services she was not paid directly, but she For a Moodibo who lived before the crisis as a Hadjata's plan at all. A Kumbeejo (plural Humbebe) friend of her husband, a great·and rich would receive gifts ifthere was something to give. herder or a cultivator with a specialization as a Related to the problem of the mental aspect of Wives of a Moodibo often study the Koran after learned man, which gave him something extra; Moodibo, lived in Wayre and he was willing to social security, but also based on more practical marriage. Their husband's power is reflected onto the income generated from this Islamic practice help Hadjata and her daughter through the diffi considerations, is the tendency that people try to cult dry season, as they were wife and daughter them. This, combined with their own knowledge has become his only income after the droughts. get more grip on social networks based on Is of Islam, makes them respected persons. They For the old women the exploitation of their of his well respected friend and Moodibo. lam, and on Islamic knowledge. The three strat often help women with sick children. After the knowledge means a living according to the ide Moodibaabe who are famous have in general a egies discussed here, making an appeal on the death oftheir husband they can make an asset of very crowded homestead during the dry season. ology of Fulbe society and therefore without social networks of Moodibaabe, giving one's being a Moodibo's wife. shame. These women explore in a 'new' way They are not allowed to refuse people who knock daughter in marril!ge to a Moodibo, and sending ask will Jeneba Mamoudou, from the Ngouma cattle existing social relations, which already had im on their door to for help. The Moodibo one's children to a Koranic school, are not new camp, has been doing this since the death of her plications for mutual help. The Moodibaabe and ask the richer members of the Islamic commu for the Jalloube. However, it appears that more husband who was a great Moodibo. During the the old women are paid for their religious serv nity in the village where he lives, to give him people make use of these strategies and that the rainy season she stays in Serma. To earn a living ices. We can· also interpret these activities as a food in order to feed all these people who stay at reasons for doing so have changed a little. In a she repairs calabashes and she makes rope from form of redistribution, because the poor in a way his home. Not all Moodibaabe appreciate these few cases the material benefits, that is obtaining the bark of baobab trees. Both activities pay her oblige the better-off to give them something for requests for help. The Imam of Dalla, a village food, seem to be as important as the spiritual no more than 50 FCFA a day, when she is lucky. their religious services. of Fulbe elite and residence of the court of the benefits. The people of the camp give her some food if Islamic knowledge gives profit to the people Hayre in the past, was always complaining about they have any. Jeneba has no sons nor daughters who possess it, but it also gives advantages to all the people he had to feed. People from the living with her in the cattle camp. At the begin the ordinary people. The religious knowledge and Networks ofMoodibaabe Jalloube village Serma also went there in the dry ning of the dry season she usually goes to Boni. the religious services are very much needed in season, in order to receive the blessings of the In 1991 she went there together with her daugh times of crisis. The Moodibaabe, especially, help Networks ofMoodibaabe are formed as the schol holy Moodibo (the father of the Imam). Moreo ter-in-law, whose husband left to look for work. people to secure their survival by helping them ars study. This study implies much travelling for ver they would eat in the compound of the In Boni they lived in the house of the sister of a to attack plagues and illnesses, in short, to con the student. Some students even go to Abidjan Moodibo each day, creating a massive workload famous Moodibo from Boni and a friend of her trol their physical environment. Further, the spir in the Ivory Coast to study with a particular Is for his wives and a burden on his limited means. husband. Boni is always very populous in the dry itual work of the Moodibaabe and the old women lamic scholar. In this way a student establishes a season, and Jeneba is one among many old helps people to formulate an answer to the exis wide network of people that crosses ethnic Marriage strategies women who come to this small rural town in tential questions that all people have more ur boundaries and even national boundaries. The search offood. Many other impoverished Jalloube gently now in times of crisis. It is part of the family of a Moodibo may also profit from his Practices to profit from the networks of come with a few goats to Boni. They exchange a mental aspect of social security. In explaining network. As all these people are Muslim and form Moodibaabe indeed signified for some people the little milk, but they rely also on the help of their the crisis and difficult situation, people use ex a Muslim network, they are bound by their Is difference between survival or starvation. A re Riimaybe friends and members of the elite. pressions like: "It is God's will", or "God will lamic duties, which implies help. to the poor (see lated practice is embedded in marriage strate Jeneba belongs to the better-off among these peo bring good rains", or "God has sent away the zakat). Thus in times of crisis, it is always in gies of the Jalloube. Parents can decide to give ple, who are in fact displaced people, because small birds". And it is to God that the theory possible to make an appeal to the charity one of their daughters to a famous Moodibo, who she has an important asset, that is, knowledge of Moodibaabe and the old women refer. of members of the Islamic community who are may marry her when she has reached the mar the Koran. Each day, when she has enough en The importance of religious knowledge as an also one's acquaintances. riageable age. This option gives them 'spiritual' ergy, she visits her relatives, acquaintances, and answer to the crisis, can even lead to a situation This was the case for Hadjata, whom we intro and material benefits. If the family is lucky, this also strangers' houses where she gives blessings, in which some men look only for knowledge of duced above. In 1990 she got no gifts from any Moodibo will help them in times of shortage, and recites some Koranic texts, and sometimes does the Koran and therefore submit themselves en body. No field had been worked for her, although through her relation with the Moodibo the girl a little curing. This will bring these people pros tirely to a Moodibo, forgetting the· material means that would have been oflittle help since harvests brings the family nearer to God, which· means perity. The people she visits belong for a large they need to provide their families to survive were very meagre that year. The rope and mats more security. part to her kin and friendship network and will physically. They hope to protect their families in she and her daughter made were not sold, be However, the daughters are not always happy always give something for her services. Some this way against all evil. In the most extreme cause nobody had the means to buy them. They being married out like this. As a young girl Umu people give her 10-25 FCFA, others will give her cases the women and children have to work for were really desperate. They decided to go to was given by her mother to a Moodibo in some food. In one week in Boni she earned with the family in order not to die. Wayre, a village of Humbebe cultivators 60 Manougou, near the border with Burkina Faso. her services: five times a little millet, once cola kilometers from Serma. They knew some of their This scholar, Moodi Yuwgo, already about 60 nuts, three times a little rice, three times some relatives and acquaintances had gone to Wayre years old then, was known for his wisdom and spices, 120 FCFA and a bit of meat. This was with their cattle to spend the dry season. They was regarded as a saint in the area. As Umu's enough to eat breakfast and dinner for at least hoped these people would support them a little. father and mother were divorced and her father three days. The other days she ate only one meal. We wondered if these Fulbe could give them left his daughter with his former wife's family,

56 Focaal no.22123, 1994: pp. 47-63 57 !r he himself wandering through the country, he even in the present situation. These 'young men in the future. As a Moodibo in Douentza analyzed curity. Everybody, rich and poor, 'uses' religious could not have a say in this affair. Umu 's mother migrate in the dry season to Mopti, Sevare or it, this is an eroding profession because more and duties and explanations to justify their life and said she gave her daughter to a Moodibo because Nioro, leaving their wives behind, looking for more people enter it to earn a living. The actual to assure a future. This was so in the past, and is this would be good for her and for her daughter. people who need their skills. There are also short situation of a Koranic student is in sharp con more so nowadays in times of crisis, when Fulbe It would bring prosperity to the family. "It is a term reasons to send children to the Koranic, trast with an important reason why they are send ideology, in which cattle plays a central role, good thing to give your daughter as a gift to a schools, as a Moodibo of Serma suggested: "Poor to the Moodibo by their family: to bring prosper tends to loose influence. famous Moodibo". Besides they no longer had people send their children to the Koranic schools ity to the family (cf. Saul1984: 82-4). Another aspect of the growing importance of to feed Umu. Umu was given, together with a to have them fed. Sending your children to the Does this creation of 'new' religious networks Islamic social security institutions and relations, few cows, her dowry. She lived in Manougou for Koranic school will only cost you something af via marriage, sending one's children to school, replacing the 'traditional' ones, is the a few years until Moodi Yuwgo died. A son of ter they have finished the study". and the reinterpretation of the use of existing depersonalization of (gift) relations. This is es his brother, also a Moodibo living in Douentza, While studying with the Moodibo the students networks as social security relations, indeed bring pecially clear for the institution of zakat. The whom we already mentioned above, asked for have to gather their food each morning and each the benefits to the people that they hope to get? care-relations that one has according to Fulbe Umu as he needed a second wife. This man was evening. When they are in town or in a village Are these indeed social security relations? In norms (for example between son and parents; also more than 30 years older than Umu. As he they will ask for food morning and evening at every case these relations contribute to feelings between nephew and aunt) are transformed into is of the family ofMoodi Yuwgo and also a well the entrance of every compound. When wander of security and well-being. In the sense of mate an Islamic obligation, which does not per se con known Moodibo, the mother of Umu could not ing Moodibaabe with their students visit cattle rial social security the benefits are distributed sider the relation one has with the person to and would not refuse to give her daughter to this camps, they send their students among the fami unevenly. The Koranic students suffer for the whom one gives. It may be therefore that the other Moodibo. Umu had three miscarriages with lies in the camps. That surviving as a Koranic salvation of their parents. The daughters that are growing importance of Islam leads to a chang him, and two living children. She was not happy student is not easy nowadays in the Hayre is evi married out to Moodibaabe do not marry a boy ing significance of the 'traditional' social secu to be married to an old man and was always re denced by this practice in Serma. The children of their choice and can never divorce. However, rity relations based on kinship and co-residence. belling. A couple of times she tried to escape, must scratch up their food each day, wandering as long as the Moodibaabe are among the In the crisis people seem to make very indi but she has no place to go. Her family will never around in towns or villages where their Moodibo wealthier and more respected members of soci vidual choices how to survive, within the limits let her divorce this Moodibo, because that will has decided to stay for a few weeks. Some ofthese ety, these networks will have a support function of the value system of their society and within bring bad luck to the family. After having di Moodibaabe with their students made a stop in for poor families. the limits of their social and material possibili vorced a Moodibo it is very difficult to find a Serma, hoping to get some milk each day. At the ties. As a consequence of the impoverishment new husband, as everyone is afraid of the reper start of the dry season, each morning at six caused by the droughts, many people left the cussions. Although the husband ofUmu has no o'clock we were awakened in our cattle camp by Conclusion Hayre and their society. The people who stayed cattle (they all died after 1985), he is rather pros the whining of Koranic students 'Gido Allah behind either disposed of sufficient assets to sur perous as Imam of the new mosque ofDouentza. Gariibu:. They were lucky that we did not eat Social security relations and institutions based vive, or had no other choice than to stay because He often sends some money to his family-in-law too much, so we could always give them some on Islam seem to become more important for they were desperate. Of course the majority still and he helps them when they are ill and have to left -overs ofour dinner of the night before. Other specific categories of people in Fulbe society. survives on herding or cultivating; they cope with go to the hospital in Douentza. So next to 'spir families would give them a little milk, a few These are the people who are not sufficiently the new situation. However, 'ecological' adapta itual' benefits from the marriage of their daugh millet heads or the left-overs oftheir meals, which supported any more by 'traditional' social secu tion to drought is not the only solution for the ter there are also material benefits. was never much. It is their Islamic duty to give, rity mechanisms. Islam has a long history in the problems pastoralists in this society encounter, but they would not give as much as they did in Hayre, as has its institutions such as zakat, as is often suggested in the literature on pastoral Sending one's children better times. The idea inhabitants of Serma Koranic ,schools, and Moodibaabe networks. societies (cf. Salzman 1978). Without produc to the Koranic school (Riimaybe and Jalloube) have of these 'begging' However, the harsh circumstances in which the tion, however, there can be no (re-)distribution. students is highlighted by a proverb: 'ko hilli Jalloube must live have opened new dimensions Given the difficult situation in the Sahel, we Just as it is good to have a daughter married to a wuro e tikere gariibu' (the village is not con and given new values and importance to these must, therefore, not overestimate the role of old Moodibo, so it is good to send one's son to the cerned with the whining of a Koranic student). institutions and to social relations based on Is and newly created social security mechanisms Koranic school. This child, when he becomes a As we followed these children over a few months, lam: new networks based on Islam are explored, for survival. On the other hand it would be a learned man, will bring prosperity to the family, we saw them grow thinner and some of them fell zakat has become much more an institution di mistake to neglect their role. As we have seen in and it will help him to earn a living when he severely ill. rected to alleviating poverty and replaces other this paper a considerable number of people, al grows up. Sending children to a Moodibo is thus a risky obligatory kinship-based gift relations, Islamic though a minority, depend on social security re Sending children to a Moodibo is a well-known affair. In some cases the children suffer, they are knowledge and the status related to it open new lationships and mechanisms for their survival. practice in Serma. It was new, we were told, that used as 'slaves/labourers' while not getting possibilities of survival. Furthermore, these 'new' They have no access to, nor labour, to exploit people were very keen for their sons to attend a enough to eat. Often children die during their survival mechanisms are positively sanctioned natural resources. These are older people and Koranic school nowadays. Women especially stay with the Moodibo, far from their own vil by other members of society, because they are poor learned men. They explore social and cul thought this a good future for their sons. They lage, infected with new diseases, undernourished, part of the ideology/religion of society. Moreover tural assets (cultural capital in Bourdieu 's term) see the examples ofthe young men that were sent and with no relatives to give money for medi Islam provides all people with a general orienta to find a living, and to provide social security. to the Koranic school when they were boys, and cines. Moreover, it is not at all certain that the tion on life and an explanatory framework for This also shows how dynamic social security in who do indeed earn a living with this knowledge profession of Moodibo will have great potential the crisis. This is the mental aspect of social se- stitutions are and how inventive people are.

58 Focaal no.22/23, 1994: pp. 47-63 59 Notes great savannah empires, and especially under in 11. This is reported in the National Archives of Burkina-Faso because he is Moodibo: normally fluence of the Sonrai empire of Gao. The Fulbe Bamako (1E-132: Transhumance et droits de this would have cost him 5000 FCFA. One * The fieldwork for this research was carried out have developed their own Islamic clergy (see nomadisation: 1921-1931; 6D-6: Regime fiscal du Moodibo gained with two months of work in Boni with a grant from the Netherlands Foundation for Brown 1964, 1969). betail: 1934). enough money to marry a second wife, to clothe the Advancement of Tropical Research (WOTRO, 5. Islamic scholars who have studied for a consider 12. Umaru Adya Dicko's great-grandmother was the his family, and to buy enough millet for the rest of sister of the first chief of the Fulbe chiefdom Boni, the year. Another Moodibo has earned enough grant W 52-494). The project entitled 'Fulani so able period are called Moodibaabe (singular ciety in a changing world: central Mali' was car Moodibo) in Fulfulde. In French literature we find Maamudu Nduuldi. The chiefdom Boni separated cattle with his work to marry four wives, to adopt ried out by the author, research assistant in the the term marabout. Islamic scholars who have from the chiefdom in the Hayre at the end of the some of his nephews, and to eat so much that he Department of Anthropology, Utrecht University, studied a lot, but who have not yet achieved the nineteenth century. Serma was in the past part of is now said to weigh more than three Fulbe men together with Han van Dijk, research assistant in level of knowledge necessary to be regarded as a the chiefdom ofBoni, and is nowadays part of the put together. the Departments of Forestry and Agrarian law, Moodibo, are called taalibo (plural taalibaabe), arrondissement (subdistrict) of Boni. The actual 20. Nokara is 30 km north of Serma, next to Boni; Agricultural University of Wageningen. Fieldwork which means student. Moodibaabe is also the chief ofBoni is a descendant of one of the sons of Kerana is 50 km west of Serma; Tenenkou is situ was carried out from March 1990 to March 1991 name for a social category of Fulbe society in the Maamudu Nduuldi, his status has been changed ated in the Inner Delta of the Niger, about 400 km and May 1991 to February 1992 in two villages in Hayre. under the modern administration from chief of the from Serma; Gembe near Mopti is about 370 km the cerc/e Douentza in Mali. The data used for 6. This is, however, no rule. During our stay this was Boni region into village chief. southwest of Serma; and Bankass is about 200 km this paper were gathered by both researchers. I the case. Some informants assured us that the fre 13. One load is a bundle of millet spikes bound to south of Serma. want to thank Franz von Benda-Beckmann quent praying of people, nowadays, had to do with gether with millet stalks, containing 12-20 kilo of 21. During our fieldwork 100 FCFA = 2FF, and the Mahmut Tang, and the participants of the Ad~ the death of one's child, or with the loss of cattle grain when threshed. price of one measure of millet (2/3 kilo, not vanced Research Seminar on 'Social Security, Law or with poverty in general. ' 14. This is also due to the ownership structure of the pounded yet) varied from 50 to 125 FCFA. Re and Socio-Economic Change' held in Wageningen 7. Some illnesses which we would categorize as herds (see van Dijk, this volume). cently, January 1994, the FCFA has been devalu 1992, for their helpful comments on earlier ver mental illnesses, can only be cured by a Moodibo. 15. Jalloube women do not work on the land. There ated by SOo/o. sions of this article. Fulbe are also named Fulani People visit the hospital for illnesses like tuber are many cultural barriers to this, even in times of in English literature and Peul in French literature. culosis, but the treatment of this illness takes more crisis (cf. Dupire 1960, Riesman 1977, de Bruijn To protect the privacy of our informants names than a year and most people do not finish the treat 1992). used in this article are not the real names of the ment. Sometimes a Moodibo will send his patient 16. In fact they are not kin in genealogical terms. Bel co References persons described. to a doctor, but only when he no longer knows was referring to the relationship between the what to do. Most people who arrive eventually at Riimaybe and the Jalloube as social categories. In l. Except, of course, the controversial study of the hospital are already so very ill that there is no the past they were related as slaves to masters. Ahmad, E., J. Dreze, J. Hills, A. Sen (eds.) 1991. So Turnbull on the Ik in Uganda (1989). curing possible. Thus the image of the hospital Nowadays they have become endam, which de cial security in developing countries. Oxford: 2. Hayre are large rock formations and inselberge. has become 'the place of death •, because all peo notes a kind of 'kinship' based on long-standing Clarendon Press. These are numerous in this area and give it its ple who go there die in the hospital, or they die a relationship. Mutual help is appropriate in the Ba, A.H. & J. Daget 1984. L'empire peul duMacina typical character. The area is 80 kilometers north few years later, when the treatment is not finished. endam relationship. In the past a master (of the (1818-1853). Abidjan: Les Nouvelles Editions of Bandiagara, and the Hayre are part of the This does not encourage other people to go to the Jalloube category) would have been expected to Mricaines (first print 1962). Bandiagara plateau. For a description of the agro hospital in town. help his slave (of the Riimaybe); with Yaaya Baxter, Paul T.W. & Richard Hogg (eds.) 1990. Prop pastoral land use system of the Jalloube see van 8. Soera 9: 60 "Alms shall be used only for the ad Cuume the relationship has in fact been reversed. er{)~, poverty and people: changing rights in prop Dijk (1992). vancement of Allah's cause, for the ransom of cap 17. F. Von Benda-Beckmann (1988) found similar re erty and problems ofpastoral development. Man 3. The terms Weheebe, Moodibaabe, Jalloube tives and debtors, and for distribution among the sults for an Ambonese village. chester: Department of Social Anthropology and In ~iimaybe, Jaawambe, Nyeeybe indicate occupa~ poor, the destitute, the wayfarers, those that are 18. In Mali zakat is absent at the level of the state's ternational Development Center, University of Man tiona! groups as they existed in the political hier employed in collecting alms, and those that are social security policy. However, in other countries chester. archy of the Fulbe chiefdoms in the Hayre. In some converted to the faith. That is a duty enjoined by of West Africa zakat is gaining importance as a Benda-Beckmann, F. von, K. von Benda-Beckmann, cases these occupational groups coincide with lin Allah. He is wise and all-knowing" (The Koran social security institution on the national level. E. Casino, F. Hirtz, G.R. Woodman and H. Zacher eages. The term Jalloube is not correct in the sense 1974). For instance in Senegal Islamic organizations pro (eds.) 1988a. Between kinship and the state. that it refers to a clan and not to an occupation. 9. In old letters between the chief of the Hayre and mote zakat as a social security institution next to Dordrecht: Faris Publications. The alternative egga-hodaabe which is sometimes the chief of Maasina the collecting of zakat is re other state social security arrangements, in order Benda-Beckmann, F. von, K. von Benda-Beckmann, used locally, we consider less appropriate for use ported. to alleviate the poverty of the needy, especially B.O. Bryde, F. Hirtz 1988b. Introduction: Between in a text. The Fulbe chiefdom of Dalla was estab 10. In the National Archives in Bamako, Mali, we those who, not being workers, are ineligible to Kinship and the State. In: F. von Benda-Beckmann lished in the seventeenth century. The chiefdom found a report on such a conflict between the chief benefit from the state's arrangements (Vuarin et at (eds.), Between kinship and the state. Dordrecht: ofBoni is much younger and was only established of Dalla and his Jalloube (2E-4: Politique Indigene: 1990). Faris Publications: pp. 7-20. in the nineteenth century. Nowadays Dalla is a Correspondance Cercle de Bandiagara: 1899- 19. We did not gather budgets ofMoodibaabe, but the Benda-Beckmann, Franz von 1988. Islamic law and small village, while Boni is the capital of an 1907). In an interview with an old man from Serma following examples will make clear that social security in an Ambonese village. In: F. von Benda-Beckmann et al (eds.), Between kinship and arrondissement. a conflict between the chief of Boni and the Moodibaabe are indeed better off. A Moodibo gets the state. Dordrecht: Foris Publications: pp. 339-65. 4. About the time and the way Fulbe converted to Jalloube about the zakat was mentioned at the help for the work on his land of other villagers. Islam nothing can be stated with certainty. The beginning of the twentieth century (interview with The Moodibaabe wives have better clothes than Bemus, Edmund 1990. Dates, dromedaries, and drought: diversification in Tuareg pastoral systems. Fulbe of the Hayre are related to and originate the griot from Dalla of Aamadu Bura Totoodu women who are not married with a Moodibo but from the Fulbe of the Inner Delta. Of the conver December 1991). People from a Jalloube cam~ have the same living standard (lack of wealth in In: J.G. Galaty & D.L. Johnson (eds.), The world ofpas sion to Islam of the Fulbe of the Inner Delta we near Dalla, Cafal, also reported on the malfunc cattle, small livestock). One Moodibo, who was toralism. Herding systems in comparative perspec know that this must have been in the times of the tioning of the zakat-institution. very ill, got a free taxi ride to the hospital in tive. New York: The Guilford Press: pp. 149-76.

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