Shrinking Spaces in the Western Balkans
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Nationalism As Ideology: a Reflection on the Group Remaking Tendencies in Macedonia
Nationalism as Ideology: A Reflection on the Group Remaking Tendencies in Macedonia Master Thesis for the award of the academic degree of Master of Arts (MA) at the Karl-Franzens-University of Graz submitted by: Branimir Staletovik at the Centre for Southeast European Studies Supervisor: Univ. Professor Florian Bieber Graz, 2015 Table of Contents Introduction............................................................................................................................1 The Rise of Nationalism in Macedonia................................................................................1 Chapter I: Nationalism as Ideology .....................................................................................5 Antiquization and Skopje 2014 – a critical reflection on the existing approaches ..............5 From Identity to Ideology ....................................................................................................8 Beyond Identity..................................................................................................................10 Nationalism as Ideology ....................................................................................................13 Thesis Goals and Methods .................................................................................................16 Nationalism in Macedonia and the Post-Yugoslav States..................................................18 Chapter II: The evolvement of ancient narrative in Macedonia and ‘diaspora’...........24 A Historical Reflection on the -
US to North Macedonia March 4-15, 2019
US to North Macedonia March 4-15, 2019 Exchange Guide This exchange is made possible through a grant from the US Embassy—Skopje. Table of Contents Schedule ............................................................................................................................ 3 Schedule Notes ............................................................................................................... 14 Program Contact Information ...................................................................................... 24 Flight Confirmations and Itineraries .............................................................................. 25 Schedule Monday, March 4, Washington, DC 4:00pm Arrive at and check-in to hotel: Residence Inn by Marriott Dupont Circle 2120 P St NW Washington, DC 20037 5:45pm Meet in hotel lobby 6:15pm Welcome dinner hosted by Mr. Matt Robbins Director of Government Relations, AutoCare Association [Delegation escort, ACYPL Trustee, and alumnus to Argentina and Uruguay 2007] Location: City Tap House, 1250 Connecticut Avenue, NW In attendance will be: Ms. Libby Rosenbaum CEO, ACYPL [Timor Leste 2017] Ms. Jacqueline Harris Outreach & Engagement Director, ACYPL [South Africa and Botswana 2017] Ms. Cameron Schupp Development & Special Projects Director, ACYPL 8:00pm Return to hotel Tuesday, March 5 Washington, DC Attire: Business Breakfast: At the hotel Additional: Please check out and pay for any incidentals. Have your driver’s license accessible for State Department security. 8:30am Meeting in the lobby and load luggage into van 8:45am Depart for first meeting 9:00am Meeting with Mr. Edward Joseph Lecturer, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies 10:15am Depart for next meeting 3 11:00am Meeting at the United States Department of State In attendance will be: Mr. Brent Beemer Program Officer, Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs Ms. Jill Dietrich North Macedonia Desk Officer Ms. Heidi Ramsay Public Diplomacy Desk Officer Location: 2201 C Street, NW 12:00pm Depart for next activity 12:30pm Meeting with Ms. -
Albania by Blendi Kajsiu Capital: Tirana Population: 2.876 Million GNI/Capita, PPP: $11,880
Albania by Blendi Kajsiu Capital: Tirana Population: 2.876 million GNI/capita, PPP: $11,880 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores NIT Edition 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 National Democratic Governance 4.25 4.50 4.75 4.75 5.00 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 Electoral Process 3.75 3.75 4.00 4.25 4.25 4.00 4.00 3.75 3.75 3.50 Civil Society 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 Independent Media 3.75 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.25 4.25 4.25 Local Democratic Governance 2.75 3.00 3.25 3.25 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 Judicial Framework and Independence 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 Corruption 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.25 Democracy Score 3.82 3.93 4.04 4.14 4.25 4.18 4.14 4.14 4.14 4.11 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
The Struggle for Democratic Environmental Governance Around
The struggle for democratic environmental governance around energy projects in post-communist countries: the role of civil society groups and multilateral development banks by Alda Kokallaj A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2014 Alda Kokallaj Abstract This dissertation focuses on the struggle for democratic environmental governance around energy projects in post-communist countries. What do conflicts over environmental implications of these projects and inclusiveness reveal about the prospects for democratic environmental governance in this region? This work is centred on two case studies, the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the Vlora Industrial and Energy Park. These are large energy projects supported by the governments of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Albania, and by powerful international players such as oil businesses, multilateral development banks (MDBs), the European Union and the United States. Analysis of these cases is based on interviews with representatives of these actors and civil society groups, narratives by investigative journalists, as well as the relevant academic literature. I argue that the environmental governance of energy projects in the post-communist context is conditioned by the interplay of actors with divergent visions about what constitutes progressive development. Those actors initiating energy projects are shown to generally have the upper hand in defining environmental governance outcomes which align with their material interests. However, the cases also reveal that the interaction between civil society and MDBs creates opportunities for society at large, and for non-government organizations who seek to represent them, to have a greater say in governance outcomes – even to the point of stopping some elements of proposed projects. -
SYRIZA VICTORY in GREEK PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS, JANUARY 2015: Perceptions of Western Balkan Media & Opinion Makers
SYRIZA VICTORY IN GREEK PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS, JANUARY 2015: Perceptions of Western Balkan Media & Opinion Makers Maja Maksimović Bledar Feta Katherine Poseidon Ioannis Armakolas Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) South-East Europe Programme Athens 2015 SYRIZA VICTORY IN GREEK PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS, JANUARY 2015: Perceptions of Western Balkan Media & Opinion Makers Contents About the Authors .............................................................................................................................................................. 3 About the South-East Europe Programme .............................................................................................................. 5 Preface .................................................................................................................................................................................... 6 Executive Summary........................................................................................................................................................... 7 PART I - The January 2015 Parliamentary Elections in Greece: Perceptions of Western Balkan Media .................................................................................................................................................................................... 12 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................ -
MCEC IIEP Quarterly Report #8 Oct Dec 2013
Interethnic Integration in Education Project QUARTERLY PROGRAM PERFORMANCE REPORT No. 8 October 1, 2013 – December 31, 2013 Joint student activities Submitted by: Macedonian Civic Education Center (MCEC) under Cooperative Agreement No. AID-165-A-12-00002 USAID Interethnic Integration in Education Project QUARTERLY REPORT #8, October 2013 – December 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page 1. Background 3 2. Progress Towards Objectives 4 3. Crosscutting Activities 6 4. Project Activities 10 4.1. Community Outreach 10 4.2. Capacity Building of School Management and Teachers 12 4.3. Demonstration Schools 20 4.4. Providing Incentives to Schools and Communities 25 5. Lessons learned 31 6. Activities to Increase Participation of People with Disabilities (PWDs) 33 7. Activities in the next reporting period 34 8. List of appendices 36 2 USAID Interethnic Integration in Education Project QUARTERLY REPORT #8, October 2013 – December 2013 MACEDONIAN CIVIC EDUCATION CENTER (MCEC) USAID INTERETHNIC INTEGRATION IN EDUCATION PROJECT (IIEP) QUARTERLY PROGRAM PERFORMANCE REPORT No. 8 Cooperative Agreement No: AID-165-A-12-00002 Progress Report No: 8 Reporting Period: October 1, 2013 – December 31, 2013 1. BACKGROUND On December 2, 2011, the Macedonian Civic Education Center (MCEC) signed the Cooperative Agreement with USAID agreeing to provide support to USAID’s Interethnic Integration in Education Project (IIEP). IIEP is a four-year, USD 5.2 million initiative targeting all primary and secondary schools in Macedonia. The main objective of IIEP is to build awareness and provide diversity training, technical assistance, and incentives to school boards, principals, teachers, and administration officials in support of interethnic integration in education. It will build broad public understanding on the benefits for all citizens as a result from integrating Macedonia’s education system. -
The New Face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ Identity Dilemma
Paper prepared for the Sixth Euroacademia International Conference Re-Inventing Eastern Europe Belgrade, 27 – 28 January 2017 This paper is a draft Please do not cite or circulate 1 Make Macedonia great again! The new face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ identity dilemma. Piacentini Arianna University of Milan [email protected] Abstract For long time, the existence and the nature of the Macedonian nation have been contested by Macedonia’s neighbours - particularly Greece and Bulgaria. With the establishment of Tito’s Yugoslavia Macedonia became a federal unit and its inhabitants, the Macedonians, a constituent nation. However, the Yugoslav decades seems to have been only a buffer-time period, and identity disputes re-emerged in 1991 with Macedonia’s declaration of independence. A huge debate with Greece started over the use of the term Macedonia but, more profoundly, over the symbolical meaning and national importance of all that the term Macedonia symbolizes. From 2010, the Macedonian government has undertaken a project called “Skopje 2014”, aimed to renew the capital city Skopje not only by adopting neo-baroque style and building statues but also renaming the major streets, the stadium, the airport and the schools after the names of alleged ancestors lived in “a glorious past”. Hence, the project has gradually shaped, and changed, not only the identity of Skopje but the one of the Macedonian nation more generally, producing new national narratives. The importance in analysing what seemed to be a simple urban renovation lays, therefore, in a devious identity politics whose narrative is emphasizing a direct descent of the Macedonian people from Alexander the Great. -
Mediat E Shkruara, Menaxhimi Kundër Krizës
REPUBLIKA E SHQIPERISE UNIVERSITETI I TIRANES FAKULTETI I HISTORISE DHE I FILOLOGJISE Tel/Fax: +355 4 369 987/ www.fhf.edu.al Adresa: Rruga e Elbasanit, Tiranë Punim Doktorature Tema: Mediat e shkruara, menaxhimi kundër krizës Sami Nezaj Drejtues shkencor: Prof.Dr. Hamit Boriçi Tiranë, 2013 1 TABELA E LËNDËS HYRJE I PJESA I Kriza e medias së shkruar, tiparet dhe ambienti i krizës Kapitulli i parë Kriza e medias së shkruar 1.1.1 Shfaqja e krizës dhe tiparet e saj në Evropën Perëndimore dhe në SHBA 1.1.2 Shfaqja e krizës dhe tiparet e saj në vendet e rajonit 1.1.3 Shfaqja e krizës dhe tiparet e saj në Shqipëri. 1.1.3.1 Kriza në shtypin shqiptar, tiparet e krizës, 1.1.3.2 Kriza editoriale e gazetave, kryqëzimi mes lirisë së shtypit dhe krizës editoriale 1.1.3.3 Kriza për shkak të pronësisë 1.1.3.4 Censura, autocensura, cilësia e informacionit, kontributi në krizë 1.1.3.5 -Kriza e shtypit si krizë e menaxhimit. Kapitulli i dytë Mediat e tjera dhe teknologjia e komunikimit në Shqipëri, implikimet në krizën e shtypit të shkruar 1.2.1 Gazetaria elektronike si alternativë e shtypit të shkruar 1.2.2 Tregu audioviziv në vend, ndikimi në krizën e shtypit të shkruar 1.2.3 Interneti dhe telefonia celulare një tjetër konkurent në fushën e tregut të informacionit Kapitulli i tretë Analiza PEST, analiza konkuruese dhe analiza e stakeholders për industrinë e medias së shkruar 1.3.1 Analiza PEST për industrinë e medias së shkruar 1.3.1.1 Mjedisi politik 1.3.1.2 Mjedisi ekonomik ne Shqipëri për industrinë e medias së shkruar 1.3.1.3 Mjedisi social ne Shqipëri për industrinë e medias së shkruar. -
North Macedonia: 'New' Country Facing Old Problems
North Macedonia: ‘New’ country facing old problems A research on the name change of the Republic of North Macedonia Willem Posthumus – s4606027 Master Thesis Human Geography - Conflicts, Territories and Identities Nijmegen School of Management Radboud University Nijmegen Supervisor Henk van Houtum October 2019 36.989 words Once, from eastern ocean to western ocean, the land stretched away without names. Nameless headlands split the surf; nameless lakes reflected nameless mountains; and nameless rivers flowed through nameless valleys into nameless bays. G. R. Stewart, 1945, p. 3 2 I Preface After a bit more than a year, I can hereby present my master’s thesis. It’s about a name. Around 100 pages about a name: I could not have thought it would be such an extensive topic. Last year I had heard about Macedonia, or the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, as it was often called. I didn’t know it that well, just that it used to be part of Yugoslavia, obviously. An item in the news, however, triggered my interest: the country was about to change its name to North Macedonia. ‘Why?’ I thought. I didn’t know about the name dispute, but the more I read about it, the more I wanted to know. When I had to choose a subject for my master’s thesis, I knew I would look at this name change. A year later, I think I understand the name change and the dispute better. Still, the topic is more complicated than I thought. Understanding everything there is about it would probably take a lot more time. -
Relations Between Macedonia, Greece and China After the Prespa Agreement Anastas Vangeli
ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 15, No. 4 (MK) February 2019 Macedonia external relations briefing: Relations Between Macedonia, Greece and China After the Prespa Agreement Anastas Vangeli 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 Relations Between Macedonia, Greece and China After the Prespa Agreement Introduction The Prespa Agreement by which the former Republic of Macedonia obliged to change its constitutional name to the Republic of North Macedonia (hereinafter Macedonia) had brought the infamous Macedonian-Greek naming dispute to an end, at least for the time being. The political will to come to an agreement was not (only) a result of the cosmopolitan outlook of the elites in Skopje and Athens, but rather, a product of careful pragmatic calculus about the respective countries' international position. For Macedonia, a solution of the name dispute is expected to unlock and accelerate its accession to NATO, and facilitate its accession to the EU. For Greece, aside from opening new opportunities to re-emerge as a constructive stakeholder in the region of the Balkans, it was also an option to portray itself as a constructive actor in the Euro-Atlantic community. The Agreement itself was thus considered to be of utmost importance to the EU, NATO, and the governments of Western European countries and the US; and the way in which Macedonia (and Greece) aligned their strategic interests with the West. However, by changing the dynamics of the region and adjusting the positions of Greece and Macedonia, the Prespa Agreement has also potential to affect the two countries' relations with other, non- Western actors as well. -
ALBANIA Ilda Londo
ALBANIA Ilda Londo porocilo.indb 51 20.5.2014 9:04:36 INTRODUCTION Policies on media development have ranged from over-regulation to complete liberali- sation. Media legislation has changed frequently, mainly in response to the developments and emergence of media actors on the ground, rather than as a result of a deliberate and carefully thought-out vision and strategy. Th e implementation of the legislation was ham- pered by political struggles, weak rule of law and interplays of various interests, but some- times the reason was the incompetence of the regulatory bodies themselves. Th e Albanian media market is small, but the media landscape is thriving, with high number of media outlets surviving. Th e media market suff ers from severe lack of trans- parency. It also seems that diversifi cation of sources of revenues is not satisfactory. Media are increasingly dependent on corporate advertising, on the funds arising from other busi- nesses of their owners, and to some extent, on state advertising. In this context, the price of survival is a loss of independence and direct or indirect infl uence on media content. Th e lack of transparency in media ratings, advertising practices, and business practices in gen- eral seems to facilitate even more the infl uences on media content exerted by other actors. In this context, the chances of achieving quality and public-oriented journalism are slim. Th e absence of a strong public broadcaster does not help either. Th is research report will seek to analyze the main aspects of the media system and the way they aff ect media integrity. -
A Balanced View of the Balkans
aBalanced View of theBalkans DESPITE SUCCESSES, PILLARS OF PROGRESS SEEM TO BE ERODING Dr. Matthew Rhodes and Dr. Dragan Lozancic George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies hroughout the 1990s, interethnic violence placed Southeast Europe at the center of the Euro-Atlantic security agenda. Today, perceptions of the region gravitate toward one of two extremes. Many current policymakers, pressed with greater immediate challenges elsewhere, dismiss the Balkan conflict as a problem Tresolved. Meanwhile, prominent former officials and area specialists warn that the region once again stands on the brink of explosion. More balanced assessments seem lost in between. Despite the end of armed conflict, and steps toward recovery and transformation, remaining problems should not be underestimated. Still, “crying wolf” alarmism risks reinforcing the very complacence it seeks to overcome. What is required is more sober examina- tion of the factors producing qualified success as well as those blocking further advancement. Progressively addressing the Balkans’ unfinished business is vital in the first place for the people of the region themselves. It would also offer hope and lessons for resolving conflicts elsewhere. One key element that helped end large-scale fighting and open the way for political and economic renewal has been the scope of international effort. The initial NATO peacekeeping forces in Bosnia and Kosovo numbered 60,000 and 45,000 troops, respectively. Relative to local population, these levels were roughly 50 times higher than in post-2001 Afghanistan and four times the surge peak in Iraq.1 The $14 billion in foreign aid assistance to Bosnia through 2007 translated into a similar edge of $300 per person per year versus $65 in Afghanistan.2 A second factor has been the pull of Euro-Atlantic integration.