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Israel/UAR/Secretary-General - Personal and Confidential - Private and Internal Papers Concerning the Middle East, 1967-1970

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Israel/UAR/Secretary-General - Personal and Confidential - Private and Internal Papers Concerning the Middle East, 1967-1970 UN Secretariat Item Scan - Barcode - Record Title Page 43 Date 22/05/2006 Time 4:37:29 PM S-0865-0002-24-00001 Expanded Number S-0865-0002-24-00001 Title items-in-Peace-keeping operations - Middle East - envelope Number 3 - Israel/UAR/Secretary-General - Personal and Confidential - private and internal papers concerning the Middle East, 1967-1970 Date Created 17/10/1967 Record Type Archival Item Container s-0865-0002: Peace-Keeping Operations Files of the Secretary-General: U Thant - Middle East Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit IT October 1967 Note on a conversation between Hammarskjold and Nasser on T January 1959 "He /Nasser/ did not want UNEF to withdraw. The time might come when he had to ask UWEF to leave, "but he could assure Hammarskjold that he would go straight for it and not try to operate by a change of working conditions which would force us to take the initiative. He had nothing to gain once he reached the stage where he would have to ask for the withdrawal of UNEF, by going for the matter in a round-about way. Rather the opposite." There is no record of any response on Hammarskjold's part to these remarks. Personal and Coafidential 7 Hay 1968 Bear Musa Alatnl, I acknowledge wLtfe thanks yoar letter of 2$ March and tbe enclosed aide-m®moire e»titleci M!ffe.e Arabs of I^leBtine" uhleh sets forth th-e gist of the views vhich you sxpressed when vlsited me last Beeeaiber. It is thoughtful ©f yoa to send this to ma. Yours sincerely, Timnt Foundation of Jericho l?th Floor 880 15aird A^etme lew York, S.Y. 1^)22 as from: Musa Aland Foundation of Jericho 17th. Floor, 880 Third Avenue, New York 10022. Beirut: March 25th, 1968. H.E. U Thant, Se ere tary-General, United Nations, New York. Personal and Confidential Dear Mr. Thant, Due to the recent events in the Middle East I thought it might be useful to put down in writing, as an aide-memoire, the gist of our talk of last December; and I have the pleasure in enclosing it herewith. As you already know, I do not represent any government or political party; but I think that I know what limits the Arabs of Palestine may be prepared to accept. This is therefore, a study by an international thinker and not an Arab proposal. It is based on history and geography and notnon the chances of victory or defeat which, in the long run, cannot possibly affect the basic rights of peoples or individuals, I wish you success in your arduous obligations and with kindest regards. Yours sincerely, Musa Alami. personal and Confidential The Arabs of Palestine I. History The Arabs have been in Palestine from time immemorial and it is an historical mistake to think that the only connection that the Arabs have with Palestine is since Islam. They are mentioned in history under different names according to what tribe or Arab personality was prevailing at the time, but basically the inhabitants of Palestine, Lebanon and Syria and other territories in the Middle East, were of Arab stock. It is just as today when Arab countries are referred to as the Hashemites, the Saudis, the Yemenis, etc., etc., so in the past were the Canaanites, the Nabateans, the Phoenicians, all Arabs; just as, much later, were the Amawis, the Abbasids and the Fatimis. II. Zionism and the Palestine Arabs Ever since the Zionist movement became international in 1897, Zionist leaders deliberately treated the Arabs of Palestine as negligible and irrelevant in their struggle to obtain control of the country. They therefore started negotiating with the Sultan endeavouring to get his approval for mass immigration of Jews into Palestine; but he refused. III. Great Britain and Zionism a. When the First World War broke out, the Zionist movement had already gained powerful support in Great Britain. It is interesting to note that as early as 1915 Mr. Herbert Samuel, (a member of the Cabinet and one of the influential British Jews in England, who later became the First High Commissioner for Palestine), wrote a memorandum to the British Cabinet suggesting that the whole of Palestine should be a Jewish home for the Jews of the world, and that Great Britain would be serving her own interests if she supported such a policy. This was at the time when Palestine was still part of the Ottoman Empire. 2. b. On November 2, 1917, (again while Palestine was still in the Ottoman Empire), the British Government issued what is now historically known as the Balfour Declaration in which they supported the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine. c. The League of Nations in 1920-22 approved the terms of the mandate for palestine--the operative parts of which being the implementation of the terms of the Balfour Declaration—and entrusted the mandate to Great Britain. d. In all these efforts since 1897, neither the Zionist leaders, nor the British Government, nor the League of Nations ever cared to consider what the attitude of the Arabs of Palestine would be. They did not consult them, they did not take any steps to satisfy them that their political, civil and other rights would be internationally safe-guarded and recognized. It is true that in 1915, after the Arab revolt of Sharif Hussein, the British Government sent him with emissaries certain communications from their Commander-in-Chief in Egypt, which were deliberately vaguely termed, in an attempt to allay the fears that the Arabs may have regarding the future of Palestine. It is also true that in 1919 at the Versailles Conference Prince Faysal was allowed to make some broad statements about the aspirations of all Arabs including Palestine. But it is equally true that the British Government, with their various channels of influence, tried but failed to get Prince Faysal to agree to their Zionist policy regarding Palestine. During the mandate period, the British Government tried to get the Arab States involved in the Palestine question in the hope that they might in- fluence the Arabs of Palestine to accept their Zionist policy. The first important occasion when the Arab States were brought in was in the London conferences of 1938-39. As a result of these conferences, the Arab States, far from influencing the Palestine Arabs, were on the contrary influenced by them, and they adopted the Palestine-Arab resolutions regarding the present and future status of the country. During the war from 1939-45, the British and American Governments tried to get the Arab States to use their influence on the Palestine Arabs, but again failed. It was at the encouragement of Anthony Eden, the then British Foreign Secretary, and for the same purpose, that the Arab League was created in 1945. Again the British insisted that Palestine should be out of it, and that the Palestine question should not be dis- cussed in it. But again the British policy failed because the Arabs of Palestine had gained so much ground in influencing general public opinion through- out the Arab world that the Arab States had to go against their original agreement with the British Government, and accepted the Arabs of Palestine to be represented in the League; and ever since 1945 the Arab League has been sponsoring one resolution after another in accordance with the wishes of the Arabs of Palestine, IV. The U«N. and Palestine In 1947, the British Government surrendered their mandate to the United Nations, The U. N. appointed a committee (UNSCOP) to investigate, plan and report on the future status of Palestine. It recommended partition, and the U. N. passed a resolution partitioning Palestine and creating two independent states—one Arab and one Jewish. The latter was created at once under the name of Israel, but the Arab State of Palestine has not been created. In 1948, Israel occupied important parts of the area that had been allotted to the Arab State. The remaining section of the West bank was temporarily incorporated in°Jordan and the section of Gaza was also temporarily occupied by the Egyptian army. After partition, Palestine thus ceased to exist and its Arab people have become the victims ^f a new diaspora. To all intents and purposes they were broken up as a community. They are at present either refugees dispersed in various Arab countries, or are under Israeli military occupation. V. Arab Resistance The Arab peoples of Palestine, whether the refugees dispersed all over the Middle East, or those who remained in their original homes, have consistently refused partition with all its implications; and the Arab States went with them all the way in that refusal. The resistance of the Arab governments and people since 1948 was the best proof, if proof need be, of the solidarity of public opinion on this matter throughout the Arab world. There have been two wars between the Arab States and Israel since the Armistice of 1949 and there have been innumerable cases of aggression by Israeli forces upon Arab territories in the hope of breaking their will to resist the creation of Israel and to bring about a state of mind to accept her as she is, in her artificially created and non-recognized boundaries. The United States have taken an open stand since 1947 in their support of Zionism and Israel and they have used their influence to cajole and threaten many states, not only Arab States, to go along with them in their policy. In spite of the very severe losses incurred by the Arab States because of their staunch support of the Arabs of Palestine, and in spite of the strong ties that some of them have with the Western powers, notably the United States, the original position that the Arab States have taken in opposing Israel and not recognizing her still stands.
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