Language, Race, and White Public Space Author(S): Jane H

Home , Wigger

Language, Race, and White Public Space Author(s): Jane H. Hill Source: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 100, No. 3 (Sep., 1998), pp. 680-689 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/682046 Accessed: 10/04/2009 00:43

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http://www.jstor.org JANE H. HILL Departmentof Anthropology University of Arizona Tucson, AZ 85721 Language, Race, and White Public Space

Whitepublic space is constructedthrough (1 ) intensemonitoring of the speech of racializedpopulations such as Chicanos andLatinos and AfricanAmericans for signs of linguisticdisorder and (2) the invisibilityof almostidentical signs in the speechof Whites,where language mixing, requiredfor ffieexpression of a highly valuedtype of colloquialpersona, takes severalforms. One such form, Mock Spanish,exhibits a complex semiotics. By directindexicality, Mock Spanishpre- sents speakersas possessing desirablepersonal qualities. By indirectindexicality, it reproduceshighly negativeracializing stereotypesof Chicanosand Latinos.In addition,it indirectlyindexes "whiteness"as an unmarkednormative order. Mock Spanishis comparedto White"crossover" uses of AfricanAmerican English. Finally, the questionof the potential for such usages to be reshapedto subvertthe orderof racialpractices in discourseis briefly explored.[discourse, racism, whiteness,indexicality, Spanish]

The Study of Racism in Anthropology advancedanthropological thinking, because racial forrnation processes (Omi and Winant 1994) are contestedand Anthropologistsshare a contradictoryheritage: Our in- contradictory,yet global in theirscope. At the local level tellectualancestors include both foundersof scientific ra- racial practices(Winant 1994) can be very complex. Yet cism and importantpioneers of the antiracistmovement. emerging global "racialscapes"(Harrison 1995:49, bor- After manyyears in which anthropologistshave given far rowing from Appadurai1990) encompasseven the most less attentionto racism as an object of culturalanalysis remote populations,as when the Taiap of the backwaters than have many of our sister disciplines, we are now re- of the Lower Sepik River feel themselvesto be "Black"as turningto work that honors and advances our antiracist against"White"(Kulick1993). heritage. Racism should be as centrala question for researchin From "All Languages Are Equal" to the Study culturalanthropology as "race"has been in biological anthropology.We have always been interestedin forms of of Racializing Discourses widely sharedapparent irrationality, from divination to Like other anthropologists(and other linguists), lin- the formationof unilineal kin groups to the hypercon- guistic anthropologistshave made "education,"with its sumptionof (or abstentionfrom) the flesh of cattle,and ra- implicit assumptionof a confrontationwith "ignorance," cism is preciselythis kind of phenomenon.Why, if nearly theircentral antiracist strategy. Attempts to inoculatestu- all scientistsconcur that human "races" are imaginary,do dents againstbeliefs in "primitivelanguages,""linguistic so manyhighly educated, cosmopolitan, economically se- deprivation,"or the idea thatbilingualism (in certainlan- cure people continueto thinkand act as racists?We know guages) is inevitablyseditious can be foundin every intro- that"apparent irrationalities" seldom turnout to be the re- ductorytextbook in linguistics, and majorscholars in the sult of ignoranceor confusion. Instead, they appearlo- field have tried to spreadthe message not only as class- cally as quite rational,being rooted in history and tradi- room educators,but as public intellectualsin a wide range tion, functioning as importantorganizing principles in of functions.And whathave we to show for these efforts? relativelyenduring political ecologies, andlending coher- "OfficialEnglish" legislation on the books in many states, ence and meaningto complex and ambiguoushuman ex- and,in the winterof 199S97, a nationwide"moral panic" periences.Racism is no different:As Smedley (1993:25) (Hall et al. 1978)' aboutwhether "Ebonics" might be dis- has argued,"race . . . [is] a worldview, . . . a cosmological cussed in the classrooms of Oakland,California. In the orderingsystem structuredout of the political, economic, case of the Ebonics panic, the nearly universalreaction and social realitiesof peoples who hademerged as expan- among linguists2and linguistic anthropologistswas "We sionist, conquering,dominating nations on a worldwide mustredouble our efforts at education!How can we make quest for wealth andpower." Racism challenges the most classroomand textbook units on e equalityof all languages,

AmericanAnthropologist 100(3):680-689. Copyright(C) 1999, AmericanAnthropological Association HILL / LANGUAGE,RACE, AND WHITE PUBLIC SPACE 681 let alone all varietiesof English,more effective? How can in New York City to a national communityof Whites.5I we place opinionpieces to fight this nonsense?"The prob- have been looking at uses of Spanish by Whites, both lem here, of course, is thatsuch interventionsnot only ne- through on-the-spot observation of informal talk and glect the underlyingcultural logic of the stigmatizationof throughfollowing as wide a range as possible of media African American English, but also neglect the much and sites of mass reproductionsuch as advertisingfliers, deeperproblem pointed out by James Baldwin: "It is not gift coffee cups, souvenirplacemats, and greetingcards, the Black child's languagewhich is despised:It is his ex- for severalyears. First,I review Urciuoli's analysisof the perience"(Baldwin 1979,citedinLippi-Green 1997)and racializationof Puerto Ricans throughattention to their Baldwinmight have added,had he not been writingin the linguistic"disorder." NewYork Times, "and his body." Antiracist education in linguistics and linguistic an- Puerto Rican Linguistic Marginalization: thropologyhas centeredon demonstrationsof the equality Disorderly Order and adequacy of racialized forms of language, ranging from Boas's ([1889]1982) demolition of the concept of Urciuoli argues that her consultants experience lan- "alternatingsounds" and "primitive languages" to Labov's guage as differentiated into two spheres. In an "inner (1972) canonical essay on "The logic of non-standard sphere"of talk among intimates in the household and English."3But until very recently,there has been little re- neighborhood, the boundaries between "Spanish"and search on the "culture of language" of the dominant, "English"are blurredand ambiguous both forrnallyand "race-making"(Williams 1989)populations. New studies functionally.Here, speakers exploit linguistic resources are beginning to appear,such as Fabian (1986), Silver- with diversehistories with greatskill andfluency, achiev- stein (1987), Woolard (1989), and Lippi-Green (1997). ing extremelysubtle interactional effects. But in an "outer Urciuoli' s ( 1996) ethnographyof speakingof Spanishand sphere"of talk (andengagement with text) with strangers Englishamong Puerto Ricans in New YorkCity is perhaps and, especially, with gatekeeperslike court officers, so- the first monographon the talk of a racializedpopulation cial workers,and schoolteachers,the differencebetween thatforegrounds, and contributesto, contemporarytheo- Spanish and English is "sharply objectified" (Urciuoli ries of racial formationprocesses throughher analysis of 1996:2). Boundariesand order are everything.The pres- culturalphenomena such as "accent"and "good English." surefrom interlocutorsto keep the two languages"in or- A central theoreticalcommitment for many linguistic der"is so severe thatpeople who functionas fluentbilin- anthropologists, that"culture is localized in concrete, guals in the inner sphere become so anxious abouttheir publicly accessible signs, the most importantof which are competence that sometimes they cannot speak at all. actually occurring instances of discourse" (Urban Among the most poignant of the intricateambiguities of 1991:1), preparesus to contributein new ways to the un- this dualityare that worries about being "disorderly"are tangling of the complexity of racism. Furthermore,such never completely absent from the intimacies of the inner study is an obvious extensionof an active line of research sphere, and people who successfully negotiate outer- on linguistic ideologies (Woolardand Schieffelin 1994). sphereorder are vulnerableto the accusationthat they are We can explore questions like: What kinds of signs are "actingWhite," betraying their friends and relatives. made "concrete and publicly accessible" by racializing Urciuoliobserves that a (carefullymanaged) Spanish is discourses? What kinds of discourses count, or do not licensed in the outer sphere in such contexts as "folk-life count, as "racist,"and by what(and whose) culturallogic? festivals," as part of processes of "ethnification"that Whatare the differentkinds of racializingdiscourses, and workto makedifference "cultural, neat, and safe" (Urciuoli how are these distributedin speech communities?What 1996:9).6But Whites hear other public Spanishas impo- discourseprocesses socialize childrenas racialsubjects?4 lite and even dangerous.Urciuoli (1996:35) reportsthat Whatare the discoursesof resistance,and what do they re- "nearlyevery Spanish-speakingbilingual I know . . . has veal aboutthe forms of racism?What discourse processes experiencedcomplaints about using Spanish in a public relate the racializationof bodies to the racializationof place."Even people who always speakEnglish "in public" kinds of speech? And all of these questions must, of wony abouttheir"accents." While "accent"is a culturaldi- course, be qualifiedby the question,in whatkinds of con- mensionof speech and thereforelives largelyin the realm texts? of theimaginary, this constructis to some degreeanchored in a core of objectivephonetic practices that are difficult to "SpanishAccents" and "MockSpanish": monitor,especially when people are nervous and fright- LinguisficOrder and Disorder in WhitePublic Space ened. Furtherrnore,it is well-known thatWhites will hear "accent"even when, objectively, none is present,if they To illustrate a linguistic-anthropologicalapproach to can detect any othersigns of a racializedidentity.7 Speak- these issues, I build on an analysisby Urciuoli ( 1996), re- ers are anxious about far more than "accent,"however: centeringit from her researchon bilingualPuerto Ricans they worry about cursing, using vocabulary items that 682 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 100, NO. 3 * SEPTEMBER1998 might seem uncultivated,and even aboutusing too many Spanish by Whites is often grossly nonstandardand un- tokens of "you know." Mediated by culturalnotions of grammatical. Hill (1993a) includes examples ranging "correctness"and "good English," failures of linguistic from street names, to advertising,to public-healthmes- order,real andimagined, become in the outersphere signs sages. WashYour HandslLava sus manos,originally re- of race: "differenceas inherent,disorderly, and danger- ported by Penalosa (1980) in San BernardinoCounty, ous"(Urciuoli 1996:9). California,can be found in restroomsall over the south- The main point for my argumentis that PuertoRicans westernUnited States. Penalosaobserved that this exam- experiencethe "outersphere" as an importantsite of their ple is especially remarkablesince it has as many gram- racialization,since they are always found wantingby this matical errorsas it has words.8An excellent case was the sphere's standardsof linguistic orderliness.My research reprintingby the ArizonaDaily Star (August 10, 1997) of suggests that precisely the opposite is true for Whites. an essay by the ColombianNobelist GabrielGarcia Mar- Whitesperrnit themselves a considerableamount of disor- quez thatoriginally appearedin the NewYork Times (Au- der precisely at the languageboundary that is a site of dis- gust 3, 1997). All of the diacriticson the Spanishwords- cipline for PuertoRicans (and other membersof histori- and the problemof accent markshad been one of Garcia cally Spanish-speakingpopulations in the UnitedStatesW Marquez's main points were missing in the Star ver- thatis, the boundarybetween Spanishand English in pub- sion. Tucson is the home of a majoruniversity and has a lic discourse. I believe that this contrast,in which White large Spanish-speakingpopulation, and the audience for uses of Spanishcreate a desirable"colloquial" presence the piece (which appearedon the op-edpage of the Sunday for Whites, but uses of Spanish by Puerto Ricans (and edition)no doubtincluded many people who areliterate in membersof otherhistorically Spanish-speaking groups in Spanish. Clearly, however, the Starwas not concerned the United States) are "disorderlyand dangerous,"is one aboutoffering this audiencea literatetext. of the ways in which this arenaof usage is constitutedas a While Puerto Rican code switching is condemned as partof what Page andThomas (1994) have called "White disorderly, Whites "mix" their English with Spanish in public space":a morallysignificant set of contextsthat are contexts ranging from coffee-shop chat to faculty meet- the most importantsites of the practices of a racializing ings to the evening network newscasts and the editorial hegemony, in which Whites are invisibly normal,and in pages of majornewspapers. Their "Mock Spanish'b9 incor- which racializedpopulations are visibly marginaland the porates Spanish-languagematerials into English in order objects of monitoringranging from individualjudgment to create a jocular or pejorative"key." The practices of to Official Englishlegislation. Mock Spanishinclude, f1rst, semantic pejoration of Span- ish loans: the use of positive or neutralSpanish words in White Linguistic Normalcy: Orderly Disorder humorousor negative senses. Perhapsthe most famous example is macho,which in everyday Spanish merely While Puerto Ricans are extremely self-conscious means"male." Equally important are Spanish expressions about their "Spanish"accents in English, heavy English of leave-taking,like adiosand hasta la vista,used in Mock "accents"in Spanishare perfectlyacceptable for Whites, Spanish as kidding (or as serious) "kiss-offs" (Mock- even when Spanish speakersexperience them as "like a Spanish "adios" is attested in this sense from the mid- fingernailon the blackboard."Lippi-Green ( 1997) points nineteenthcentuiy). A second strategyborrows obscene out the recent emergence of an industryof accent thera- or scatological Spanish words for use as Mock-Spanish pists, who offer their services to clients ranging from euphemisms, as on the handwrittensign "Casa de Pee- White southernersto Japanese executives working at Pee"on the doorof the women' s restroomin the X-rayde- Americanplant sites. But the most absurdaccents aretol- partmentof a Tucson clinic, a coffee cup thatI purchased eratedin Spanish,even in Span-ishclasses at the graduate in a gift shop near the University of Arizona Main Gate level. I have played to a numberof audiences a tape of a that bears the legend "Cacade Toro,"and, of course, the SaturdayNight Live skit from severalyears ago, in which case of cojones,exemplified below. In the thirdstrategy, the actors,playing television news writersat a story con- elements of"Spanish"morphology, mainly the suffix -o, ference, use absurdlyexaggerated"Spanish" accents in often accompaniedby "Spanish"modifiers like muchoor names for Mexican food, places, sports teams, and the el, areborrowed to createjocular and pejorative forms like like. The Latino actor Jimmy Smits appears and urges "el cheap-o,""numero two-o," or"mucho trouble-o." In a them to use "normalanglicizations" (Hill 1993a). Aca- recentexample, heardon PBS's WashingtonWeek in Re- demic audiences find the skit hilarious, and one of its view,moderator Ken Bode observedthat, had the "palace points (it perrnitsmultiple interpretations) seems to be that coup" in the House of Representativesin July 1997 not it is somehow inappropriatefor Whites to try to sound been averted, the Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich "Spanish." would have been "Newt-o Frito."The last majorstrategy While PuertoRicans agonize over whetheror not their of Mock Spanish is the use of"hyperanglicized" and English is cultivated enough, the public written use of parodicpronunciations and orthographicrepresentations HILL / LANGUAGE,RACE, AND WHITE PUBLIC SPACE 683 of Spanishloan words, as with "Grassy-ass,""Hasty lum- Analysis reveals that Mock Spanish projects,in addi- bago,"and "Fleas Navidad" (a pictureof a scratchingdog tion to the directly indexed message thatthe speakerpos- usuallyaccompanies this one, which shows up every year sesses a "congenial persona,"another set of messages: on Christmascards). profoundly racist images of members of historically Mock Spanish is attested at least from the end of the Spanish-speakingpopulations. These messages are the eighteenthcentury, and in recent years it has become an productof what Ochs ( 1990) calls "indirectindexicality" importantpart of the "middling style" (Cmiel 1990), a in that, unlike the positive direct indexes, they are never form of public language that emerged in the nineteenth acknowledgedby speakers.In my experience,Whites al- centuryas a way for elites to displaydemocratic and egali- most always deny thatMock Spanishcould be in any way tariansensibilities by incorporatingcolloquial and even racist. Yet in orderto "makesense of' Mock Spanish,in- slangyspeech. Recentrelaxations of proscriptionsagainst terlocutorsrequire access to very negativeracializing rep- public vulgarityhave made even quite offensive usages resentationsof Chicanosand Latinos as stupid,politically within Mock Spanish acceptable at the highest level of corrupt,sexually loose, lazy, dirty,and disorderly. It is im- public discourse, as when the then-Ambassadorto the possible to "get" Mock Spanish-to find these expres- United Nations Madeleine Albrightaddressed the Secu- sions funny or colloquial or even intelligible unless one rity Council after Cuban aircrafthad shot down two spy has access to these negative images.An exemplarycase is planes manned by Cuban exiles: Cubanpresident Fidel a political cartoonin my collection, showing a pictureof Castro,she said, had shown "notc ojones, but cowardice." Ross Perot pointing to a chart that says, among other Althoughmany Spanish speakersfind this particularus- things, "Perotfor E1Presidente." This is funny only if the audience can age exceptionallyoffensive, 10Albright' s sally was quoted juxtapose the pompous and absurd Perot with the negative image of a banana-republicdictator, againand again in admiringbiographical pieces in the ma- dripping with undeservedmedals. It is only possible to jorEnglish-languagenews mediaafter she was nominated "get""Hasta la vista, baby"if one has access to a repre- to be Secretaryof State(e.g., Gibbs 1996:33). sentationof Spanish speakersas treacherous."Manana" works as a humoroussubstitute for "later"only in con- The Semioticsof Mock Spanish junction with an image of Spanish speakersas lazy and In previous work (e.g., Hill 1995), I analyzed Mock procrastinating.My claim thatMock Spanishhas a racial- Spanish as a "racistdiscourse." That is, I took its major izing function is supportedby the fact that on humorous functionsto be the "elevationof whiteness"and the pejo- greeting cards (where it is fairly common) it is often ac- rative racializationof members of historically Spanish- companied by grossly racist pictorial representationsof speaking populations. Mock Spanish accomplishes the "Mexicans." "elevationof whiteness" throughwhat Ochs (1990) has I have labeledMock Spanisha "covertracist discourse" called "directindexicality": the productionof nonreferen- because it accomplishes racializationof its subordinate- tial meanings or"indexes" that are understoodand ac- grouptargets through indirect indexicality, messages that knowledgedby speakers.Speakers of Mock Spanishsay must be available for comprehensionbut are never ac- thatthey use it because they have been exposed to Span- knowledged by speakers.In this it contrastswith 'ivulgar ish thatis, they arecosmopolitan. l l Or,that they use it in racist discourse,"which uses the direct referentialfunc- tion in statementslike, "Mexicansjust don't orderto express their loyalty to, and affiliationwith, the know how to work,"or hate speech ("Lazygreaser!"), which seems to Southwest(or California,or Florida)-that is, they have operatethrough the performativefunction as a directver- regional "authenticity."Or that they use it because it is bal "assault"(Matsuda et al. 1993).It is not exactly like the funny thatis, they have a sense of humor.In one particu- kind of kiddingaround that most Whiteswill admitcan be larly elaborateexample, in the film Terminator2: Judg- interpretedas racist, as when David Lettermanjoked that mentDay, Mock Spanish is used to turnArnold Schwar- the artificialfat olestra, which can cause abdominalpain zenegger, playing a cyborg, into a "real person," a and diarrhea,was "endorsedby the Mexican Health De- sympathetichero instead of a ruthlessand terrifyingma- partment"(New YorkTimes, August 24, 1997:F12). It also chine. WhenSchwarzenegger, who hasjust returnedfrom contrastswith the "eliteracist discourse" identified by van the future,answers a request with a curt Germanic"Af- Dijk ( 1993). Van Dijk pointedout thatlike Mock Spanish f1rmative,''the young hero of the film, a 12-year-old this type has as one function the presentation by the White boy supposedlyraised on the streetsof Los Ange- speakerof a desirablepersona. Since "beinga racist"is an les, tells him, "No no no no no You gottalisten to the way undesirablequality, tokens often begin with qualiElca- people talk!"He then proceeds to teach Schwarzenegger tions like "I'm not a racist,but . . ." andthen continue with the Mock Spanishtags "No problemo"and "Hasta la vista, a racializingargument like "I reallyresent it thatall these baby"as part of a register that also includes insults like Mexicans come up here to have babies so that American "Dickwad."'2 taxpayerswill supportthem." Such qualificationsdo not 684 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 100, NO. 3 SEPTEMBER1 998 make sense with Mock Spanish:One cannotsay, "I'mnot to PuertoRicans. What I have tried to show above is that a racist, but no problemo,"or "Iemnot a racist, but com- linguistic heterogeneity and even explicit "disorder"is prende?,"or "I'm not a racist,but adios, sucker."The rea- not only pertnittedto Whites, it is an essentialelement of a son this frame does not work is because Mock Spanish desirableWhite public persona.To be White is to collude racializes its objects only covertly, throughindirect in- in these practices,or to risk censureas "havingno sense of dexicality. humor"or being "politicallycorrect." But Whitepractice Mock Spanish sometimes is used to constitute hate is invisibleto the monitoringof linguisticdisorder. It is not speech (as in posterssaying "Adios, Jose" held by demon- understoodby Whites as disorder afterall, they arenot, stratorssupporting anti-immigration laws in California), literally,"speaking Spanish" (and indeed the phenomena and co-occurs with racistjoking and with vulgarand elite of public ungrammaticality,orthographical absurdity, racist discourses as well. It is sometimes used to address and parodic mispronunciationsof Spanish are evidence apparentSpanish speakers; many of my consultantsreport thatthey go to some lengths to distancethemselves from being addressedas "amigo,"and Velez-Ibanez (1996: 86) such an interpretationof their behavior [Hill 1993a]). In- reports an offensive use of"comprende?" (pronounced stead,they aresimply being "natural":funny, relaxed, col- [k3mpr?ndiy]). However,it is foundvery widely in every- loquial,authentic. day talkand text on topicsthat have nothing to do with race I have collected some evidence thatmembers of histori- at all. Because of its covertand indirectproperties, Mock cally Spanish-speakingpopulations do not shareWhites' Spanishmay be an exceptionallypowerful site for the re- understandingof Mock Spanish.For instance, the sociolo- productionof Whiteracist attitudes. In orderto be "oneof gist ClaraRodriguez ( 1997:78) reportsthat she was "puz- the group"among otherWhites, collusion in the produc- zled . . . with regardto [the]relevance" of the Mock Span- tion of Mock Spanishis frequent]yunavoidable. ish in Terminator2: Judgment Day. Literate Spanish In my previouswork, reviewed above, I have assumed speakersin the United States areoften committedlinguis- thatthe "elevationof whiteness' and the constitutionof a tic purists,and Mock Spanishis offensive to thembecause valuedWhite persona was accomplishedin Mock Spanish it contains so many grammaticalerrors and because it entirelythrough direct indexicality. However, in the light sometimes uses rude words. They focus on this concern, of Urciuoli's new work on the imposition of "order"on but of course they have little power to change White us- PuertoRicans, I now believe that Mock Spanish accom- age.l5It is clear that many Spanish speakersdo hear the plishes the "elevation of whiteness" in two ways: first, racistmessage of Mock Spanish.In an interview,l6a Span- through directly indexing valuable and congenial per- ish-speaking Chicano high school counselor in Tucson sonal qualities of speakers,but, importantly,also by the said, "You know, I've noticed that most of the teachers same type of indirectindexicality that is the source of its never use any Spanish aroundhere unless it's something negative and racializing messages. It is throughindirect negative."A Spanish-speakingChicano businesswoman indexicality that using Mock Spanish constructs"White said,"When you firsthear that stuff, you think,that' s nice, public space,"an arenain which linguisticdisorder on the they're trying,but then you hear more and more and you partof Whites is renderedinvisible and normative,while realize that there's something nasty underneath."In lec- the linguistic behaviorof membersof historically Span- turingon Mock Spanish, I have found that Chicano and ish-speakingpopulations is highly visible and the object Latino people in my audiences strongly concur with the of constantmonitoring. main outlines of my analysis, and often bring me addi- Researchon "whiteness"(e.gX, Frankenberg 1993) has tional examples. Chicano scholars, especially Fernando shown that Whites practicenot only the constructionof Penalosa(cf. 1980), have long pointedout theracist impli- the domainof "color"and the exclusion fromresources of cations of disorderlySpanish usage by Whites. Thus, for those racializedas "colored,"but also the constitutionof thoughtful Spanish speakers, the fact that disorderly "whiteness"as an invisible and unmarked"norm."'3 Like Spanishand "Mock Spanish"constitute a "Whitepublic all such norms,this one is built as bricolage,from the bits space"is not news. One of the dimensionsof this space is and pieces of history, but in a special way, as what Wil- that disorderon the part of Whites (including not only liams (1989), borrowingfrom Gramsci,calls a "transfor- Mock Spanish,but also cursing and a varietyof locution- mist hegemony": "its constructionresults in a national arysins of the "youknow" type) is largelyinvisible, while process aimed at homogenizingheterogeneity fashioned disorderon the partof racializedpopulations is hypervisi- around assimilating elements of heterogeneity through ble to the point of being the object of expensive political appropriationsthat devalue and deny theirlink to the mar- campaignsand nationwide "moral panics." ginalized others' contributionto the patrimony"(Wil- liams 1989:435).'4 Bits and pieces of languageare important"elements of More Sources for Homogeneous Heterogeneity heterogeneity"in this work. Urciuoli (1996) has shown The ''incorporation''l7of linguistic elements into the thatprecisely this kindof"heterogeneity" is not permitted linguistic "homogeneousheterogeneity" of Whitepublic HILL / LANGUAGE,RACE, AND WHITE PUBLIC SPACE 685

space drawson many sources.Perhaps the most important pressed, it is virtuallyimpossible to suppressthe "Span- is what Smitherman( 1994) calls the "crossover"of forms ish"indexicality of"Nada," which has in "MockSpanish" from African American English (AAE).18Gubar (1997) the semanticallypejorated sense "absolutelynothing, less builds on the work of Morrison (1992) and others in a thanzero." It seems likely thatthere are tokens thatorigi- richly detailedstudy of very widespreadand pervasive in- nate in Mock Spanish where the original indexicality is corporativeprocesses in the usage of White artists and suppressable(the wordpeonX pronounced [piyan], which writers. However, AAE and White English are so thor- appearedin Englishby the seventeenthcentury, may be an oughly entangledin the United Statesthat crossover is ex- example of this type), butin generaltokens of this practice tremely difficult to study. While obvious "wiggerisms" arerelatively easy to spotand interpret. like "Word to your Mother''l9or moth-eatentokens of Because of this relativetransparency of Mock Spanish, minstrelsylike "Sho' nuff, MistahBones" are easy to spot, it is a good choice for linguistic-anthropologicalresearch. many other usages are curiously indeterminate.20Even However, precisely because it is narrowerin its range of wherean AAE sourceis recognizableto an etymologist,it opacity andtransparency than is AAE "crossover,"it must is often impossibleto know whetherthe usageindexes any function somewhatdifferently in White public space, an "blackness"to its user or audience. One way of under- issue that needs investigation. Furthermore,African standingthis indeterminacymight be to see it as a triumph Americans themselves apparently use Mock Spanish; of White racialpractice. New tokens of White "hipness," Terry McMillan's 1996 novel, How Stella Got Her often retrievableas Black in origin only by the most doo- GrooveBack, is rich in attestationsin the speech of Stella, gged scholarship(although often visible to Blacks), are a beautifuland successful African American professional constantlycreated out of AAE materials. woman from California.In contrast,as far as I know no An example of indeterminatecrossover appeared in the members of historically Spanish-speakingpopulations "ForBetter or for Worse"comic strippublished in theAri- use Mock Spanish,at least not in anythinglike the routine zona Daily Star (August 22, 1997). Two White Canadian way thatWhites do.23 lads discuss how Lawrenceshould deal with his partner's The samequestion, of differentialfunctions of such lin- departureto study music in Paris.Bobby, who is straight, guistic incolporationsinto White "homogeneoushetero- triesto reassureLawrence, who is gay,2'that falling in love geneity," occurs with borrowingsfrom other languages. is always worth it, even knowing the risk of loss. For instance,tokens of"Mock French"like "Mercybuck- Lawrencejokes, "Let it be known thatthis speech comes ets" and "bow-koo"do occur, but they are relativelyrare, from a guy who's in a 'happening'relationship.""Hap- especially in comparisonwith the very extensive use of pening"in this sense comes fromAAE "happenin,"but it French in advertising,especially in the fashion industry, seems unlikely thathere it is intendedto convey anything to convey luxuryand exclusivity. "MockItalian" seems to more thanthe stripcreator's alertness to "thespeech of to- have been relativelyimportant in the 1940s and 1950s but day's young people" (although the quotation marks is apparentlyon the way out;I have foundvery few exam- aroundthe formdo suggest thatshe regardsthis register as ples of it. "MockYiddish" is commonbut is used by mem- not partof her own repertoire).Yet similarusages can be bersof historicallyYiddish-speaking groups as well as by highly salient for Blacks: Lippi-Green( 1997:1 96) quotes outsiders."Mock Japanese" "sayonara" is perfectlyparal- an audience member on an episode of OprahWinfrey: lel to Mock Spanish"adios," but may be the only widely "This is a fact. White America use black dialect on com- used token of this type.24In summary,"Mock" forms vary mercials every day. Be observant,people. Don't let no- widely in relativeproductivity and in the kindsof contexts body tell you that you are ignorantand that you don't in which they appear.By far the richest examples of lin- speakright. Be observant.They startedoff Channel7 Eye- guistic incorporationsare Mock Spanishand AAE cross witness news a few years ago with one word: whashap- over. penin. So what's happening,America?" Now, contrastthe episode of "ForBetter or for Worse" Can Mock Forms Subvert the Order of describedabove with anotherepisode, published a couple of years ago. Herethe young people areon a ski slope, and Racial Practices? one boy, Gordon,"hits on" (I am sureSmitherrnan [1994] A numberof authors,including Hewitt ( 1986), Gubar is correct that this is AAE, but in my own usage it feels (1997) and Butler(1997), have arguedthat usages thatin merely slangy) a prettygirl with our now-familiartoken, some contextsare grossly racist seem to containan impor- "What's happening?"She "puts him down" (probably tant parodicpotential that can be turnedto the antiracist also AAE, butnot in Smitherman1994)22 with "Withyou? deconstructionof racistcategorical essentializing. Hewitt Nada." While probably few White readers of this strip studiedBlack-White friendships among young teenagers sense "blackness"in "What'shappening?", most will im- in south London and found a "productivedialogue of mediately detect "Nada"as "Spanish."That is, while the youth"(1986:99) in whichhe identifiesantiracist potential. "Black"indexicality of"What's happening"is easily sup- Especially notable were occasions where Black children 686 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 100, NO. 3 * SEPTEMBER1998 would tease White friends as "nigger,"and the White the adolescentyears. We cannotbe surethat these phe- teens would reply with "honky"or ;'snowflake."Hewitt nomenaare genuinelyoutside the linguisticorder of ra- comments,"This practice . . . turnsracism into a kind of cism until we understanddimensions of that or- effigy, to be burnedup in an interactiveritual which seeks der within which age-gradedcohorts may have a to acknowledge and deal with its undeniablepresence relativelyenduring place. I havetried above to showhow whilst acting out the negation of its effects" (1986:238). linguistic-anthropologicalattention to thehistory, forms, Gubar(1997) suggests that posters by the artistIke Ude and uses of Whitelanguage mixing can help us toward (such as a famous image of Marilyn Monroe, but in suchan understanding. "blackface," and a transforrnationof Robert Map- plethorpe's infamous "Man in a Polyester Suit" with Notes white skin anda circumcisedpenis) may use the symbolic repertoireof racism as "a crucialaesthetic means of com- Acknowledgments.I would especially like to thankMaria Ro- prehendingracial distinctionwithout entrenchingor de- driguez, Bambi Schieffelin, and KathrynWoolard, who have providedme with valuablematerial on Mock Spanish. nying it" (Gubar 1997:256). An example in the case of 1. Hall et al. (1978) borrowthe notionof"moral panic" from Spanish might be the performance art of Guillermo Cohen (1972). G6mez Pena,25who creates frenzied mixturesof English 2. In a survey of 34 entries, encompassingabout 100 mes- and multiple registers and dialects of Spanish (and even sages, under the heading "Ebonics"on Linguist, the list that Nahuatl).Butler (1997), writingin oppositionto the pro- probablyreaches the largest numberof linguists, I found only scriptionof racistvocabulary by anti-hatespeech legisla- one explicit mentionof "racism"by an authorwho used the ex- tion, arguesthat gays and lesbians have been able to sub- pression "institutionalracism." It is, perhaps,appropriate for vertthe power of "queer,"and that other "hate words" may linguists to focus on their special areas of scholarly expertise, have similar potential. The kinds of games reportedby and it is certainlythe case thatthere may be a linguistic dimen- Hewitt,however, remain reserved to childhood,unable to sion to the educationalproblems confronted by many African break through the dominant voices of racism; Hewitt Americanchildren, but the neglect of racismon thelist was quite foundthat the kind of interracialfriendship that permitted striking.It was sometimesaddressed obliquely andeuphemisti- cally, as with one author'sproposal of the "special"situation of teasing with racist epithets essentially vanishedfrom the AfricanAmericans in the UnitedStates. lives of his subjectsby the time they reachedthe age of 16. 3. The "all languagesare equal" argument continues in spite In the light of the analysisthat I have suggestedabove, the of a warningby Dell Hymes (1973) thatthis claim is technically "subversions"noted by Gubarand Butler can also be seen incorrectin manysubtle ways. simply as one more example of"orderly"disorder that is 4. Hirschfeld (1996) documentsthe very early association reserved to elites in White public space, ratherthan as between racedcategories and an essentializedunderstanding of carnivalesqueinversions. Or, perhapswe shouldsay that "humankinds' foryoung childrenin the UnitedStates. carnivalesqueinversions can be a "weaponof the strong" 5. I am mindfulof Hartigan's(1997) argumentthat"Whites" as well as a "weaponof the weak."26The artof a Gomez are by no means a homogeneous population.Indeed, in other Pena,to the degreethat it is acceptableto Whiteaudiences, work (Hill 1995) I have suggestedthat working-class speakers may precisely "whiten" this performerand others like are less likely to use "Mock Spanish"than are other Whites. him. Muchof my materialcomes frommass mediathat are part of the homogenizing projectof"whiteness," and there is no question An importantpossible exception is the phenomenonof thatdifferent "Whites" experience this projectin differentways. "crossing,"discussed by Britishsociolinguist Ben Ramp- I use "Whites"here (perhapsinjudiciously) as a sort of short- ton (1995), who reports extensive use of out-grouplin- handrequired first by lack of space andsecond becausethe data guistic tokens among British adolescents of a variety of requiredto precisely characterizethe populationI have in mind ethnic origins, including strongly racializedpopulations are not available. Certainly it includes White elites such as like West Indians and South Asians as well as Whites. screenwritersand nationally syndicated columnists. '4Crossings,"while they retainsome potentialto give of- 6. Urciuoli (1996:16) points out that it is essential to use fense, often seem simply to acknowledge what is useful Spanish in the folklife festival context because to translate anddesirable in the space of urbandiversity. Thus, work- songs, the names of foods, and the like into English would ren- ing-class Whitegirls learnthe PanjabiIyrics to "bhangra" derthem less "authentic,"this propertybeing essentialto claims songs, and Bengali kids speak Jamaicancreole (which on "ethnicity"that are one way to resistracialization. seems to have emerged in general as a prestigious lan- 7. Here the canonical study is the matched-guisetest con- ductedby Rubin( 1992). guage among British youth, parallel to the transracial Sixty-twoundergraduate native speakers of Englishlistened to a brieflecture (on eithera science orhu- "hip-hop"phenomenon in the United States). Early re- manities topic) recordedby a native speakerof English from portsby Shirley Brice Heathof new workwith American centralOhio. While they listened, one group of studentssaw a adolescents has identiEledsimilar "crossing"phenom- slide of a White woman lecturer.The otherhalf saw a slide of an ena.27However, only slightly more than a decade ago Asian womanin the same settingand pose (andeven of the same Hewitt (1986) found that such crossings did not survive size, andwith the samehair style, as theWhite woman). Students HILL / LANGUAGE RACE, AND WHITE PUBLIC SPACE 687

who heardthe lectureunder the "Asian slide" condition often re- life in working-classDublin) by ffie Irishauthor Roddy Doyle, portedthat the lecturerhad an Asian accentand, even moreinter- often uses Mock Spanish.For anotherexample from outside the estingly, scoredlower on testsof comprehensionof the lecture. UnitedStates, I am indebtedto Dick Baumanfor a headlinefrom 8. It should be Lavarse las manos, the usual directive for the gardening section of a Glasgow newspaper, inviting the publicplaces being the infinitive(e.g., Nofumar 'No Smoking,' readerto "Hostala vista, baby! " (thatis, to plantmembers of the No estacionarse 'No Parking'),the verb being reflexive, and genusHosta for theirdecorative foliage). body partsare not labeledby the possessive pronounsu unless 15. I have discovered only one case of apparentconcern they aredetached from the body of theirowner. aboutSpanish-speaking opinion in referenceto the use of Span- 9. In earlierpublications(e.g., Hill 1993b), I referredto these ish in mass media. Chon Noriega (1997:88) reportsthat when practicesas "JunkSpanish." I thankJames Fernandez for theex- the film Giant was presentedfor review to the ProductionCode pression "Mock Spanish"and for convincing me that "Junk Administrationin 1955, Geoffrey Shurlock, the head of the Spanish"was a bad nomenclaturalidea, and the source of some PCA, requestedthat the ungrammaticalSpanish in the film (in of the problemsI was havinggetting people to understandwhat I which Spanish appearswithout subtitles) be corrected,appar- was working on (many people, includinglinguists and anthro- ently for fearof offendingthe governmentof Mexico, thenseen pologists, assumed that by "JunkSpanish" I meant something as a"good neighbor." like the "BorderSpanish" of native speakersof Spanish,rather 16. Dan Goldsteinand I have begun aprojectof interviewing thanjocular and parodicuses of Spanishby English speakers). members of historically Spanish-speakingpopulations about The most extensive discussionof Mock Spanishavailable is Hill MockSpanish. We have compileda scrapbookof examples,and (1 995). subjectsare audiotaped as they leaf throughthese andcomment 10. I am indebtedto ProfessorRaulFernandez ofthe Univer- on them. sity of California-lrvinefor a copy of a letterhe wroteto theLos 17. I borrowthis termfrom Raymond Williams (1977). Angeles Timesprotesting the appearanceof cojones in a film re- 18. I do not include "Vernacular"(many scholars refer to view. Ernest Hemingway is probably to blame for the wide- "AfricanAmerican VernacularEnglish" or AAVE), because spreadknowledge of this wordamong monolingual speakers of AAE has a full range of register ranging from street argot English. throughmiddle-class conversationalusage to formal oratory 1 1. While some Whiteswho use Mock Spanishhave a class- andbelles lettres.Scholars like Smitherman( 1988) andMorgan room competence in thatlanguage (I was a case in point), most (1994) have criticized sociolinguists for typifying AAE only of the speakersI have queriedsay thatthey do not "speakSpan- throughattestations of streetregisters. ish." 19. Smitherman(1994:237) defines wigger as "literally,a 12. An anonymousreferee for the AmericanAnthropologist whiteNIGGER, an emerging positive termfor Whiteyouth who arguesthat this analysis,suggesting that the "elevationof white- identify with HIP HOP, RAP, and other aspects of African ness" is accomplishedthrough direct indexicality, is not exactly AmericanCulture." She gives the properform of theaffirmation correct. Instead, the direct indexicality of Mock Spanish ele- as "Wordto the Mother,"but I firstheard it (froma youngWhite vates the individual,conveying "I am a nice/easy-going/funny/ woman)in the formgiven. locally-rootedXcosmopolitan person." The elevation of "white- 20. In the lexicon of AAE providedby Smitherman( 1994) I ness" is then accomplishedindirectly when combined with the recognizedmany forms in my own usage thatshe does not mark indirectlyindexed message "I am White."This is an interesting as "crossovers"(to give only one example, "beautyshop" for a suggestion, but I think the Terminator2: Judgment Day se- hair-and-nailssalon was the only termI knew for suchestablish- quence argues that the indexicaliy is direct: Mock Spanish is ments as I was growing up, and it was universallyused by my precisely '4theway people talk" and "people"can only be that grandmothers,aunts, and mother, all White ladies who would groupthat is unmarkedand thereby "White." Thus positive indi- never have dreamedof essaying any "Dis and Dat" [Gubar's vidualqualities and "whiteness" are simultaneously indexed. (A (1996) texmfor the adoptionof AAE forms by White writers]). directversion of this, perhapsmercifully obsolete, is the expres- My grandfather,an egregious racist who grew up in southeast- sion that applauds some act of good fellowship with "That's eIn Missouri,was very fond of "copacetic,"which Smitherman mighty Whiteof you.") attibutes to the speech of "olderblacks" and does not recognize 13. As Harrison(1995) points out, a more explicit construc- as ever having"crossed over." tion of whitenessoften appearsamong marginalized Whites, as 21. A numberof U.S. newspapersrefused to publishthe se- in the currentfar-right "White pride" movement. She notes that ries of episodes in which Lawrencemourns his partner'sdepar- this "undermineswhatever incipient class consciousness exists ture. among poor VVhites"(Harrison 1995:63). Thus we can see such 22. The AmericanHeritage Dictionary of the English Lan- movements as partof the very largecultural forrnation wherein guage (ThirdEdition) lists "put down" as "slang."Unsurpris- "race"may be the single most importantorganizer of relation- ingly, their sentence of attestationcomes from the work of Dr ships, deterrninantof identity,and mediator ofmeaning (Winant Alvin Poussaint,an AfricanAmerican. 1994). 23. Some Spanishspeakers find some of thegreeting cards in 14. Williams focuses her analysison the 'Snationalprocess," my sample iinny. One woman said that she might send a the creation of what she calls the race/class/nationconflation, "Moochos Smoochos" card (illustratinghyperanglicized par- but the constructionof whitenessis probablya projectof global ody andthe use of Spanishmorphology to be funny)to her hus- scope, and in fact Mock Spanishseems to be widespreadin ffie band;she said, "Thatone's kindacute." English-speakingworld. Bertie, a characterin the BaxTytown 24. "Honcho,"from Japanesehan "Squad"and cho "chief" novels (The Commitments,The Snapper, The Van, which depict (AmericanHeritage Dictionary of the EnglishLanguage, Third 688 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 100, NO. 3 * SEPTEMBER1998

Edition) seems to be etymologically inaccessible as Japanese Harrison,Faye V. exceptto specialists;many Whites probably think that it is Span- 1995 The PersistentPower of "Race"in the Culturaland ish. Political Economy of Racism. Annual Review of Anthro- 25. See, for instance,his Warriorfor Gringostroika(1991). pology 24:47-74. However, Gomez Pena uses so much Spanishthat one must be Hartigan,John, Jr. bilingualto understandhim; his artseems to me to be addressed 1997 Establishing the Fact of Whiteness. American An- mainlyto multilingualSpanish-speaking audiences. Woolard' s thropologist99: 495-505. (1988) study of a comic in 1970s Barcelona,who entertained Hewitt, Roger audienceswith jokes thatcode switchedbetween Castilianand 1986 White Talk Black Talk, Inter-RacialFriendship and Catalanduring a period of extreme linguistic conflict and pur- Communicationamong Adolescents. Cambridge:Cam- ism, providesanother example of this type of subversion. bridgeUniversity Press. 26. "Weapon of the weak" comes, of course, from Scott Hill, JaneH. (1985). Workon discoursesof resistanceby scholarslike Scott 1993a HastaLa Vista, Baby: Anglo Spanishin the Ameri- (see also 1990) and Bhabha (1994) often seems to imply that canSouthwest.CritiqueofAnthropology13:145-176. parodyand humorare primarilystrategies of resistance.How- 1993b Is It Really "No Problemo"?In SALSA I: Proceed- ever, it is obvious thathumor is an importantpart of racistdis- ings of the First Annual Symposiumabout Languageand course,and the accusationthat antiracists "have no sense of hu- Society Austin. Robin Queen and Rusty Barrett, eds. mor"is an importantweapon of racists. Texas LinguisticForum 33:1-12. 27. In a colloquiumpresented to the Departmentof Anthro- 1995 Mock Spanish:A Site for the IndexicalReproduction pology, Universityof Arizona,Tucson, January 27,1997. of Racism in American English. Electronic document. Universityof ChicagoLang-cult Site. http://www.cs.uchi- References Cited cago.edu/ discussionsll-c. Hirschfeld,Lawrence A. Appadurai,Arjun 1996 Race in the Making. Cambridge,MA: MIT Press/ 1990 Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural BradfordBooks. Economy. PublicCulture 2: 1-24. Hymes, Dell H. Bhabha,Homi K. 1994 The Locationof Culture.New York:Routledge. 1973 Language and Speech: On the Origins and Founda- Boas, Franz tions of Inequalityamong Speakers.In Languageas a Hu- [1889]1982On Alternating Sounds. In The Shaping of man Problem.Einar Haugen and MortonBloomfield, eds. American Anthropology, 1883-l911: A Franz Boas Pp. 45-72. New York:W. W. Nortonand Co. Reader.George W. Stocking,ed. Pp. 72-76.Chicago: Uni- Kulick,Don. versityof ChicagoPress. 1993 Language Shift and Cultural Reproduction. Cam- Butler,Judith bridge:Cambridge University Press. 1997 ExcitableSpeech. New York:Routledge. Labov, William Cmiel,Kenneth 1972 Languagein the InnerCity. Philadelphia:University 1990 DemocraticEloquence. New York:William Morrow. of PennsylvaniaPress. Cohen,Stan Lippi-Green,Rosina 1972 Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creationof the 1997 English with an Accent: Language, Ideology, and Mods andthe Rockers.London: MacGibbon and Kee. Discriminationin the UnitedStates. London: Routledge. Fabian,Johannes Matsuda,Mari J., CharlesR. LawrenceIII, Richard Delgado, 1986 Languageand Colonial Power:The Appropriationof andKimberle Williams Crenshaw, eds. Swahili in the FormerBelgian Congo, 188>1938. Cam- 1993 Wordsthat Wound: Critical Race Theory,Assaultive bridge:Cambridge University Press. Speech, and the First Amendment.Boulder, CO: West- Frankenberg,Ruth view Press. 1993 White Women, Race Matters:The Social Construc- McMillan,Terry tion of Whiteness. Minneapolis:University of Minnesota 1996 How Stella Got Her Groove Back. New York: Vi- Press. king. Gibbs,Nancy Morgan,Marcyliena 1996 An AmericanVoice. Time 149(1):32-33. 1994 The African-AmericanSpeech Community:Reality Gomez-Pena,Guillermo and Sociolinguists. In Languageand the Social Construc- 1993 Warriorfor Gringostroika.St. Paul, MN: Graywolf tion of Identityin Creole Situations.Marcyliena Morgan, Press. ed. Pp. 121-150. Los Angeles: UCLA Center for Afro- Gubar,Susan AmericanStudies. 1997 Racechanges:White Skins, Black Face in American Morrison,Toni Culture.Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1992 Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Hall, Stuart,Chas Critcher, Tony Jefferson,John Clarke, and Imagination.Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversity Press. BrianRoberts Noriega, Chon 1978 Policing the Crisis. London: The Macmillan Press 1997 Citizen Chicano:The Trials and Titillationsof Eth- Ltd. nicity in the American Cinema, 1935-1962. In Latin HILL / LANGUAGE,RACE, AND WHITE PUBLIC SPACE 689

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