Libyan Studies 50 (2019), pp 153–163 © The Society for Libyan Studies doi:10.1017/lis.2019.6 First published online 29 April 2019 Corippus’ Triumphal Ethnography: another look at Iohannis II.28–161.1 By Andy Merrills2 Abstract for Moorish ethnography from late antiquity, and The so-called ‘catalogue of tribes’ in Corippus, Iohannis, consequently has formed the basis for all serious II.28–161 is central to the historical ethnography of studies of North African society in the period. In Moorish North Africa in Late Antiquity, yet the sources the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, behind this passage and its poetic function have never Joseph Partsch, (1879; 1896), Charles Diehl (1896), been directly addressed. The present paper argues that Martin Riedmüller (1919) and Stéphane Gsell Corippus derived this material from the trophies carried (1929) all used the passage as the basic framework in the triumphal procession that marked the successful con- for their discussions of Moorish late antiquity, supple- clusion of John Troglita’s campaigns in 548. The evocation menting it (in approximate order of importance) with of this ceremony at the outset of Corippus’ narrative corre- material from elsewhere in Corippus, Ammianus sponds to the ironic tone which permeates the work, but Marcellinus, Procopius, epigraphy, Arabic historiog- also explains the eccentric form of the material included raphy and (most rarely of all) archaeology. Since within the catalogue. The paper concludes with some then, the passage has remained an essential point of observations about the implications of this for modern reference for studies of the African periphery in a var- understanding of Moorish ‘tribal’ society in the later iety of disciplines (cf.; Courtois 1955, 348, n.7; Felici Roman and early Byzantine period. et al. 2006, 657f; Mattingly 1994, 173–6; Zarini 1997, 39). Most recently, the same passage provides the starting point for Yves Modéran’s seminal Les ﻳﻤﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ”ﻓﻬﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ “ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻠﺤﻤﺔ ﻳﻮﻫﺎﻧﻴﺲ II.28–161 ﻟﻜﻮﺭﻳﺒﻮﺱ Corippus’ Iohannis) Maures et l’Afrique romaine, and is locus classicus) ﺟﺰﺀﴽ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﴼ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺛﻨﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻐﺎﺭﺑﺔ for his elegant explanatory model regarding the ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﺧﺮ (Late Antiquity)، ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ behaviour of Moorish groups of the ‘first’ and ‘second ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﻌﺔ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺒﻘﴼ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ. ,circles’ in the fifth and sixth centuries (respectively ﺗﺒﺤﺚ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﻳﺒﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺋﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ those communities living inside and outside the ’ﻣﻮﻛﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮ‘ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﺤﺔ ﻟﺠﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺟﻠﻴﺘﺎ ﻓﻲ .(Roman frontiers) (Modéran 2003,43–61; 2003b ﺳﻨﺔ 548 ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﻳﺒﻮﺱ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺳﺮﺩﻩ، ﻳﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ -Prior to the Arab conquest, there is no more import ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻐﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺧﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ، ﻭ ﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﴼ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻳﺐ ﻟﻠﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ant textual source for the study of Moorish or ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﺮﺱ . ﻭﺗﺨﺘﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺮﺗﺒﺔ -Berber society than Corippus’ Iohannis, and the cata ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ”ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ “ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺎﺭﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ logue in Book II is undoubtedly the crucial part of that ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺰﻧﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻜﺮﺓ. text in that regard. Corippus’ Iohannis is fundamental to understanding My intention in the present paper is to return to the historical ethnography of ‘Berber’ or ‘Moorish’ Corippus’ catalogue of tribes, and specifically to society in the pre-Islamic North Africa.3 Alongside examine the poet’s likely source for the information Procopius’ Vandal War, this long Latin poem is one that he included within it. In spite of the attention of our only substantial literary sources from the granted to the passage, the origins of this informa- Justinianic period in North Africa and provides tion and, crucially, the form which the poet’s source invaluable illumination on Byzantine, African and material took, has never previously been considered Moorish society in the 530s and 540s. At the start in detail. I will argue that there is good reason to con- of the second book of the Iohannis, the poet succinctly clude that this ethnographic material derived ultim- presents his ‘catalogue’ of Berber tribes – a list of more ately from the triumphal procession held in than thirty groups, which is both the longest list of Carthage in late 548 to commemorate the final vic- named African peoples in this period, and the sole tes- tory of the general John Troglita, a climactic moment timony of many of these communities (Corippus, which is anticipated throughout Corippus’ poem. Iohannis, II.28–161; Diggle and Goodyear 1970, This proposal is supported by the internal evidence 28–33; ed. and tr. in Modéran 2003,44–50 and from the passage itself (chiefly the nature of the Zarini 1997, 100–105, 121–4. Tr. Shea 1998, information presented and the form in which it 82–6).4 This is undoubtedly the richest single source appears), but also from the wider literary structure 153 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. University of Athens, on 02 Oct 2021 at 11:08:16, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/lis.2019.6 ANDY MERRILLS of the poem and its political function. Viewed in events and the formulaic celebration of its protagon- these terms, the ‘catalogue’ becomes immensely valu- ist represent such strong panegyric elements that the able as a source on changing political and social work is better read as a generic hybrid, something structures of the Moorish world in the 530s and like an epic-panegyric, not unlike the later Roman 540s. The passage is not an uncritical snapshot of praise poems of Claudian, whose work Corippus African ‘tribes’ in this period, as early commentators knew well (Compare Gärtner 2008,26–32; fondly thought, or simply a reflection of Gärtner 2015; Riedlberger 2013,90–6; Schindler Carthaginian hostility towards the peoples of the 2009; Zarini 2015). That the Iohannis was intended periphery, as others have argued, but instead pro- to evoke the formal ceremonials of victory is clear vides a specific view of the defeated Moorish groups enough. In his opening lines, Corippus frames his from an imperialist perspective. work as a contribution to the celebrations of victory The Iohannis is a poem (certainly incomplete) of and peace in the heady aftermath of the war: eight books and a little under 5000 lines, written in My Lords: I have undertaken the task to speak of the Latin hexameters probably in the later 540s or victor’s laurels; I will sing festive verses of peaceful early 550s. The poet, conventionally known as times. (Corippus, Iohannis, Proem 1–2; Diggle and Flavius Cresconius Corippus,5 was North African in Goodyear 1970, 1.) origin, and composed his work to celebrate the vic- tories of the Byzantine magister militum John Corippus explicitly positions the Iohannis in the Troglita over rebellious elements in the army of atmosphere of Justinian’s Carthage in multis ... occupation, as well as multiple Moorish confedera- triumphis, but the precise relationship between the tions between 546 and 548 (Gärtner 2008,58–65). poem and the victory ceremonies of 548 is not The narrative of the poem recounts three principal clear. Jósef Mantke (1990) argued that the last campaigns: first a dramatic Byzantine victory over a book of the epic may originally have included a Moorish alliance under Antalas and Ierna at an description of the triumph – a conclusion that was unknown battlefield, perhaps in the vicinity of lost in the imperfect transmission of Book VIII. Hadrumetum, which probably took place in late More recently, Peter Riedlberger (2013,83–8) has 546 (Dodi 1986b, 592–3; Partsch 1879, xxvi, suggested that the epic was composed for perform- n.132). Preparations for this battle occupy books II ance at the ceremony itself, and that particular pas- and IV, and the conflict itself is dramatically resolved sages may have connected the narrated events to in Book V. Byzantine celebrations for this success the immediate audience. Most commentators, how- were cut short by a second Moorish offensive, ever, have been content to assume that the under the leadership of Carcasan which approached Iohannis was shaped by the spirit of the recent cele- the walls of Carthage, before retreating first to brations, but may not have taken a formal role within Byzacium and then to the regions beyond the fron- them, and this seems to be the most persuasive inter- tiers. The disastrous imperial pursuit of these barbar- pretation in the absence of further evidence to the ians in Spring 547, and the Romans’ subsequent contrary (cf. Dodi 1988a, 111). defeat at Marta in the Tripolitanian pre-desert is The theme of triumphal celebration recurs recounted in Book VI. The poem closes with a narra- throughout the Iohannis. Throughout the poem, tive of John’s regrouping, and the final Byzantine the belligerents on both sides anticipate victory in victory over Carcasan’s Moors at the Plains of precisely these terms. For the unfortunate Moors, Cato, an encounter which took place in 548 this is effected through the prophecies of their ora- (Riedlberger 2013, 40). The Iohannis ends before cles, in which the leader Carcasan is imagined repeat- this conflict is fully resolved, but the epic is framed edly as the focus of a triumphal procession. The as a celebration of ultimate Roman victory narrator is at pains to stress the dramatic irony throughout. here: the decapitated Moorish commander will be The Iohannis is certainly epic in scope and struc- a trophy in John’s triumph, and not the victor him- ture, and Corippus prominently displays his debts to self. (Corippus, Iohannis, VI.166–87; VII.513–542.