Libyan Studies 50 (2019), pp 153–163 © The Society for Libyan Studies doi:10.1017/lis.2019.6 First published online 29 April 2019

Corippus’ Triumphal Ethnography: another look at Iohannis II.28–161.1

By Andy Merrills2

Abstract for Moorish ethnography from , and The so-called ‘catalogue of tribes’ in , Iohannis, consequently has formed the basis for all serious II.28–161 is central to the historical ethnography of studies of North African society in the period. In Moorish North in Late Antiquity, yet the sources the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, behind this passage and its poetic function have never Joseph Partsch, (1879; 1896), Charles Diehl (1896), been directly addressed. The present paper argues that Martin Riedmüller (1919) and Stéphane Gsell Corippus derived this material from the trophies carried (1929) all used the passage as the basic framework in the triumphal procession that marked the successful con- for their discussions of Moorish late antiquity, supple- clusion of John Troglita’s campaigns in 548. The evocation menting it (in approximate order of importance) with of this ceremony at the outset of Corippus’ narrative corre- material from elsewhere in Corippus, Ammianus sponds to the ironic tone which permeates the work, but Marcellinus, , epigraphy, Arabic historiog- also explains the eccentric form of the material included raphy and (most rarely of all) archaeology. Since within the catalogue. The paper concludes with some then, the passage has remained an essential point of observations about the implications of this for modern reference for studies of the African periphery in a var- understanding of Moorish ‘tribal’ society in the later iety of disciplines (cf.; Courtois 1955, 348, n.7; Felici Roman and early Byzantine period. et al. 2006, 657f; Mattingly 1994, 173–6; Zarini 1997, 39). Most recently, the same passage provides the starting point for Yves Modéran’s seminal Les ﻳﻤﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ”ﻓﻬﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ “ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻠﺤﻤﺔ ﻳﻮﻫﺎﻧﻴﺲ II.28–161 ﻟﻜﻮﺭﻳﺒﻮﺱ Corippus’ Iohannis) Maures et l’Afrique romaine, and is locus classicus) ﺟﺰﺀﴽ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﴼ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺛﻨﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻐﺎﺭﺑﺔ for his elegant explanatory model regarding the ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﺧﺮ (Late Antiquity)، ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ behaviour of Moorish groups of the ‘first’ and ‘second ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﻌﺔ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺒﻘﴼ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ. ,circles’ in the fifth and sixth centuries (respectively ﺗﺒﺤﺚ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﻳﺒﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺋﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ those communities living inside and outside the ’ﻣﻮﻛﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮ‘ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﺤﺔ ﻟﺠﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺟﻠﻴﺘﺎ ﻓﻲ .(Roman frontiers) (Modéran 2003,43–61; 2003b ﺳﻨﺔ 548 ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﻳﺒﻮﺱ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺳﺮﺩﻩ، ﻳﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ -Prior to the Arab conquest, there is no more import ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻐﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺧﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ، ﻭ ﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﴼ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻳﺐ ﻟﻠﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ant textual source for the study of Moorish or ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﺮﺱ . ﻭﺗﺨﺘﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺮﺗﺒﺔ -Berber society than Corippus’ Iohannis, and the cata ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ”ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ “ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺎﺭﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ logue in Book II is undoubtedly the crucial part of that ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺰﻧﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻜﺮﺓ. text in that regard. Corippus’ Iohannis is fundamental to understanding My intention in the present paper is to return to the historical ethnography of ‘Berber’ or ‘Moorish’ Corippus’ catalogue of tribes, and specifically to society in the pre-Islamic North Africa.3 Alongside examine the poet’s likely source for the information Procopius’ Vandal War, this long Latin poem is one that he included within it. In spite of the attention of our only substantial literary sources from the granted to the passage, the origins of this informa- Justinianic period in North Africa and provides tion and, crucially, the form which the poet’s source invaluable illumination on Byzantine, African and material took, has never previously been considered Moorish society in the 530s and 540s. At the start in detail. I will argue that there is good reason to con- of the second book of the Iohannis, the poet succinctly clude that this ethnographic material derived ultim- presents his ‘catalogue’ of Berber tribes – a list of more ately from the triumphal procession held in than thirty groups, which is both the longest list of in late 548 to commemorate the final vic- named African peoples in this period, and the sole tes- tory of the general John Troglita, a climactic moment timony of many of these communities (Corippus, which is anticipated throughout Corippus’ poem. Iohannis, II.28–161; Diggle and Goodyear 1970, This proposal is supported by the internal evidence 28–33; ed. and tr. in Modéran 2003,44–50 and from the passage itself (chiefly the nature of the Zarini 1997, 100–105, 121–4. Tr. Shea 1998, information presented and the form in which it 82–6).4 This is undoubtedly the richest single source appears), but also from the wider literary structure

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of the poem and its political function. Viewed in events and the formulaic celebration of its protagon- these terms, the ‘catalogue’ becomes immensely valu- ist represent such strong panegyric elements that the able as a source on changing political and social work is better read as a generic hybrid, something structures of the Moorish world in the 530s and like an epic-panegyric, not unlike the later Roman 540s. The passage is not an uncritical snapshot of praise poems of , whose work Corippus African ‘tribes’ in this period, as early commentators knew well (Compare Gärtner 2008,26–32; fondly thought, or simply a reflection of Gärtner 2015; Riedlberger 2013,90–6; Schindler Carthaginian hostility towards the peoples of the 2009; Zarini 2015). That the Iohannis was intended periphery, as others have argued, but instead pro- to evoke the formal ceremonials of victory is clear vides a specific view of the defeated Moorish groups enough. In his opening lines, Corippus frames his from an imperialist perspective. work as a contribution to the celebrations of victory The Iohannis is a poem (certainly incomplete) of and peace in the heady aftermath of the war: eight books and a little under 5000 lines, written in My Lords: I have undertaken the task to speak of the Latin hexameters probably in the later 540s or victor’s laurels; I will sing festive verses of peaceful early 550s. The poet, conventionally known as times. (Corippus, Iohannis, Proem 1–2; Diggle and Flavius Cresconius Corippus,5 was North African in Goodyear 1970, 1.) origin, and composed his work to celebrate the vic- tories of the Byzantine John Corippus explicitly positions the Iohannis in the Troglita over rebellious elements in the army of atmosphere of Justinian’s Carthage in multis ... occupation, as well as multiple Moorish confedera- triumphis, but the precise relationship between the tions between 546 and 548 (Gärtner 2008,58–65). poem and the victory ceremonies of 548 is not The narrative of the poem recounts three principal clear. Jósef Mantke (1990) argued that the last campaigns: first a dramatic Byzantine victory over a book of the epic may originally have included a Moorish alliance under and Ierna at an description of the triumph – a conclusion that was unknown battlefield, perhaps in the vicinity of lost in the imperfect transmission of Book VIII. , which probably took place in late More recently, Peter Riedlberger (2013,83–8) has 546 (Dodi 1986b, 592–3; Partsch 1879, xxvi, suggested that the epic was composed for perform- n.132). Preparations for this battle occupy books II ance at the ceremony itself, and that particular pas- and IV, and the conflict itself is dramatically resolved sages may have connected the narrated events to in Book V. Byzantine celebrations for this success the immediate audience. Most commentators, how- were cut short by a second Moorish offensive, ever, have been content to assume that the under the leadership of Carcasan which approached Iohannis was shaped by the spirit of the recent cele- the walls of Carthage, before retreating first to brations, but may not have taken a formal role within Byzacium and then to the regions beyond the fron- them, and this seems to be the most persuasive inter- tiers. The disastrous imperial pursuit of these barbar- pretation in the absence of further evidence to the ians in Spring 547, and the Romans’ subsequent contrary (cf. Dodi 1988a, 111). defeat at Marta in the Tripolitanian pre-desert is The theme of triumphal celebration recurs recounted in Book VI. The poem closes with a narra- throughout the Iohannis. Throughout the poem, tive of John’s regrouping, and the final Byzantine the belligerents on both sides anticipate victory in victory over Carcasan’s Moors at the Plains of precisely these terms. For the unfortunate Moors, Cato, an encounter which took place in 548 this is effected through the prophecies of their ora- (Riedlberger 2013, 40). The Iohannis ends before cles, in which the leader Carcasan is imagined repeat- this conflict is fully resolved, but the epic is framed edly as the focus of a triumphal procession. The as a celebration of ultimate Roman victory narrator is at pains to stress the dramatic irony throughout. here: the decapitated Moorish commander will be The Iohannis is certainly epic in scope and struc- a trophy in John’s triumph, and not the victor him- ture, and Corippus prominently displays his debts to self. (Corippus, Iohannis, VI.166–87; VII.513–542. earlier writers in the tradition. As might be expected, Cf. Castronuovo 1997; Mantke 1990, 326–9). For Virgilian aspects are particularly marked, but the Romans, of course, these hopes are better Corippus was also directly familiar with , founded. Victory and triumph are assured to John Statius and Silius Italicus, as well as late imperial through prayer and appeals to divine dispensation, poets, and also drew upon long-standing Homeric a trust in eventual success that remains with him motifs (Zarini 2003). Several commentators have (and the audience of the poem) even in the darkest argued that the focus of the poem on contemporary days of defeat. (Corippus, Iohannis, VII.314–5;

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VII.491–4; VIII.294–9; Mantke 1990, 328–30). material in the whole of Corippus’ poem. Ostensibly Amidst the fighting in Book VIII, for example, an order of battle for the first great engagement of Putzintulus, a Roman officer, anticipates the victory the poem in Book V, the catalogue is a wide-ranging celebrations with his dying breath. Cf. Mantke survey of the people, places and physical features of 1990, 331; Riedlberger 2013, 395: the African periphery. This is not always straightfor- The gates of Carthage will receive you in the greatest ward, however. As the poet himself recognized, the triumph, your strong ranks only missing one. unusual names of the African tribes sometimes fitted (Corippus, Iohannis, VIII.502–3; Diggle and poorly into Latin hexameters (Corippus, Iohannis, Goodyear 1970, 184.) II.25. Cf. Skutsch 1900; Zarini 1997, 142). For the There is even a foretaste of these celebrations in modern historian, this problem is compounded by Book VI, when the Roman troops return to possible errors of transmission, particularly given Carthage after their victories in 546, and are received the survival of the text in only a single, late manu- warmly by the inhabitants of the city (Corippus, script. (Modéran 1986; Zarini 1997, 41) Iohannis, VI.56–103). Although this passage includes Nevertheless, the basic outline of the passage is clear many of the constitutive features of a military tri- enough. In all, somewhere between thirty and umph – including the homecoming of the victorious thirty-five groups are listed, each of which is defined ‘ ’ troops, and a parade of captive Moorish women – either by the collective tribal name, the name of this does not mark a definitive conclusion to the their leader, or a nearby geographical landmark. ’ fighting. No defeated soldiers are included in the Stripping out Corippus various digressive asides, procession, and indeed the fighting starts up again these are: soon afterwards. This is a reminder of the greater vic- 1. Antalas (leader), who is followed by the Frexes tory to come, rather than an endpoint in itself. (named group) (II.28–46) Corippus’ celebration of Byzantine victory repre- sented a clear statement of support for the imperial 2. Sidifan (leader from the same part of Africa), power during a period of prolonged uncertainty followed by unnamed horsemen (II.47–50) (Cameron 1984; Dodi 1986a; Tommasi Moreschini 3. Sinusdisae (named group) (II.51) 2002; Zarini 2005). The Justinianic occupation of North Africa had not been straightforward in the 4. Silvaecae (named group) (II.52) 530s and 540s: even after the suppression of succes- sive pretenders, military rebels and hostile Moors, 5. Naffur (named group) (II.52) political and religious difficulties continued to blight 6. Silcadinet (named group) from tall forests (II.53–5) the administration of the province into the 550s (Cameron 1984; cf. Blaudeau 2015). In this context, 7. Unnamed inhabitants of Gurubi montana (II.56) the composition (and perhaps performance) of a 8. Unnamed inhabitants of the Mercurios colles Latin epic-panegyric must be regarded both as an (‘Hills of Mercury’) (II.57) assertion of Africans’ loyalty to the Justinianic regime and a contribution to its acceptance among the 9. Unnamed inhabitants of Ifera. Led by Autiliten, Latin-speaking elite. The very close ties that bound son of an unnamed father (II.57–61) (cf. Modéran the Iohannis into the wider discourse of imperial vic- 2003,67–70; Zarini 1997, 154–5) tory deserve closer investigation, especially in under- 10. Silvaian (named group) (Nomads) (II.62) standing the presentation of the Berber or Moorish groups within the poem. In describing his belligerent 11. Macares (named group) who live in huts on the and malevolent barbarians, Corippus was not simply tops of high mountains (II.62–64) rehearsing the traditional chauvinisms towards the 12. Silzactae (named group) (II.66) inhabitants of the African periphery, but adopted the very specific rhetoric of imperial victory. In 13. Caunes (named group) (the River Vadara flows understanding this, we can look anew at some of between them and the Silzactae) (II.66–8) the specific details of his account. 14. Unnamed inhabitants from near Agalumnus mountain (II.69–73) The catalogue of tribes The catalogue of tribes in II.28–161 provides the rich- 15. Reference to Macubius mountain (apparently est concentration of ethnographic and geographical nearby) (II.72)

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16. Unnamed inhabitants of the region around as a name, or by passing reference to a nearby moun- Sascar (or a group called the Sascar) (II.74) (cf. tain or river. Zarini 1997, 159) In literary terms, the passage is conventional (Zarini 1997, 60; cf. Ehlers 1980; Gärtner 2008, 17. Astrices (named group) (II.75) 33-40). The most direct textual reference was to 18. Anacutasur (named group) (II.75) the catalogue of Latin tribes who resisted Aeneas and the Trojans in Aeneid, VII.641–817, and this 19. Celianus (named group) (II.75) would certainly have been recognized by Corippus’ 20. Imaclas (named group) (these last three immediate audience. They may also have appreciated together) (II.75) (cf. Partsch 1896, 24; Zarini the echo of later poetic catalogues of African gentes 1997, 160). which themselves took their inspiration from (and from one another). The most obvious examples 21. Unnamed inhabitants from Zersilis (and here at Lucan, Pharsalia, IV.666–701 (which – Gallica) (II.76 7) describes Rex Juba and his African allies), Silius – 22. Unnamed inhabitants from Tillibaris and the Italicus, Punica, III.265 320 (on Hannibal), – Talalatean fields (II.78–84) (cf. Zarini 1997, 160–1). Claudian, De Consulatu Stilichonis, I.248 58 and 351–7 (on Gildo’s Moorish allies) and Sidonius 23. Ilaguas (named group) (from the farthest Apollinaris, Carmen, V.332–8 (on the Vandal King – regions of ) (II.85 88) Geiseric’s African followers in his raids on Italy). 24. Austur (named group) closely associated with Corippus himself was aware of all of these authors Ilaguas. Ierna is their leader (II.89–112) (with the possible exception of Sidonius), and placed his own work firmly within this tradition. Viewed in 25. Ifuraces (named group) (II.113–115) these terms, the catalogue of Book II was a straight- 26. Muctinian gens (named group) from the wastes forward addition to a Virgilian-inflected epic on of Tripoli (II.116–7) North Africa. If these were old bottles, however, the wine was 27. Unnamed group from Gadabis (II.117–8) new: while earlier writers may have inspired the form of Corippus’ catalogue, the content seems to 28. Unnamed group from Digdiga (II.119) have been the poet’s own. Among more than thirty 29. Unnamed populi who use ‘Velanidean boats’ groups listed, very few are known from other and fish in the lakes (II.120–2) (Partsch 1897, sources, and none are familiar figures who recur in 28; Diggle and Goodyear 1970, 31; Zarini 1997, classical geographical accounts of Africa. Imperial 173–4). accounts of the African periphery recycle the same small handful of conventionalized tribal names – 30. Barcaei (named group) (II.123–137) Aethiopes, , and so on – 31. innumerae gentes from Gemini Petra and with little concern for the precise identities of the Zerquilis. Apparently following an unnamed dux groups concerned (Modéran 2003, 51). This is the (from the other parts of Africa) (II.144–148) pattern that we see across the Latin poetic tradition, and which recurs even in much historiographical and 32. Unnamed inhabitants of the Navusum wastes geographical writing. Indeed even Corippus himself (II.146–7) adopts the same approach in a shorter catalogue 33. Unnamed inhabitants of abominable Arzugis later in his poem (cf. Riedlberger 2013, 46): (II.147–8) other gentes joined them, and not only those who had already waged war: the cruel Nasamon who 34. Unnamed group of cavalry from Aurasitania. ploughs the Syrtic country; he who cultivates lands – (II.149 155) near the Garamantes, and those who drink the waters on the banks of the Nile. Who could list these peo- These groups are not all treated equally – the Frexes ples, or number them? (Corippus, Iohannis, – (group 1 in the list above) and Ilaguas/Austur (23/4) VI.196 201; Diggle and Goodyear 1970, 120.) are each granted digressions of eighteen and twenty- By contrast, the list in book II is much longer, seven lines respectively. Corippus also devotes some eschews such familiar figures and includes a bewil- space to the dress or weapons of the Ifuraces (25), dering variety of ethnographic and toponymic novel- Barcaei (30) and Aurasitanians (34). Other groups ties, including many proper names that are not are passed over very rapidly, and are included only otherwise known.

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The few clear correspondences between essentially geographical: the first section (lines 28– Corippus’ list and our other sources suggest that 84, or groups 1–21 in the list above) were thought Corippus’ material was based on authentic knowl- to relate to Antalas and the Moors of Byzacium, edge of the frontier regions of imperial North the second (lines 85–138, groups 22–30), to the Africa. His references to the belligerent inhabitants inhabitants of and the pre-desert of Gemini Petra and Zerquilis, for example, are cer- beyond, and the third (lines 140–161, groups 31– tainly to be identified with the Geminianou Petra and 34) to and the Aures (Courtois 1955, (perhaps) Zerboulé which Procopius identifies as 348, n.7; Partsch 1879, viii–ix; Partsch 1896,21– Numidian strongpoints, besieged by Solomon during 8; Riedmüller 1919, 15). Following this reasoning, his campaigns in the Aurès in 539. (Procopius, Pierre Morizot suggested that the relative promin- Vandal War, II.2–23; II.19.19–20. cf. Zarini 1997, ence of the Libyan barbarians in Corippus’ catalogue 179). Similarly, Corippus’ allusion to the ‘horrid may betray a substantial demographic shift on the land of abominable Arzugis’ (Iohannis, II.147–8: hor- southern frontier, a position that continues to gain rida tellus| Arzugis infandae) evidently refers to a adherents (Morizot 1991: cf. Fentress and Wilson region around the Chott El-Djerid that is also 2016; Merrills 2018; Modéran 2003,55–6). More known from the letters of Aurelian of Carthage, recently, Yves Modéran proposed that the divisions Augustine of Hippo and the geographical sketch of in the passage were determined by political affili- Orosius, but was scarcely a commonplace among ation, rather than location, and reflected the relative the learned geographers of the Mediterranean relations of different Moorish groups towards the world (Modéran 2003, 364–74). The allusion to empire. In this reading, Antalas and his immediate Gurubi montana (‘Mount Gurubis’) has plausibly followers were Moors of the ‘first circle’, who lived been connected to the mons Gurbessa or the within the frontiers of the empire in southern Curbissenses gens which the late Roman geographer Byzacium and western Tripolitania, and who conse- Julius Honorius places to the south of the Roman ter- quently enjoyed long-standing political relations ritories, probably in the frontier regions of with the imperial authorities in Carthage (Modéran (Julius Honorius, Cosmographia, 42, 48. Partsch 2003,63–7). Those listed in lines 85–138 and 1896, 22; Modéran 2003,77–112). Corippus’ 140–161 were ‘second circle’ Moors who lived Astrices may be identical to Ptolemy’s Astakoures, beyond the frontiers, in eastern Tripolitania or and his Imaclas (rendered as Mecales in Iohannis, southern Numidia and who were much less closely III.410) have parallels in the pages of Herodotus integrated into imperial systems of government. and Ptolemy. (Herodotus IV.178; Ptolemy, Their contact with the empire was more occasional, Geographika. IV.13. Partsch 1896, 24; Riedmüller or occurred through seasonal transhumance, and 1919, 20). Other names are unknown in their pre- they were thus a distinct category of outsider sent form, but plausibly adhere to the conventions (Modéran 1986, 211; Modéran 2003,58–61 and of Libyan (or Berber) onomastics, particularly once 109; Zarini 1997, 143ff, 163ff; Zarini 2005, 413– problems of transmission have been considered. 5). Modéran’s interpretation of the passage has The Silvacae, Silvaizan, Silzactae and Silcadenit are much to recommend it, not least as a catalyst for a vivid case in point: we may not encounter these his own magnificent interpretation of the wider pat- groups elsewhere in the literary or epigraphic record, terns of Moorish history, but it does not fully explain but they sound like plausible Berber tribal names, whether Corippus’ audience is likely to have under- especially when presented together (Modéran stood this structure in quite the same terms as the 2003, 107–9; Partsch 1896, 23; Zarini 1997, 153). brilliant French historian. The mountains Agalumnus and Macubius and the None of the explanations for the detail and struc- River Vadura, similarly sound convincing as local ture of Corippus’ catalogue seem persuasive. It has toponyms, even if they have not been definitively been suggested that the poet drew upon his personal identified (Modéran 2003,70–4; Zarini 1997, knowledge of North Africa in composing this section 157–9). of the Iohannis (Baldwin 1978, 372; Riedlberger Corippus’ catalogue is clearly divided into three 2013, 36; Riedmüller 1919,6–8). While Corippus sections, separated by authorial lamentations or apos- was certainly brought up in Africa, and may well trophes to God. Scholars have worked from the small have come from a rural region, his precise origins handful of identifiable groups or places in each sec- are far from clear, and it would be a stretch to tion of the list, and have extrapolated wider patterns infer that detailed ethnographic knowledge of this from them, with predictably mixed results. Early kind was commonplace in the African hinterland commentators argued that these divisions were (cf. Corippus, Iohannis, Proem, 25; Diggle and

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Goodyear 1970,2:quondam per rura locutus. cf. rivers, but also wider regions). What remains, then, Riedlberger 2013, 36). Others have argued that is not an ordered and systematic list of named gentes, Corippus had access to the campaign records of but an extraordinary jumble of places, people and John Troglita, and may well have derived his ethno- groups. While the catalogue in Aeneid VII provides graphic information from that source. (Cameron some precedent for this, Virgil’s treatment of 1984, 169; Riedlberger 2013,88–9; Zarini 1997, named commanders is much more systematic, and 43–4). That Corippus had some knowledge of the his use of geographical referents is largely to lend principal events of John’s campaigns, and a confident drama to his account, rather than to stand in for mastery of a range of Berber group names and topo- ethnographic detail. In Corippus’ account, moun- nyms is clear from the Iohannis as a whole, but these tains, streams and lakes are included alongside are only partial solutions to the peculiar form of the named groups and leaders in seemingly ad hoc fash- catalogue in Book II, not least because it is hard to ion, transformed into an order of battle only by the see why military reports would have been structured dubious association of these features with anonym- in this way (Cameron 1984, 169; Gärtner 2008,66– ous inhabitants living nearby. It is this that provides 127; Zarini 1997,43–4). We also need to consider us with the most convincing explanation for the ori- the extent to which the details of this passage gin of this material. would have been meaningful to Corippus’ audience. A very close parallel to Corippus’ jumble is to be While the overt display of detailed ethnographic and found in the Elder Pliny’s account of the trophies geographical information had both political and lit- carried in the triumph of Cornelius Balbus in 19 erary valence – a demonstration both of Corippus’ BCE, preserved in the fifth book of his Historia mastery over his material, and the resurgent empire’s Naturalis. As it happens, this relates to the same domination over the peripheral regions of Africa – part of the world as Corippus’ catalogue – the terri- such rhetoric depended in some sense upon the res- tories that would later become southern Numidia, onance of this information with the intended audi- Byzacena and the Tripolitanian interior – but the ence (Modéran 1986, 211). more significant point of correspondence is Far from being a straightforward Moorish order structural: of battle, or a systematic survey of the local tribes of ...It is wonderful that our authors had recorded the ’ North Africa, Corippus catalogue is a puzzling amal- above-mentioned towns captured by [Balbus], and in gam. Particularly remarkable are the obscurity of addition to Cidamum and Garama, the names and many of the names, (in the sixth century as well as representations of the other peoples and towns the twenty-first), the intermingling of different were led forth and in his triumph, and came in this types of material – leaders, peoples, rivers, moun- order: the town of Tabudium, the natio of Niteris, tains and so on – and a somewhat eccentric system the town of Miglis Gemella, the natio or town of Bubeium, the natio of the Enipi, the town of of ordering, which has some geographical coherence, Tuben, the mountain called Niger, Nitibrum, the but does not seem to have been pursued consistently. town of Rapsa, the natio of Viscera, the town of None of these features has clear antecedents in Decri, the river Nathabur, the town of Thapsagum, extant late antique geographical texts, (which tend the natio of Tamiagi, the town of Boin, the town to group geographical features by type), historio- of Pege, the river Dasibari; then following towns: graphical or poetic catalogues (which typically fall Baracum, Bulba, Halasit, Galsa, Balla, Maxalla, back on familiar ethnographic topoi, and are rarely Cizania; and mons Giri, and a titulus stating that pre- as full as the list presented here), and none of them cious stones came from there. (Pliny, Historia Naturalis, V.36–7; Desanges 1980, 63.) seems entirely appropriate to a poetic order of battle in the traditional sense. Pliny states explicitly that this information was taken If we set the details of Corippus’ ethnography to from contemporary records of the triumphal parade, one side, we can start to detect a more convincing and so we can be confident that the list presented explanation for the origins and function of this pas- here corresponded to the order in which these tro- sage. In all, Corippus identifies only eighteen gentes phies were presented in procession. No defeated lea- by name. Five more are defined in part by their lea- ders are named in this list, but such information ders (named or unnamed), although two of these would scarcely have fitted with Pliny’s immediate groups are also named in their own right (Antalas’ concern with the physical geography of the region. Frexes and Ierna’s Ilaguas). Most remarkably, The remainder of the information otherwise antici- Corippus lists fifteen further groups who are not pates Corippus’ quite closely in both form and con- named but who are defined instead by a geographical tent. Here we see nationes (Niteris, the Enipi, feature (primarily specific mountains, forests and Viscera and so on), towns (Tabudium, Miglis

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Gemella), mountains (Niger, Giri) and a river through the abject representation of captive (Nathabur). Careful analysis of the text reveals a jum- Moorish women (and thereby underscores the ble of ethnonyms and toponyms that may be traced incomplete victory and the premature nature of this to the Tripolitanian coast, the pre-Sahara and south- triumph), other sources of the period show the ern Numidia, and hence represented the trophies of defeated enemy were a common feature of parades two separate campaign seasons in 20 and 19 BCE (Corippus, Iohannis, VI.56–103; contra Cameron (Desanges 1980, 394–410; Merrills 2016). Yet if 1984, 172; cf. McCormick 1986,87–99; these places were evidently not organized geograph- Riedlberger 2013, 86; Sannicandro 2012, 471–5) ically, there was still an order of sorts in the parade. There are occasional hints that other forms of display The particular prominence of Cidamum (Ghadames) also survived into late antiquity, although here our and Garama at the head of the list suggests that they evidence remains slight. Ambrose hints at such in ser- were also focal in the procession itself, and indeed mons written in the aftermath of Theodosius’ tri- this emphasis on ‘headline’ victories is common in umphs of the 388, where he alludes freely to other accounts of classical triumphs (Merrills 2017, placards which identified the defeated enemies as 78–86). Typically, the most impressive (or best well as models of cities. (Ambrose, Expositio in known) geographical trophies would be paraded Lucam, 10.109–11; McCormick 1986, 87). Our full- first (and would draw the attention of spectators), est late antique source for this is perhaps Claudian’s and the remaining peoples, places and things follow evocative account of the triumphs that Stilicho behind without clear geographical order, but in suffi- might have celebrated had he so wished: cient profusion to impress the audience, as was evi- He himself would be drawn in a laurel-decked cha- dently the case here. riot by white horses, and be followed by his soldiers Pliny, of course, wrote almost five hundred years chanting their festive songs. Some would lead captive before Corippus, and was describing a ceremony that kings, others carry conquered towns wrought in was itself almost a century old at the time of his com- bronze or mountains or rivers. Here would go in position, but a scattering of sources illuminate the sad procession the river gods of Libya, their horns likely form that this triumphal display took, and sug- broken, there Germany and the Rhine God in chains. (Claudian, De consulatu Stilichonis, III.20–25, tr. gest that similar patterns of commemoration survived Platnauer 1972,44–5.) into the later Roman and (Börm 2013; McCormick 1986). In early imperial triumphs, Here we do read of captive kings, alongside towns, ethnic groups and geographical features were repre- rivers and places, along with some hint of how sented in a variety of ways, from elaborate models, these representations might look. tableaux or personifications to written placards We know much less about the choreography of (tituli), all of which might be further glossed with John Troglita’s triumph in 548. It seems likely that the aid of claquers in the crowd (Merrills 2017, his final celebrations would have marked the conclu- 69–105; Östenberg 2009). In later centuries, victory sion of a long series of campaigns, (as was the case ceremonies were celebrated in provincial capitals, as with Cornelius Balbus), rather than the fighting of well as the imperial centres, but some of these con- a single season. Given this, we might expect that ventions seem to have survived (Ammianus the parade would have afforded a prominent role Marcellinus, 29.5.56; cf. Symmachus, Epistula 37 to the major Moorish antagonists – Antalas and the and McCormick 1986, 231–59). The parade of vic- Frexes, the and Austuriani – but might torious soldiers remained a focus, as Corippus’ also have incorporated earlier Byzantine victories account of John Troglita’s first triumph in Carthage (such as those of the 530s over the Moors of suggests: Numidia). The procession would be filled out with All marvelled when gazing at the battle standards, at captives, trophies and tituli commemorating other the clothing made stiff with dust, and at the men peoples, towns, territories rivers and mountains made fierce by the grim slaughter. They gazed at encountered in these campaigns, and intended to breastplates, helmets, shields and threatening swords, reflect the magnitude of the imperial victories, rather sword-belts, bridles, resounding bows and quivers, than provide precise geographical information. and spears made purple with Massylian blood. If such a procession were rendered in verse, it – (Corippus, Iohannis, VI.76 82; Diggle and would look more or less like the catalogue of tribes Goodyear 1970, 116.) in Iohannis II. Rivers, towns and mountains, which Prisoners were the other mainstay of Roman victory would have been common features in a triumph, celebrations. While the triumph described in but would have little obvious place in an order of bat- Iohannis VI represents the defeated barbarians only tle, are rendered fit for purpose by the simple process

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of alluding to unnamed tribal groups who lived Ferocious Ierna was their leader, and was the priest nearby. Corippus presents this information as prep- of Gurzil. (Corippus, Iohannis, II.109; Diggle and aration for war, of course, rather than as a straight- Goodyear 1970, 30.) forward description of the victory ceremony, but in The more striking case is the unnamed dux who so doing he lends a profound irony to the hubristic appears in the third section of the catalogue: gathering of the Moorish tribes which is entirely in keeping with the tone of his epic. As the barbarians Now an audacious leader rose up from the other side of of the poem purport to gather in order to fight, Africa, seething at the ruin that Roman arms had earlier given him through carnage: so great was the anger that they take the recognizable form of the warriors the savage now poured forth! (Corippus, Iohannis, whom Corippus and his audience had seen pass, II.140–43; Diggle and Goodyear 1970,32.) defeated through the streets of Carthage. In many ways, the passage can be read as a poetic and Corippus’ reluctance to identify this dux seems pecu- imaginative response to the triumphal procession liar, given his careful use of proper names elsewhere itself: this was precisely the sort of reflection that in the catalogue. The references to Gemini Petra and the ceremony was intended to encourage. Zerquilis that follow have led commentators to The Moorish leaders included in the catalogue assume that the leader was from Southern Numidia – also support this interpretation, and may again ‘the other side’ (aduersa de parte) of Africa from the have been inspired by the Carthaginian triumph of Tripolitanian groups described in the preceding lines 548. The Iohannis as a whole is well-populated (Corippus, Iohannis, II.141; Diggle and Goodyear with heroic figures, including more than thirty 1970, 32; Partsch 1896, 28; Riedmüller 1919,26–7; named Moors. Many of these individuals perish in cf. Zarini 1997, 141). It is possible, however, that the stylized combats described in Books V and VIII, Corippus was alluding here to Carcasan, a member and aristeia of this kind typify Corippus’ battle of the alliance in 546, the leader of the Moorish coali- narratives. A true dramatis personae for this tion in 547 and 548 and the principal antagonist of the fighting would introduce these figures to the audi- latter stages of the Iohannis. According to Corippus, ence, and indeed elsewhere the poet does precisely Carcasan was among the Moorish leaders in 546, this. At the close of Book IV, for example, but the motivations ascribed to the dux here fit more Corippus list sixteen Moorish leaders, five of closely with the second rising in the Spring of 547 – whom are killed in the battle that follows and eight at least as they are presented later in the poem. If this more are depicted in combat (Corippus, Iohannis, dux was intended to evoke Carcasan, the catalogue IV.619–44). Yet the catalogue in Book II bears little could be read as a stylized list of the major belligerents clear relation to the conflict that follows. Only four faced in three years of campaigning, along with some leaders are named there – Antalas, Sidifan, Ierna acknowledgement of the causes of the war. Such a and Autiliten – and while all are later shown in list would serve poorly as an order of battle, but combat, three of them may have survived the cam- would correspond closely to the likely form of a tri- paigns that followed.6 This truncated account thus umphal ceremony. reads less as a prolegomena of the bloodshed to Like Ierna, Carcasan was killed in combat, which come, and more as a list of the most prominent sur- may explain his euphemistic presentation here, but vivors of this conflict – precisely the individuals, in he was certainly represented in the triumph that other words, who would have featured in the marked the end of the campaign (Corippus, Carthaginian triumph. Iohannis, VIII.627–34). Carcasan’s misunderstanding There are two exceptions. Ierna was certainly of a Moorish prophecy that he would appear in a tri- killed during the campaign: his death forms the emo- umphal parade is a recurring motif throughout the tional climax of Book V, and he could not have Iohannis (Corippus, Iohannis, VI.166–87; VII.513– appeared in person in the triumph (Corippus, 542. But cf. VII.506–7; Mantke 1990, 329–30). Iohannis V.519–21). It is conspicuous, however, Corippus’ statement that the leader’s severed head that Ierna is not presented in the same way as his was borne as a trophy as part of these celebrations Moorish allies within the catalogue. Rather than seems to allude to a specific event, and doubtless one place Ierna at the head of a group (as he does that would have been chillingly memorable to the Antalas or Sidifan), Corippus instead includes him inhabitants of Carthage. It is far from certain that the only as a brief aside in line twenty two of his unnamed dux was Carcasan, but it is certainly possible. twenty-five line account of the Ilaguas and Austur. It seems likely that John’s final triumph in 548 Here, it is the peoples themselves who are the afforded comparable prominence to Antalas, Ierna focus of attention, and not their (lost) leader: and Carcasan, even if only the first of these had

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survived to take part in the procession. As a celebration both lent his narrative a verisimilitude and charged the of the final victory over multiple campaigns, the tri- epic as a whole with a dramatic irony. The poem that umph could not be translated directly into an order resulted doubtless contributed to the rhetoric of of battle dated to 546, but Corippus made the minimal imperial victory in the years after 548, but it was the changes necessary to make his catalogue both consist- combination of different elements – poetic and polit- ent from a narrative point of view, and comprehen- ical – which made this contribution so effective. sible to an audience who well remembered the This interpretation of Corippus’ sources substan- dramatic celebrations within the city. tially complicates our use of the catalogue in Book II The explanation proposed here is that Corippus’ as a source for Moorish ethnography and history in ethnography was drawn from a triumphal display this period. There can be little doubt that North which would have marked the successful conclusion Africansociety in the early-sixthcenturyunderwent dra- of John Troglita’s long period of campaigning in matic change (Modéran 2003, 510). The shrinking and North Africa. This interpretation explains the form subsequent collapse of the Vandal kingdom in Carthage, and content of the catalogue as it stands, but also the Byzantine occupation of 533-4 and the prolonged fits neatly into the narrative structure of the poem, conflict that followed, would all have had a catalytic and its wider social and political function. In evoking effect upon social and political identities in the African the ceremony which marked the final defeat of the provinces. If our principal literary sources provide Moors at the very moment of his poem when belli- only a distorted perspective on this world, the inconsist- gerent barbarians are first introduced, Corippus ency of their attempts to classify Moorish society hints at cast their hubristic revolt with a profound irony – a the sheer variety that they encountered. Corippus, as we dramatic mode which he deploys extensively have seen, defines the Moorish world in terms of lea- throughout his poem. With the imagery of the pro- ders, tribal groups and confederations, as well as falling cession vivid in their minds, Corippus’ audience back on archaic terms – Mazax Massylies, – to would certainly have appreciated this allusion. embrace the whole (Partsch 1896,21–2; Riedlberger Triumphs were a mainstay of commonplace geo- 2013,45–6). His contemporary Procopius includes graphical knowledge in the early empire, and there almost no ‘tribal’ names within his account of Africa, is good reason to think that this continued into the preferring the generic Mauroisioi to refer to barbarian early Byzantine period, but their salience was per- groups, and distinguishing among them primarily haps less straightforward than is sometimes assumed. through reference to their leaders or their points of ori- gin (Modéran 2003, 304). Corippus and Procopius – Conclusions and our other fragmentary sources from the period – Corippus’ accounts of the Moors in the Iohannis drew all reveal the fluidity of the boundaries between upon a range of different influences, political as well as ‘Moor’, ‘Roman’ and ‘African’, and describe indivi- literary. It is too simple to dismiss his descriptions of duals and populations who might identify with their African groups as well-worn stereotypes regarding local town, with the old empire or with their local the rural fringes, although he did deploy such topoi church as much as with any essentially ‘tribal’ affiliation elsewhere in his account. Nor can we regard the (compare Castronuovo 1997 with Conant 2012). Iohannis as a simple reflection of imperial ideology, Corippus’ catalogue may seem to offer a more contrasting Justinianic, Christian order with pagan secure picture of Moorish tribal identities, but this Moorish chaos, although these oppositions too are needs to be treated with caution. For more than a cen- apparent in his poetry. A full appreciation of the tury, scholars have displayed remarkable erudition in Iohannis demands a sensitive appreciation of the dif- connecting the tribal names and toponyms of ferent media with which Corippus was working, and Iohannis II to other group names preserved for us in against which his poem would be interpreted. The Ptolemy, the Arabic historiographers or the epigraphy. military triumph of John Troglita in around 548 repre- This work reveals particularly clearly the extraordinary sented a particular manifestation of imperialist ideol- longevity of some collective names, and perhaps group ogy, which Corippus was able to appropriate within identities, from the classical to the medieval period, the second book of the Iohannis. The triumphal cere- and this is certainly important. But these correspon- mony almost certainly included ethnographic and geo- dences should not be taken as evidence for a stable net- graphical details, which would have been tantalisingly work of ‘tribal’ identities, sublimated in the Roman obscure to the poet and his audience, and which could period, and resurgent thereafter. Corippus’ list is not scarcely have become common knowledge within primarily a list of tribes, but rather a jumble of leaders, Carthage in any other way. By repurposing this mater- peoples and placenames, gathered together first by the ial in the form of a Moorish order of battle, Corippus conventions of imperial triumphal display and then

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adapted to the literary requirements of an epic poem. colloquium at the University of Tübingen in November Both of these rhetorics – ceremonial and poetic – were 2018. I am grateful to Paolo Tedesco and Roland predisposed to represent the Moors in terms of mili- Steinacher for the invitation to speak, and to all of the par- tary or tribal groups bearing exotic names. This is ticipants in the congress for their helpful discussion, par- not to suggest that these lists did not bear important ticularly Corisande Fenwick, Lisa Fentress, Daniel Syrbe correspondences to certain social and political constel- and Robin Whelan. Mary Harlow read an early version lations within the African world – particularly in times of this paper and made many helpful comments. of war – but we cannot view Corippus’ as a timeless 2 School of Archaeology and Ancient History, University ethnography of the African world, or as a straightfor- of Leicester. ward reflection of its dominant social organization. 3 Throughout this paper ‘Moorish’ and ‘Berber’ are used Ultimately, Corippus cannot offer us the disinter- more or less interchangeably to refer to outsiders’ repre- ested glimpse of Moorish North Africa in the sixth sentations of North African society (both in the early medi- century that we so desperately need. But the cata- eval period and today). On contemporary terminology for logue that he does provide, shaped by the formal con- African groups, see esp. Conant 2012, 272–7; and ventions of imperial triumph, at least provides some Modéran 2008,92–4. suggestion of how the empire represented this 4 Throughout I have followed the edition of Diggle and world, in all of its social and political complexity. Goodyear (except where noted). Translations are my own. 5 Riedlberger 2013,27–34 and idem 2015 argues that Notes the name should be read as Gorippus. For clarity, the con- 1 Much of the research for this article was undertaken as ventional form is used here. a visiting fellow at the University of Sydney. I would like to 6 Modéran 2003,67–8 remarks on the relatively small thank Richard Miles, John Whitehouse and the staff at the number of named leaders, but concludes that they each led Whitehouse and Fisher libraries for their hospitality. I am different factions within the Moorish alliance. Procopius, also grateful to the Society for Libyan Studies and the Gothic Wars, IV.17.21 shows that Antalas certainly survived School of Archaeology and Ancient History at the the campaigns of 546–8. The fates of Sidifan and Autiliten University of Leicester for financial support. A version of are not known, but neither is depicted as dying in the conflict this paper was presented at the ‘North Africa 500–1000’ (and Iohannis V.270 has Sidifan killing Zudius).

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