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Introduction 6 Towards a Socialist Alliance party Introduction In the second edition of this book I have corrected a number of silly mistakes. The wrong date for the 2001 election had been inserted in the text, for example. Style has been touched-up here and there; various political formulations sharpened. Besides these minor changes, the first two chapters have, in particular, been considerably expanded both in the light of developments after the September 11 terrorist attacks in the US and in order to fully discuss the main submissions to the Socialist Alliances December 1 conference. Inevitably, many passages will become completely dated on December 2. Nevertheless the general thrust of the argument still stands. Whether it convinces, I leave up to the reader. JC October 16 2001 Towards a Socialist Alliance party 7 1. Looking beyond Without struggle there cannot be a sorting out, and without a sorting out there cannot be any successful advance, nor can there be any lasting unity (VI Lenin CW Vol 34, Moscow 1977, p53). As will soon be appreciated, I take these profound words of Lenins - written in 1900 to a party opponent, Apollinaria Yakobova - to be axi- omatic. The purpose of this short book lies not in highlighting the 80% where the Socialist Alliance purportedly agrees. Others can do that much better than I, not least the legendary journalist, Paul Foot (P Foot Why you should vote socialist London 2001). My method is unashamedly polemical. Paradoxical though it may appear, in order to achieve meaningful unity in the Socialist Alliance there must be the jarring dissonance of argument. An open, honest and, if need be, aggressive discussion on the areas where we disagree. Unity that ignores our palpable differences, unity that refuses to provide wide channels for dissent lacks inner strength and will prove worthless as soon as it is subjected to any kind of serious political test. Mine is necessarily a contribution to the Socialist Alliances debate on structure that is due to culminate at the Logan Hall membership conference on December 1 2001. But much more than that. The intention is to lift our sights far beyond those circumscribed limits. What the Socialist Alliance desperately needs is an ambitious system of practical work. A system that, stage by stage, brings about a rapproche- ment between our many and various constituent elements - both the supporting groups and the so-called independents - and which in the shortest possible timespan achieves the solid and durable unity which is only possible within a fully democratic and, equally to the point, highly effective, revolutionary organisation. Its scientific name being - Communist Party. The decisions taken on December 1 can either help or hinder the process of building a party ... and it is certainly more than a pity that comrades living in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are still excluded from taking a full part in our deliberations and decision making. The word criminal springs to mind. As we shall argue, the party that the left requires must of necessity operate against the United Kingdom state on every front (and in due course against the entire system of global capital in unison with other working class parties). The hopelessly fragmented response to the Bush-Blair war on terrorism has two main sources - sectarian obstinacy and the fact that socialists have by default allowed themselves to be separated off into England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland royalist units. Feudal tombs can only but 8 Towards a Socialist Alliance party suffocate. There is, unarguably, a single UK capitalist state. Tony Blairs government directs nuclear-tipped all-UK armed forces that are an integral part of the so-called crusade against terrorism. Exploiting the horror and outrage provoked by September 11, the very same entity is putting through a whole raft of interconnected anti-terrorist measures throughout the UK - designed to secure national unity and augment repressive powers. Equipped with a unified party, the working class can confidently coordinate decisive resistance and in time come to overpower our main enemy. By the same measure, to argue for disunity is, consciously or unconsciously, to argue for defeat. Structures may seem a dull, convoluted and altogether third rate subject. Especially to demagogues and the determinedly naive. But not to those who consciously inhabit history. Leninists inevitably recall the debate about membership criteria at the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social Democratic and Labour Party in 1903. Unexpectedly for all concerned, the Iskraists suddenly found themselves cleaved into two bitterly opposed, factions - the Bolshevik (majority) and Menshevik (minority). The earth- shattering fault line lay hidden in what at first appeared to be a minor, structural, detail - membership criteria. What sort of structures the Socialist Alliance adopts, or aspires towards, reflects our programmatic goals and will likewise materially shape the future. By taking a wrong course, or leaving things as they are, which actually amounts to the same thing, the whole Socialist Alliance project is in danger of losing all momentum. Our majority faction in England certainly seems content to have the Socialist Alliance in the rearguard and ambling along to the slow, debilitating beat of routine election contests. Yet by adopting the right structures - backed as a matter of urgency by further programmatic invigoration - the opportunity exists whereby the left can be solidly united and through successive stages built into a viable mass alternative to Labourism. When the Socialist Workers Party decided, at last, to throw its weight behind the Socialist Alliance with the June 2000 Greater London Authority elections, this gave us a vital qualitative boost in terms of resources, cadre and reach. The SWPs entry cemented the Socialist Alliance as an alliance of socialists: principally Britains main left organisations. Something, it should be stressed, the CPGB consistently advocated and tenaciously fought to achieve. There was what might be called a price to pay. Insubstantial elements fell away. However, there were in both, material and political terms, big gains. In every respect this enlargement has reoriented the Socialist Alliance towards an altogether more worthwhile destination compared to the shore hugging venture planned by the original Liaison Committee. Objectively things point towards a party - though it cannot be denied that the pro-party bloc still forms a minority. The Welsh Socialist Alliance benefited in no small measure too from the SWPs turn away from its unsplendid isolation. Numbers and political impact have grown Towards a Socialist Alliance party 9 markedly. As for Scotland, the Scottish Socialist Party gained a valuable addition when the comrades finally secured entry on May 1 2001 ... as proved by the relaunch of Scottish Socialist Voice as a 12-page weekly. Nevertheless, despite these over- whelmingly positive developments the burning question of ultimate destination, and therefore, of organisational ways and means, has been left hazy or has gone com- pletely unanswered by us collectively. The general election fixed our priorities for the first half of 2001. Since then, and from almost every quarter, there has been a dawning recognition that something must be done. Good. The Socialist Alliance has grown in leaps and bounds - above all with the 2001 general election. There were 98 candidates in England and Wales and some 57,000 votes. Many hundreds of recruits were signed up. Scores of new branches sprung into existence. Garnering trade union support is now within our grasp. Yet the structures of the Socialist Alliance act like a dead weight. Our elected officers operate as a body of rank amateurs and wield hardly a jot of authority. The absence of our top officers from London and from the platforms of our rallies over the country is notice- able. And for ongoing publicity and propaganda the Socialist Alliance is expected to rely on Socialist Worker, Weekly Worker and The Socialist. These small circulation rivals and our website. Organisationally the Socialist Alliance is an ineffectual, ramshackle, not to say Ruritanian affair. We have two national addresses. One in London, the other in Coventry. Applicants for membership can write to either of these two addresses. They then have to have their details sent to Walsall and comrade Dave Church, our membership secretary. He then informs the appropriate local Socialist Alliance, if he knows of one. Cheques, on the other hand, are posted to comrade Declan ONeil, the outgoing treasurer. The whole rigmarole takes at least a week. Micawber-like finances are as squeezed as they are precarious. Local and regional finances remain a complete mystery to our leading committees and officers. The many- tiered membership system is bizarre. You might have to join four separate times in order to take a full part. There is no single membership system. We are an officially registered political party but employ no staff. We have a national office but most aspects of the Socialist Alliance are still run from spare bedrooms. Scotland and Wales are, perversely, treated as foreign countries, in no small part owing to an inverted English chauvinism. And as long as Tommy Sheridan occasionally nods in the direction of the Socialist Alliance, nationalism is said to be a purely a Scottish and Welsh concern. Unless you are Chris Bambery! What of trade union work? Despite a rash of disputes on the London underground and the crisis-ridden rail network, the Socialist Alliance has still not taken up the CPGBs urgent call for a railworkers fraction, or the AWLs generous offer of handing over their Tubeworker bulletin. What goes for the RMT, Aslef and TSSA, applies no less to the CWU, FBU, Unison, etc. Simultaneously the six principal supporting organisations patrol the ideological seas 10 Towards a Socialist Alliance party with six rival flagship publications. Besides that they employ a posse of full time workers, and four of them run commercially viable print shops.
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