DUNHUANG MANUSCRIPT S.2585:

A TEXTUAL AND INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDY

ON EARLY MEDIEVAL CHINESE BUDDHIST MEDITATIVE TECHNIQUES

AND VISIONARY EXPERIENCES

PHRA KIATTISAK PONAMPON

QUEENS COLLEGE

SUPERVISOR: DR IMRE GALAMBOS ACADEMIC ADVISER: DR ANTONELLO PALUMBO

FACULTY OF ASIAN MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

THIS DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF IN ASIAN AND MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES 10 OCTOBER 2018

釋智譽 Phra Kiattisak Ponampon พระเกียรติศักดิ์ กิตฺติปญฺโญ (พนอำพน) (Kittipañño/Kittipanyo ) Queens’ College, University of Cambridge

word count: 23,041 words

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Declaration Form

The following declaration is required when submitting your MPhil Essay/ MPhil Dissertation/ PhD Progress Examination/ Second Year Progress Report (delete as appropriate) under the University’s regulations.

Title:

Dunhuang Manuscript S.2585: a Textual and Interdisciplinary Study

on Early Medieval Chinese Buddhist Meditative Techniques

and Visionary Experiences

This is my own work and any work by others is appropriately cited and indicated by footnotes and bibliography.

Both electronic and hard copies submitted have identical content. Electronic copies should be sent to [email protected].

Date: ______10 October 2018______

Signature: ______

Printed Name: ______Phra Kiattisak Ponampon______

Sidgwick Avenue • Cambridge • CB3 9DA • Tel: 01223 335106 • Fax: 01223 335110

3

To Honour my

4 TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... 5

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... 6

ABBREVIATIONS ...... 8

ABSTRACT ...... 9

INTRODUCTION ...... 10

CHAPTER ONE: DUNHUANG MANUSCRIPT STEIN 2585 ...... 14

CHAPTER TWO: MEDITATIVE TECHNIQUES AND EXPERIENCE IN S.2585 ...... 29

CHAPTER THREE: ANALYSIS OF AND EXPERIENCE IN S.2585 ...... 45

CONCLUSION ...... 56

APPENDIX 1: TEXTS RELATED TO THE GUAN JING ...... 58

APPENDIX 2: PHOTOS OF MANUSCRIPTS ...... 62

APPENDIX 3: BUDDHA WITHIN & ICONOGRAPHY ...... 65

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 69

5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

"Reverence, humility, contentment, gratitude, and the timely hearing of the Dhamma, the teaching of the Buddha — this is the highest blessing.

~Mahā Maṃgala Sutta~

My wholehearted respects should first be paid to the Triple Gem. My sincere respects should also be paid to the Most Venerable Phra Mongkolthepmuni (Sod Candasaro Bhikkhu), my Great , who devotes himself to the benefit of all sentient beings. Millions of people including myself have been inspired by his teachings to study meditation and dedicate ourselves to the benefit of others. My sincere gratitude should be expressed to the Grand Master Khun Yay Mahāratana Upāsikā Chandra Khonnokyoong, a Guru who established a peaceful monastery.

I would like to extend my most profound gratitude to the Most Venerable Kruba Dhammajayo, the founder of the 60th Dhammachai Education Foundation, and to the Most Venerable Luang Por Dhattajīvo who kindly teaches me the Buddhadhamma. They possess great compassion and have allowed me to pursue my higher education in the UK.

I owe a profound debt of gratitude to Most Venerable Phrasudhammayanavidesa (Sudhammo Bhikkhu), a director of the 60th Dhammachai Education Foundation, for compassionately providing me with a scholarship to study at Cambridge. I want to thank the Most Venerable Phravidesbhavanadhamma (Virocano Bhikkhu), the Most Venerable Phravidesdhammabhorn (Varapanyo Bhikkhu), Venerable Phramaha Dr Somchai Thānavuddho, Venerable Phrakru Bhavanaviriyakit (L.pee Wichit Phasukavaso), Venerable Sondhaya Suddhabho, and Saṇgha members, lay staffs, and devotees at the DISUK, DIRI members, plus Pa Sai Kasemsook Bhamornsatit, Pi Suchada Pongpan, and Apisit Uthakhamkong, for all their kind support and assistance throughout my studies at Cambridge.

I am very grateful to my excellent primary supervisor, Dr Imre Galambos, who eagerly provides me with constant support and assistance. My sincere gratitude is also extended to Dr

6 Antonello Palumbo, who tirelessly acts as my great academic advisor. I also thank Dr Elizabeth Guthrie at the University of Otago, for her advice, and Dr Jeffrey Kotyk, who has kindly edited my work and offered critical comments. I thank all the support staff and librarians at the FAMES, Queens College, and the University of Cambridge. Professor Yamabe Nobuyoshi kindly provided me with an opportunity to discuss meditative practice and experience in the FG when he was giving a talk at SOAS this year. Associate Professor Dr Eric Greene allowed me to attend a workshop at Yale University. Professor Dr Chen Jinhua, the Frogbear Project manager, gave me an opportunity to participate and present my research paper at a Winter Programme at DILA, Taiwan. I also thank Dr and Miss Mélodie Doumy, and the IDP Project, .

Furthermore, I would like to thank and reflect my appreciation to the following persons for their generosity which allowed me to carry out my research unhindered: Dr Sopon Kongtes and family, Professor Dr Tongsuang Isarangkul Na Ayudhaya, Dr Chatchai Sribundit, Miss Nitaya Jarungjit, Khun Cherd-Prapis-Patchara-Pojana Maythangkul, Miss Busadee Phusuntisumpun, Mr Charles Yeung, who provided a Glorisun Studentship, Pi Rose, Pi Fan, Pi Nok, Pa Kan, Pa Tim, Pa Sugar, and all those who have supported me during my study in the UK.

Finally, I must express my very profound gratitude to my late parents Poh Prasert and Mae Lan Ponampon, my brother and sister, and all the family and friends who have showed me their loving kindness, encouragement, and support for many years. I shall dedicate everything that I have received for the benefit of all sentient beings.

Sabbe pūrentu saṅkappā cando pannaraso yathā Mani jotiraso yathā “May all your wishes be fulfilled, as the moon on the full moon day, or as a luminous crystal sphere.”

7 ABBREVIATIONS

• AN: Aṅguttaranikāya ()

• CJ: Discourse on the Essential Secrets of Meditation (Chan mi yaofa jing 禪祕要法經); T.613

• DDB: Digital Dictionary of

• FG: Essence of the Meditation Manual Consisting of Five Gates (Wumen chanjing yaoyong fa 五門禪經要用法); T.619

• GFSJ: Sūtra on the Ocean-Like Samādhi of the Visualization of the Buddha (Guanfo sanmei hai jing 觀佛三昧海經); T.643

• GJ: Foshuo guan jing 佛説觀經; T.2914

• GSFF: The section titled “The Method of Visualising the Buddha(s) of the Ten Directions” (guan shifang fo fa 觀十方佛法) in S.2585

• MPS: Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra

• MPSd: Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra, translated by Dharmakṣema (曇無讖) (Da ban niepan jing 大般涅槃經); T.374 (XII)

• P: Pelliot chinois Collection

• S: Stein Collection

• SF : Siwei lüeyao fa 思惟略要法; T.617

• T: Taishō Canon (大正新脩大藏經)

• Vism: Path of Purification (Visudhimagga)

• YL: Yogalehrbuch

• ZJ: Zuo chan sanmei jing 坐禪三昧經; T.614

8 ABSTRACT

S.2585 is a significant Dunhuang manuscript, providing various types of Buddhist meditative techniques. Some techniques can be traced back to and , although some techniques seem to have been developed later. I argue that the vision of buddhas that accompanies single-minded contemplation of the navel as described in S.2585 may reflect the idea of a “buddha within” denoting the notions of buddha-nature and tathāgatagarbha in some contexts. I also argue that navel contemplation became an important part of practice in early .

Keywords:, buddha-nature, buddha within, buddhadhātu 佛性, buddhānusmṛti, buddha darśana 見佛, 法身, Dunhuang Manuscript, Microcosm, Foshuo guan jing 佛說 觀經, navel 齊/臍, nābhi, sanmei 念佛三昧, S.2585, meditation, , , tathāgatagarbha 如來藏, yixin guanqi 一心觀齊

9 INTRODUCTION

Introduction

The current popularity of mindfulness training in the UK and around the world may reflect that Buddhist meditation plays a significant role in cultivating mindfulness and inner peace which is beneficial not only for traditional monastic life, but also for laypeople.1 The study of early medieval Chinese Buddhist meditative techniques in this dissertation provides several significant discussions relevant not only to traditional Buddhists, but also to scholars and those who are interested in the types of meditation and the training of mindfulness described in the Dunhuang manuscripts.

The present research is based upon my previous work that was presented as an MA dissertation at SOAS.2 My research at SOAS dealt with an examination of several texts that are associated with a meditative technique that requires a practitioner to focus their mind around their navel, which subsequently leads to visionary experiences. Relevant texts include the Essence of Meditation Manual Consisting of Five Gates (Wumen chanjing yaoyong fa 五門禪 經要用法; T.619:hereafter FG), Sūtra on the Ocean-Like Samādhi of the Visualization of the Buddha (Guanfo sanmei hai jing 觀佛三昧海經; T.643), and Guan jing (觀經; T.2914; hereafter: GJ). Eric Greene states the GJ contains parallels connected to Dunhuang manuscript Stein 2585 (hereafter: S.2585), titled Foshuo guan jing ( 佛説觀經). Greene’s remarks motivated me to pursue my present research on S.2585 in this dissertation.

Dunhuang manuscripts are presently regarded as important sources for the study of religious practices, particularly in Buddhism. 3 According to Greene, meditation was an essential practice for Chinese Buddhists during the first to sixth centuries.4 During this time, Indian and Central Asian , such as , Lokakṣema, Kumārajīva, Dharmamitra,

1 For details concerning mindfulness see Eviatar Shulman, “Mindful Wisdom: The --Sutta on Mindfulness, Memory, and Liberation,” History of Religions 49, no. 4 (2010): 393–420; Tse-fu Kuan, Mindfulness in : New Approaches Through Psychology and Textual Analysis of , Chinese and Sources (Oxford: Routledge, 2008); Rupert Gethin, “On Some Definitions of Mindfulness,” Contemporary Buddhism 12, no. 01 (2011): 263–279; Paul Harrison, “Commemoration and Identification in Buddhānusmṛti,” in In the Mirror of Memory: Reflections on Mindfulness and Remembrance in Indian and , ed. Janet Gyatso (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1992), 215–238; Gethin, “On Some Definitions of Mindfulness”; “Mindful Nation UK” (Sheffield: The Mindful Initiative, October 2015). 2 Phra Kiattisak Ponampon, “Meditative Techniques and Visionary Experiences in Early Medieval Chinese ” (SOAS, University of , 2017). 3 Imre Galambos, “A Snapshot of Dunhuang Studies, circa 2016,” Orientations 47, no. 4 (June 2016): 34–38. 4 Eric M. Greene, “Meditation, Repentance, and Visionary Experience in Early Medieval Chinese Buddhism” (University of California, Berkeley, 2012), 15–30.

10 and others, translated numerous Buddhist texts on meditation into Chinese. One Buddhist meditative technique that seems to have been popular across Central Asia and during the period in question is a specific visualisation technique described in several scriptures, such as the aforementioned GJ and Essence of Meditation Manual Consisting of Five Gates, as well as the Yogalehrbuch, the Book of Zambasta,5 Abridged Essentials of Meditation (Siwei lüeyao fa 思惟畧要法; T.617),6 and S.2585.7

Research Aim My research explores, identifies and analyses meditative techniques that are represented in S.2585 in order to contribute to a better understanding of visionary experiences in early Medieval Chinese Buddhism (220–589 CE).

I will in the present research specifically examine the technique called “to single- mindedly contemplate the navel” (yixin guanqi 一心觀臍). In addition, I will also consider some of the visual evidence for meditative techniques/experience associated with this found in S.2585 and other early Medieval Chinese meditation texts.

Research Questions The issues at hand involved in the present research include the following: 1. What exactly is the meditative technique described in S.2585? 2. What are the visionary experiences associated with this technique described in S.2585? 3. Do any other texts, iconographies, and/or records from early Medieval China and Central Asia refer to this technique? 4. What conclusions, if any, can be reached concerning this technique in the context of Early Medieval Chinese Buddhism?

Research Objectives

5 Giuliana Martini, “Mahāmaitrī in a Mahāyāna Sūtra in Khotanese―Continuity and Innovation in Buddhist Meditation,” Chung-Hwa Institute of 24 (2011): 121–94; Nobuyoshi Yamabe, “The on the Ocean-like of the Visualization of the Buddha: The Interfusion of the Chinese and Indian Cultures in Central Asia as Reflected in a Fifth Century Apocryphal Sutra” (Yale University, 1999); Nobuyoshi Yamabe, “Practice of Visualization and the Visualization Sutra: An Examination of Mural Paintings at Toyok, Turfan,” Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2002, 123–52; Nobuyoshi Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals in Conjunction with Pozdneyev’s Mongolian Manual,” in From Turfan to Ajanta: Festschrift for Dieter Schlingloff on the Occasion of His Eighteeth Birthday, ed. Eli Franco and Monika Zin, vol. 2 (Rupandehi: International Research Institute, 2010), 1045–58. 6 Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals,” 1045–58; Greene, “Meditation, Repentance.” 7 Greene, “Meditation, Repentance”; CBETA 漢文大藏經, “Guan Jing 觀經, T.2914” (Online), accessed March 31, 2017, http://tripitaka.cbeta.org/T85n2914_001.

11 1. Explore early Medieval Chinese Buddhist meditation texts from the second to sixth centuries, particularly S. 2585, that focus on the qi 臍 or navel.

2. Review the secondary literature on meditation techniques related to the navel.

3. Survey secondary literature on meditation from the formative centuries of Chinese Buddhism.

4. Examine any information relating to meditative techniques related to the navel in and iconography.

Research Methods

The methodology I will employ in the present study is a combination of textual and interdisciplinary studies, including an analysis of primary and secondary sources that were circulated between the Eastern Han (東漢: 25-220) to Eastern Jin (東晉; 317-420) periods. The study of S.2585 shall be undertaken from different perspectives in order to break free from methodological limitations. An interdisciplinary approach will therefore be utilized in this dissertation. I will combine an approach comprised of Chinese philology, Buddhist Studies, codicology, and palaeography in order to scrutinise S.2585 from different perspectives.8

I will focus on texts that refer to meditation techniques that require the practitioner to single-mindedly contemplate one’s own navel at the centre of the body. I will begin by exploring and examining the Chinese texts mentioned above. In addition to the translation and analysis of these primary sources, I will also review the secondary literature on the forms of meditation practised in China during the first to sixth centuries CE. I will finally compare the meditative techniques and experiences presented in S.2585 and the notions of buddha-nature and tathāgatagarbha, as well as investigating relevant Buddhist art.

The dissertation is divided into three chapters. The first chapter surveys the historical context of Dunhuang manuscripts related to S.2585, including a textual analysis of S.2585, P.3838-3, and Дx15-2 (Cyrillic script: Dh15-2). The second chapter will examine the details of the meditative practices and the subsequent experiences that accompany them in each section of S.2585. The last chapter will provide an analysis of the meditative techniques related to navel contemplation, which is located in the section yixin guanqi, in addition to a discussion of the

8 For details concerning Interdisciplinary Studies, see William H. Newell, “A Theory of Interdisciplinary Studies,” ed. Jay Wentworth and David Sebberson, Issues in Interdisciplinary Studies 19 (2001): 1–25; Allen F. Repko, Interdisciplinary Research: Process and Theory (London: Sage Publication, 2008).

12 function of the “-body” in terms of meditative practice as it relates to the notions of buddha-nature and tathāgatagarbha.

13 CHAPTER ONE: DUNHUANG MANUSCRIPT STEIN 2585

Introduction

Dunhuang Manuscripts play an important role as Medieval Chinese sources, not only in relation to Chinese manuscript studies, but also for the study of Chinese Buddhism. Before delving into their content in the next chapter, the following philological survey of the relevant manuscripts from Dunhuang is first necessary in order to explain the difficulties faced when utilizing the sources at hand. In this chapter I will begin by exploring manuscript Or.8210/S.2585 of the Stein Collection (hereafter: S.2585). The “Stein Collection” refers to manuscripts or artefacts acquired by Marc (1862–1943), a Hungarian–British archaeologist, in northwest China during his three expeditions to Central Asia (1900–1916).9 In order to gain a better understanding of the overall context of the manuscript at hand, this chapter will be divided into two sections: the historical and textual contexts respectively.

1.1. Historical Context

Dunhuang Studies (dunhuang xue 敦煌學) is an interdisciplinary field that involves several areas such as history, religion, language, literature, manuscript, archaeology, art, and so forth, covering the areas of Dunhuang and Turfan, and other sites in Gansu, Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, and Tibet.10 The study of Dunhuang manuscripts has been progressing considerably since the end of World War II. 11 “Dunhuang Manuscripts” refer to tens of thousands of manuscripts that were discovered at the beginning of the 20th century from sealed cave number 17 in the (mogao ku 莫高窟), also known as the Thousand Buddha Grottoes (qian fo dong 千佛洞).12

In terms of the geographical context, the Mogao Caves are positioned at the foot of Mount Mingsha 鳴沙山, which is located to the southeast of the Dunhuang oasis.13 According to the

9 Xinjiang Rong, Eighteen Lectures on Dunhuang, trans. Imre Galambos, vol. 5, Brill’s Humanities in China Library (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2013), 137. 10 For details of Dunhuang Studies, see Ibid., 5:xxv. 11 Akira Fujieda, “The Tunhuang Manuscripts: A General Description Part 1,” Institute For Research In Humanities, Kyoto University 9 (1966): 1. 12 Imre Galambos, “Composite Manuscripts in Medieval China: The Case of Scroll P.3720 from Dunhuang,” in One-Volume Libraries: Composite and Multiple-Text Manuscripts, eds. Michael Friedrich and Cosima Schwarke (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2016), 356. 13 Dunhuang Caves are presently located at Gansu Province, China; also see Jonathan Tucker, The Silk Road - China and the Karakorum Highway: A Travel Companion (London; New York: I.B.Tauris, 2015), 105.

14 stele Li Jun Mogaoku fokan bei (李君莫高窟佛龕碑), the establishment of this meditative cave was the result of a vision of Lezun (樂尊), who saw a thousand Buddhas levitating above Mount Sanwei (sanwei shan 三危山).14 The establishment of the first cave by Lezun in 366 CE was not only to provide a space for meditative practice and , but also to facilitate various other functions. Later these caves turned Dunhuang into one of the significant cosmopolitan Buddhist centres along the Silk Road, particularly during the 10th century, when Dunhuang was ruled by the Cao (曹) family, who supported Buddhism.15

The manuscripts that were discovered in Cave 17 number over 50,000 in total. They are written in nearly twenty different languages and scripts, with dates ranging from the late 4th to early 11th centuries.16 Rong Xinjiang 榮新江 believes that the contents of this cave were part of the monastic library of the Sanjie Temple (sanjie si 三界寺), which is different from the hypothesis of Stein, who proposed that the cave was used as a waste dump.17 Stein’s records state that almost all material from cave 17 can be categorised into two types of bundles: 1) “Mixed bundles” or “miscellaneous bundles”, which include Sanskrit, Khotanese, and Tibetan pothi texts; Uighur and Sogdian manuscript scrolls; paintings on silk and paper, textiles, and other materials. 2) “Regular library bundles”, which contain some 1,050 Chinese fascicles, eighty packets of Tibetan fascicles, and eleven huge Tibetan pothis.18 In light of the variety of languages, it is unsurprising that Stein called this place a “polyglot library.”19

After Stein had obtained the manuscripts and artefacts, he sent them to Britain. These manuscripts are presently kept in the British Library as the Stein Collection, whereas the art objects are kept in the . The non-Chinese materials were sent to the India Office Library while the Central Asian Antiquities Museum of New Delhi were to be kept there. These arrangements were a result of him receiving funds from both the Indian Government and British Museum.20

It can be said that the second expedition of Stein was his great success. This success can be seen from the volume of the Stein Collection at the British Library, which comes mostly

14 John Lagerwey, Pengzhi Lü, and Yuqun Li, eds., “Classification, Layout, and Iconography of Buddhist Cave Temples and Monasteries,” in Early Chinese Religion: The Period of Division (220-589 Ad) (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2009), 581. 15 Tucker, The Silk Road, 105; Lagerwey, Lü, and Li, “Classification,” 581; Rong, Eighteen Lectures, 5:51–80; Valerie Hansen, The Silk Road: A New History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 222–23. 16 Galambos, “A Snapshot,” 33; Galambos, “Composite Manuscripts,” 357. 17 Xinjiang Rong and Valerie Hansen, “The Nature of the Dunhuang Library Cave and the Reasons for Its Sealing,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 11, no. 1 (1999): 248–50; Aurel Stein, Serindia, vol. 2 (London: Oxford University Press, 1921), 820. 18 Stein, Serindia, 2:814–22; Rong and Hansen, “The Nature of the Dunhuang Library Cave,” 251. 19 Stein, Serindia, 2:813. 20 Rong and Hansen, “The Nature of the Dunhuang Library Cave,” 253.

15 from his second expedition between 1906–1907.21 His first expedition, however, was carried out between 1900–1901, while his third expedition took place between 1913–1916.22 The British Library website states that the Stein collection at the British Library comprises “over 45,000 manuscripts and printed documents on paper, wood and other materials in many languages, including Chinese, Tibetan, Sanskrit, Tangut, Khotanese, Kuchean, Sogdian, Uighur, Turkic, and Mongolian.”23 The greatest number of manuscripts in the Stein Collection are written in Chinese, which altogether include 21,243 items.24 These manuscripts were later catalogued by Lionel Giles (1875–1958).25 Rong furthermore states that in 1991 the S numbers reached to S.13677.26

One of the Chinese manuscripts that has been kept in the Stein collection at the British Library is S.2585, titled Foshuo guan jing (佛說觀經; hereafter: GJ).27 It appears that there is no official historical account of this text. According to Chen Zuolong 陳祚龍, there is no record of the date, compiler or translator of this text.28 After an analysis of its content and language, Chen asserts that the GJ was possibly composed sometime between 424 and 441 CE in China.29

Yamabe Nobuyoshi regards the GJ as a “short Chinese meditation manual” which is simply titled Visualisation Manual.30 Based on the meditative techniques described therein, Yamabe divides the content of GJ into nine sections.31 Chen, however, splits the content into eight sections (see appendix 1). 32 Chen and Yamabe regard the GJ as a meditative text associated with other meditative texts that antedate it.

In light of the content of the GJ, Chen asserts that this text was composed based upon material from the Siwei lüeyao fa (思惟略要法; T.617; hereafter: SF) and the Wu men chan jing yaoyong fa (五門禪經要用法; T.619; Five Gates, hereafter: FG), which were translated into Chinese during the fifth century. 33 The Chinese translation of SF is attributed to

21 According to Fujieda, the Dunhuang Collections can divided into 7 groups: 1) the Stein collection; 2) the Pelliot Collection; 3) Peking Collection; 4) the Ōtani Collection; 5) the Leningrad Collection; 6) Manuscripts remaining at Dunhuang; and 7) Minor collection; see Fujieda, “The Tunhuang Manuscripts,” 3. 22 Ibid. 23 “IDP: British Collections,” International Dunhuang Project, accessed May 28, 2018, http://idp.bl.uk/pages/ collections_en.a4d. 24 Ibid. 25 Whereas Stein provided the manuscript number as “ch. X. 11”; see Fujieda, “The Tunhuang Manuscripts,” 3. 26 Rong, Eighteen Lectures, 5:140. 27 S.2585 is also known as Ch.81.VII.19. 28 Chen Zuolong 陳祚龍, “Kanle dunhuang gu chao ‘Foshuo guan jing’ yihou 看了敦煌古抄《佛說觀經》以 後,” Universal Gate Buddhist Journal 普門學報 55 (January 2010): 379. 29 Ibid., 380. 30 Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals,” 1053. 31 Ibid., 1054. 32 Chen Zuolong 陳祚龍, “Kanle,” 381. 33 Ibid., 380.

16 Kumārajīva (鳩摩羅什; 344–413). The title of the SF is translated by Greene as the Concise Essentials of Meditation. 34 With respect to the FG, traditional sources state that it was composed by (佛陀蜜多) (d.u.), who is said to have been the teacher of (ca. 4th to 5th century).35 It was translated into Chinese by a Gandhāran , Dharmamitra (曇摩密多; 356–442), who was active in China between 422–424.36 Charles Willemen contends that the FG was composed in Jiankang (建康)by Chinese monks, who listened to the teaching of Dharmamitra, a Mahāsāṃghika monk.37 The FG can be divided into seventeen sections. Some sections explain five different meditative techniques suitable to each kind of practitioner (wu men chan 五門禪).38 These five techniques are traced back to Indian Buddhism.39 Chen Jinhua states that these five meditative techniques are described in the meditation manuals (chan yao 禪要) attributed to (世友; b. end of the first century), Saṃgharakṣa (僧伽羅刹; fl. early second century), Upagupta (優婆毱多; c. third BCE), Saṃghasena (僧伽斯那; 400–499), Pārśva (波奢; c. second century), Aśvaghoṣa (馬鳴; c. 80– 150), and Kumāralāṭa (鳩摩邏多; c. 2nd-4th century CE).40

Scholars suspect that some content of the FG derives from the SF, the Zuo chan sanmei jing (坐禪三昧經; hereafter: ZJ) composed by Kumāralāṭa, and the so-called Yogalehrbuch (hereafter: YL) or Qïzïl text, a meditation manual. Based on the doctrinal and cosmological framework, Dieter Schlingloff believes that this text belongs to the Sarvāstivāda school.41 Lambert Schmithausen and Enomoto Fumio, conversely, assert that the YL is a work of the Mūlasarvāstivāda based on its distinctive language. 42 Scholars point out that objects of contemplation in the YL can be usually seen in the Āgama/Nikāya literature and meditation texts in both Sanskrit and Pāli traditions. 43 More specifically, the meditative principle in

34 Eric M. Greene, “Meditation, Repentance, and Visionary Experience in Early Medieval Chinese Buddhism” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2012), 64. 35 Wu men chan jing yao yongfa 五門禪經要用法 T619, T.619 (V), 325c09, Kaiyuan shijiao lu 開元釋教錄 T.2154 (LV), 622c16; Robert E. Buswell and Donald S. Lopez, The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013), 153. 36 Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 63. 37 Charles Willemen, “Remarks About the History of Sarvāstivāda Buddhism,” Rocznik Orientalistyczny, no. 1 (2014): 265–66. 38 Wu men chan jing yao yong fa 五門禪經要用法, T.619 (XV), 332c26-333a3. 39 Jinhua Chen, “Meditation Traditions in Fifth-Century Northern China: With a Special Note on a Forgotten ‘Kaśmīri’ Meditation Tradition Brought to China by Buddhabhadra (359-429),” in Buddhism Across Asia: Networks of Material, Intellectual and Cultural Exchange, vol. 1 (ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, 2014), 102–3. 40 Ibid., 103. 41 Dieter Schlingloff, Ein Buddhistisches Yogalehrbuch, vol. 7 (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1964), 10;30-33; Nobuyoshi Yamabe, “Fragments of the ‘Yogalehrbuch’ in the Pelliot Collection,” in Ein Buddhistisches Yogalehrbuch, ed. Jens-Uwe Hartmann and Hermann-Josef Röllicke, Buddhismus-Studien/Buddhist Studies (Düsseldorf: Eine Veröffentlichung des Hauses der Japanischen Kultur (EKÖ), 2006), 326. 42 Yamabe, “Fragments of the ‘Yogalehrbuch,’” 326. 43 Ibid., 326; D. Seyfort Ruegg, “On a Treatise in Sanskrit from Qïzïl,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 87, no. 2 (1967): 158–60.

17 question—which can be found in “the Mahāsatipatthānasutta (Dīghanikāya 2:290–315 [No. 22]) and the Satipatthānasutta (Majjhimanikāya 1:55–63 [No. 1.10])—corresponds to the Smṛtyupasthānasūtra (Nianchu jing 念處經) in the Madhyamāgama (Zhong ahan jing; 中阿 含 經; T1:582b–84b (No. 26 [98]).”44 The YL was originally inscribed in North Turkestan Brāhmī (Type A), a script developed in the region between Kucha and Turfan on the basis of north-western Indian scripts.45 The YL, moreover, “seem to have been copied from an earlier Indian manuscript written in Gupta script.”46 Yamabe therefore believes that the original text of YL possibly originated in India.47

The ZJ, also belonging to the Sarvāstivāda, was translated into Chinese by Kumārajīva in the fifth century.48 Yamabe, Angela Howard and Giuseppe Vignato state that the YL “shares many peculiar images with some of the Chinese meditation manuals” (which includes the GJ).49 Yamabe furthermore points out that the YL plays a remarkable role as an important “clue for studying Buddhist meditative traditions in Central Asia.”50 Accordingly, this point undoubtedly implies that several Chinese meditation manuals in early Medieval China transmitted Buddhist meditative traditions from Central Asia specifically.

The GJ provides details on various meditative techniques. The text clearly differs from the regular format of Buddhist scriptures, i.e., jing (經), which are generally regarded as sūtras, i.e., sermons attributed to the Buddha.51 The term jing may also be translated in various ways, such as book, scripture, classic, “standard text”, or sūtra.52 As noted earlier, the GJ was possibly composed as a meditation manual in China during the fifth century. The term jing in this context therefore should be regarded as “text” rather than as sūtra. Chen and Yabuki Keiki 矢吹慶輝 regard the GJ not only as a work of a dubious author, but also classify it as an apocryphal text (yiwei jing 疑偽經).53

44 Yamabe, “Fragments of the ‘Yogalehrbuch,’” 326. 45 Angela Howard and Giuseppe Vignato, Archaeological and Visual Sources of Meditation in the Ancient Monasteries of Kuča (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2014), 155. 46 Yamabe, “The Sutra on the Ocean-like Samadhi,” 63. 47 Ibid. 48 Liao Yi-hsuan 廖乙璇, “‘Zuochan sanmei jing’ chan fa janjie《坐禪三昧經》禪法簡介,” Fuyan Buddhist Studies Journal 10 (2015): 40–77. 49 Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals,” 1045; Howard and Vignato, Archaeological and Visual Sources, 115. 50 Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals,” 1045. 51 Roger J. Corless, “The Meaning of Ching (Sūtra?) In Buddhist Chinese,” Journal of Chinese Philosophy 3, no. 1 (1975): 67; DDB. 52 Ibid., 70; DDB. 53 Ibid., 379; Yabuki Keiki 矢吹慶輝, Sangaikyō no kenkyū 三階教の研究 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1927); for the notion of Chinese Buddhist apocrypha see Robert E. Buswell, “Introduction Prolegomenon to the Study of Buddhist Apocryphal Scriptures,” in Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha (Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, 1990), 1– 30.

18 1.2. The Manuscripts

With respect to the physical appearance of S.2585, it is a scroll (juan 卷), 115 cm long and 31 cm wide. The body of the scroll was glued from three sheets of light drab paper 15+50+50 cm long.54 At the beginning of the manuscript, the head title (shouti 首題) of the text was written vertically as Foshuo guan jing (佛說觀經). The words Guan shifang fo fa (觀十方佛 法) appear underneath the title. The writing style is elegant and easily legibile. The recto has 56 columns (29+27 columns). The verso has 57 columns (26+27+4 columns). The number of 27–29 columns per sheet in this manuscript matches the standard of Buddhist manuscripts that were in common circulation during the Tang and later.55 The columns in S.2585 contain different numbers of characters, ranging between 20 to 27 per column. The official standard Buddhist scroll, however, normally has 17 characters per column.56 Therefore, the number of characters per column in S.2585 appears to be non-standard. There are some mistakes and corrections, such as omitted characters inserted into the margins. The paper is damaged at the bottom of the end of the first sheet. The end title (weiti 尾題) was written in a different ink, possibly having been added later. The manuscript lacks a colophon, margin and ruled columns, which also indicates that this was not an official copy (see appendix 2).

It is interesting that some nonstandard characters (suzi 俗字), such as wu (无) and fo (仏) are used throughout S.2585. This is similar to manuscript Or.8210/S.522, which is dated to the ninth or tenth century based on the type of calligraphy.57 S.522 lacks a title, and the textual content is correlated with the worship and contemplation of the Tathāgata (mile rulai 彌勒如來).58 S.522 also ranges between 23 to 26 characters per column. Although there are ruled columns inserted into S.522 for the purpose of writing continuously straight columns of vertical text, the copyist failed to write within these columns. The margin in S.522 therefore seems to be shorter than a standard Buddhist scroll. Although the overall calligraphy has a similar style in both manuscripts, some characters, such as xin (心), nian (念), etc., are written in a different manner. It is therefore certain that these two manuscripts were not written by the

54 Its size is, however, measured by the British Library as 111.56 cm. 55 Imre Galambos, “New Incarnations of Old Texts: Traces of a Move to a New Book Form in Medieval Chinese Manuscripts,” in Takata Tokio Kyōju Taishoku Kinen Tōhōgaku Kenkyū Ronshū 高田時雄教授退職記念東方學 研究論集 (Kyoto: Rinsen shoten: Tōhōgaku kenkyū ronshū kankōkai 東方學研究論集刊行會, 2014), 373. 56 Galambos, “Composite Manuscripts,” 359; Fujieda, “The Tunhuang Manuscripts,” 16–18. 57 Imre Galambos, “Simplified Characters,” in Demystifying China: New Understandings of Chinese History, ed. Naomi Standen (Lanham; Boulder; New York; Toronto; Plymouth, UK: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013), 191–92. 58 Kasai Kayi 笠井幸代, “Uiguru bukkyō ni okeru miroku shinkō - sono kigen to hatten e no shiron ウイグル仏 教における弥勒信仰 -その起源と発展への試論,” BARC: 2014 Annual Research Report 14, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 190.

19 same person. The similar style of calligraphy in both manuscripts, conversely, suggests that both manuscripts were possibly circulated in the same region and period.

The similarity of vulgar forms in S.2585 and S.522 not only represent orthographic inconsistencies during the Tang-Song periods (seventh to twelfth centuries), but also implies that those manuscripts were probably circulated for personal use among circles of commoners during the ninth or tenth century.59

The GJ is included in the Taishō canon: number 2914 (hereafter: T.2914) was copied from S.2585, titled Foshuo guan jing (佛說觀經). The digital CBETA canon however, records a slightly different title: Guan jing (觀經), presumably as an abbreviation.60 This concise title is cited in A Concordance to the Taishō Canon and Dunhuang Buddhist Manuscripts, which identifies four versions of Guan jing (觀經; T.2914). Two copies of this text are in the Stein Collection: S.2585 and S.2585V, while another copy is located in Paris, namely Pelliot chinois 3835–3 (hereafter: P.3838–3). The other copy is in Russia: Дx15–2 (hereafter: Дx15–2).61

If we compare the three extant versions of this text, it is clear that only S.2585 contains the entire extant text of GJ. This is why it was used as the source for the typeset edition of the Taishō canon (T.2914).

P.3835–3 is written as part of a codex, comprising 91 pages. There are 17 blank pages. Some blank pages have margins and ruled columns that appear to function as spaces for further scribal remarks or notes. This suggests that P.3835 perhaps functioned as a personal copy, rather than as an official copy in a monastery. On page 20, there is a small piece of paper that was glued to the page, which possibly indicates a later correction.

This codex’s cover is made of 12.5 × 9.2 cm beige paper. P.3835 contains several esoteric Buddhist texts, dhāraṇīs and “talismans.”62 Here “talisman” (fu 符) denotes an esoteric glyph that is often used as a pragmatic means for acquiring supernatural powers.63 Copp states that

59 Imre Galambos, “Simplified Characters,” in Demystifying China: New Understandings of Chinese History, ed. Naomi Standen (Lanham; Boulder; New York; Toronto; Plymouth, UK: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013), 191–94. 60 Foshuo guan jing 佛説觀經, T.2914. 61 Fujii Kyōkō, ed., A Concordance to the Taishō Canon and Dunhuang Buddhist Manuscripts, 3 (Provisional), The Taishō Canon Concordance Series 2 (Tokyo: International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies Library, 2015), 270. 62 Those texts include Guanshiyin pusa mimi zang wu zhangai ruyixin lun tuoluoni jing 觀世音菩薩秘密藏無障 礙如意心輪陀羅尼經, Bu kong juan suo shen zhou xin jing 不空羂索神呪心經, Foshuo guan jing 佛說觀經, Miao seshen rulai zhen yan 妙色身如來眞言, Shui san shi yi ben 水散食一 本; Fo ding xin zhou 佛頂心呪, and so on. 63 On talismans, see Stephan Peter Bumbacher, Empowered Writing: Exorcistic and Apotropaic Rituals in Medieval China (St. Petersburg, FL: Three Pines Press, 2012); Christine Mollier, “Un Talisman-Dhāraṇī,” in La Fabrique Du Lisible : La Mise En Texte Des Manuscrits de La Chine Ancienne et Médiévale, ed. Drege Jean- Pierre and Moretti Costantino (Paris: Collège de France - Institut des hautes études chinoises, 2015), 273–75.

20 dhāraṇīs or incantations were an essential part of Buddhist practice in Medieval China. They were usually found in small codices.64 There are ten figures of esoteric on the first, second, and third pages. Some pages contain red dots, which mark the beginning of a paragraph. Moreover, there is another mark that is written as a red dot that represents punctuation, which was likely made by the reader/s.65 The critical questions here include the following. What can we infer from the fact that talismans were included in the same manuscript containing a meditation manual? What does this tell us about meditative practice from the perspective of the people present when the manuscript was produced, i.e., those who produced or owned it? These questions call for further research. Page 69 includes an example of a talisman dhāraṇī associated with the supernatural power of Amitābha Buddha.

There is no record explaining why some contents of GJ were included in this codex. We can assume that talismans and meditative instructions had similar functions in the practice of the manuscript readers.66 It is unfortunate that the extant content of the GJ in P.3835–3 is incomplete. It contains only four pages that show parallels with S.2585 (between columns 1– 16). Each page has seven columns, and each column has 13–15 characters. The characters are legible and written in black ink. There are several characters that were created under Empress Wu (690–705), such as tian (�), di (埊), ren (�), ri ( ), and yue ( ), in P.3835, yet two colophons indicate that this codex was copied in the year 978, and not during the time of Empress Wu.67

Дx15–2 is also written as a codex, but the extant text is incomplete. It contains only six pages of the original text, which shows parallels with S.2585 (columns 46–74). The text provides details on the “meditation on white bones” (baigu guan 白骨觀). Each page has 7 ruled columns, and each column contains between 13–15 legible characters. The manuscript includes margins, and some corners are rounded, as is typical in codices. There are several crude corrections, which suggests that this codex was not carefully produced. Furthermore, the codex contains several texts which were written by different hands. The calligraphy is mediocre, and the writing was not carefully executed, since missing characters are crudely written along

64 Paul Copp, The Body Incantatory: Spells and the Ritual Imagination in Medieval Chinese Buddhism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014), 3. 65 Peter Francis Kornicki, Languages, Scripts, and Chinese Texts in East Asia (Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press, 2018), 157. 66 The association between talismans and meditative instructions is found in several Buddho-Taoist texts studied in Christine Mollier, Buddhism and Face to Face: Scripture, Ritual, and Iconographic Exchange in Medieval China (Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, 2008). 67 On this issue see Jean-Pierre Drège, “Les Caractères de l’impératrice Dans Les Manuscrits de Dunhuang et Turfan,” Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient 73, no. 1 (1984): 339–54; Michel Soymié, Catalogue Des Manuscrits Chinois de Touen-Houang: Fonds Pelliot Chinois de La Bibliothèque Nationale, vol. IV (Paris: Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, 1991), 321–23; Rong, Eighteen Lectures, 5:495.

21 the side. It moreover was written with a stylus or hard pen (yingbi 硬筆), rather than a brush. The widespread use of a hard pen commenced at the beginning of Tibetan period (786), and was common for the following period, up to the closing of the library cave.68 Rong asserts that “the latest date found on any of the Dunhuang manuscripts is 1002,” and soon later the library of Sanjie monastery was sealed to protect the materials from the invading Islamic Karakhanids in 1006.69 The use of codices seems to have first appeared during the tenth century, hence Дx15–2 can be roughly dated to the tenth century. 70

1.3. Textual Analysis

The following section addresses two concerns with respect to the text: 1) character forms and 2) correction marks.

1.3.1. Character Forms

Studying the character forms of Dunhuang manuscripts not only provides benefits to understanding the function of texts, but also to identify the dates of manuscripts.71 Yan Yuansun (顏元孫; 668–732) categorised the characters that were commonly used during his time into three groups: su (俗; “popular”), tong (通; “common”), and zheng (正; “standard”).72

In modern usage, the term suzi (俗字)denotes a “non-standard character form that is found in Medieval manuscripts and dictionaries.”73 As is generally known, most Dunhuang texts were produced as handwritten manuscripts. Hence, a great variety of non-standard and vulgar characters were used in these manuscripts, particularly the works of popular literature and secular documents.74

An example of a suzi character that can be found in S.2585 is the character 仏, which is a variant of 佛. Both these characters are found in S.2585, specifically in columns 83, 84, 87,

68 Imre Galambos, “Non-Chinese Influences in Medieval Chinese Manuscript Culture,” in Frontiers and Boundaries: Encounters on China’s Margins, ed. Zsombor Rajkai and Ildikó Bellér-Hann (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2012), 74. 69 Sam van Schaik and Imre Galambos, Manuscripts and Travellers: The Sino-Tibetan Documents of a Tenth- Century Buddhist Pilgrim (Berlin; Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2012), 26. 70 Ibid., 18. 71 Imre Galambos, “Dunhuang Characters and the Dating of Manuscripts,” in The Silk Road: Trade, Travel, War and Faith, ed. Susan Whitfield and Ursula Sims-Williams (Chicago: Serindia, 2004), 72. 72 Ibid., 76. 73 Imre Galambos, “Popular Character Forms (Súzì) and Semantic Compound (Huìyì) Characters in Medieval Chinese Manuscripts,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 131, no. 3 (2011): 395. 74 Rong, Eighteen Lectures, 5:396.

22 and 88, in which the character is written as 仏, but in most of this manuscript, it is usually written as 佛. Another example of a non-standard character is the character 無, which is written as 无 in column 79, but in the rest of the manuscript as 無. The character 尒 (爾) in column 17 is one of the popular forms found among Dunhuang vernacular characters (Dunhuang suzi pu 敦煌俗字譜) during the Tang–Song periods.75 A written form of character dang (當) in column 82 is another example which is similar to the written form in S.6203, dated to 776.76

Yet another example is the character guan ( , 觀), which is used throughout S.2585. This character had been commonly used in Dunhuang manuscripts. This inconsistent use of characters and the common use of the popular characters in S.2585 reflect that this manuscript was not officially produced or circulated by a government or royal court.

1.3.2. Corrective Annotations

Although traditional copies of Buddhist sūtras were produced as practically identical copies of an original source in order to “preserve the integrity of the text,” it was inevitable that scribal errors would occur.77 S.2585 also contains several mistakes which were corrected in the margins. According to Galambos, there are at least five common types of mistakes and corrections that can be found: 1) omitted characters; 2) wrong characters; 3) reversed characters; 4) redundant characters; and 5) combinations of marks.78

There are two basic kinds of insertion for the omitted characters when a scribe or a proofreader noticed something amiss: 1) in-column; and 2) on the side.79 There are 11 omitted characters in S.2585 that were all inserted to the side. These insertions can be respectively seen for the characters 想, 然, 名, 若, 觀齊, 入, 興, 骨, 云, 生, and 心 in columns 6, 15, 20, 24, 28, 45, 83, 94, 102, and 105 respectively.

75 “Er 尒,” Dictionary of Chinese Character Variants 異體字字典 (Taipei: Ministry of Education, Taiwan, 2006), http://dict.variants.moe.edu.tw/variants/rbt/word_attribute.rbt?quote_code=QTAyNDc3LTAwMg#17. 76 Galambos, “Dunhuang Characters,” 78. 77 Imre Galambos, “Correction Marks in the Dunhuang Manuscripts,” in Studies in Chinese Manuscripts: From the Warring States Period to the 20th Century, ed. Imre Galambos, Monographs in East Asian Studies (Budapest: Institute of East Asian Studies, Eötvös Loránd University, 2013), 192. 78 Ibid., 194–208. 79 Ibid., 194–95.

23

A. B.

Figure 1: Types of insertion of omitted characters on the side in S.2585.

Omitted characters in S. 2585 are often visibly inserted on the right side. This technique is usually utilized when there is a lack of space to insert the character within the vertical string of characters. The small omitted character therefore could be written on the right side between the preceding and following characters. 80 For example, in figure 1A the character 想 is inserted between the character 觀 and 東. If multiple characters were omitted, such as in figure 1B, then more than one would be inserted: the characters 觀齊 are inserted on the right between the characters 齊 and 不.

According to Galambos, when incorrect characters were found in manuscripts from Dunhuang, there were five ways of correcting them: 1) writing over the wrong character, 2) scratching out the wrong character, 3) crossing out the wrong character, 4) colouring out the wrong character, and 5) adding corrections on paper slips.81 One example of writing over the incorrect character in S.2585 can be seen in figure 2A below, which shows the character 扣 in column 105. Figure 2B shows the crossing out of incorrect characters in Дx15–2.

A. B.

S.2585 Дx15–2

Figure 2: Writing over the wrong character.

80 Ibid., 195–96. 81 Ibid., 197–203.

24

“Reversed characters” refers to the reversal of two sequential characters. This common mistake in Medieval manuscripts was rectified by writing the character レ or 乙 on the right side between the reversed characters. It can therefore be seen that there are four reversed characters in S.2585, which were rectified by placing the mark レ on the right side between them. For example, in column 12, the reversed characters that are rectified in this manner, showing that 外内 should be read as 内外.

A. B.

Figure 3: Reversed characters with the rectifying mark レ.

The two last common corrective marks deal with redundant characters or a combination of marks. In the case of S.2585, some incorrect characters are also found together. For example, figure 4A shows an instance of writing over the incorrect character 有 (column 107, S.2585). Figure 4B shows an instance of painting over with a dye of an incorrect character after the character 於 and before 平, which is marked on the right side with the mark 卜. Signifying the deletion of a redundant character (column 19, S.2585). There are additionally several marks that are used for indicating redundant characters in Dunhuang manuscripts, such as one, three or four dots placed on the right side of the redundant character.82

82 Ibid., 205.

25

A. B.

S.2585 S.2585

Figure 4: Writing over a character and the painting over with a dye of an incorrect character.

1.4. Textual Analysis

Having looked at manuscripts of the GJ, we should now turn to an analysis of issues related to the textual transmission of the GJ. In order to trace the textual transmission, we might rely on the work of Yamabe and Chen, who analyse the textual content of the GJ. Their analyses reveal some clues that we might use in this dissertation to trace the development of meditative techniques in Central Asian and Chinese meditation manuals that Yamabe points out were once popular in Central Asia.83

Based upon the described meditative techniques, Yamabe divides the textual content of GJ into nine sections: 1) The visualisation of the Buddha in ten directions (guan shi fang fo fa 觀 十方佛法), 2) the Five Gates of meditative essence (Zuochan zhi yao fa you wu men 坐禪之要 法有五門), 3) the samādhi of calling the Buddha to mind (nianfo sanmei 念佛三昧), 4) the visualisation of white bones (baigu guan 白骨觀), 5) the samādhi of visualising the Buddha (guanfo sanmei 觀佛三昧), 6) the visualisation of the Buddha’s physical body (shengshen guan 生身觀), 7) the visualisation of the Dharma-body (fashen guan 法身觀), 8) the visualisation of the Amitāyus Buddha (wuliangshoufo jing 無量壽佛觀), and 9) the contemplation on the reality of (guan zhu fa shi xiang 觀諸法實相).84 Conversely, Chen divides the content into eight sections, which excludes the section of the samādhi of calling the Buddha to mind.85 Yamabe points out that section two and section three of the GJ seem to be derived from the

83 Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals,” 1046. 84 Ibid., 1054. 85 Chen Zuolong 陳祚龍, “Kanle,” 381.

26 section two of FG, which he divides it into seventeen sections.86 Chen, conversely, considers sections two and three in Yamabe’s classification as the consecutive section, which Chen regards as section two, called the “Five Gates of Meditative Essence” (坐禪之要法有五門).87 This is the reason why Chen divides the GJ into 8 sections, not 9 as Yamabe does (see appendix 1).

After my close comparative examination between the FG and the GJ, it seems that the hypothesis of Yamabe is reasonable. It is clear that the content of section three in the GJ shares most of the details found in section two of the FG. Yamabe calls this section “the samādhi of calling the Buddha to mind” (nianfo sanmei 念佛三昧).

There is another point that should be noted here regarding to the title of the FG. According to section two in the GJ, the text begins with the title Wu men chan yao jing (五門禪要經), rather than Wu men chan jing yao yong fa (五門禪經要用法).88 According to Chen, traditional sources such as the Lidai sanbao ji (歷代三寶紀) compiled in 598 by Fei Zhangfang (費長房), and the Kaiyuan shijiao lu (開元釋教錄), which was compiled by Zhisheng (智昇) in 730, state that there are two volumes of translation of the FG: the first one was translated by the Parthian monk named An Shigao (安世高; fl. c. 148–180), who translated the title as Wu men chan yao yong fa jing (currently lost); the other one was translated by Dharmamitra with the title Wu men chan jing yao yong fa. Zhisheng furthermore states that although these two versions of the FG were translated at different times, they possibly share the same original source.89

Summary

In this chapter I have explored the GJ, which was copied in three Dunhuang manuscripts (S.2585, P.3838-3, and Дx15-2). Among three manuscripts, S.2585 plays an exclusive role as the only extant manuscript from Dunhuang that was the base text for the typeset version in the Taishō canon (T.2914), where its title was abbreviated to Guan jing. The historical context

86 Yamabe compares section two in the T.2914 to parallel line 1460a5-11. Section 3 parallels line 1460a11-b29; see Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals,” 1054. 87 Chen Zuolong 陳祚龍, “Kanle,” 381. 88 See S.2585, column 10; also see T.2914 (LXXXV), 1460a05. 89 Chen Zuolong 陳祚龍, “Kanle,” 385; “Lidai sanbao ji 歴代三寶紀 T.2034” (Tokyo, July 30, 2013), l. T.2034(XLIX) 51c10, The SAT Daizōkyō Text Database; Zhisheng 智昇, “Kaiyuan shijiao lu 開元釋教錄,” l. T.2154(LV) 641b03-641b07; Phra Kiattisak Ponampon, “Mission, Meditation and Miracles: An Shigao in Chinese Tradition” (University of Otago, 2014).

27 provides some significant clues related to the GJ, such as the possibility that it was composed in China during the fifth century as a meditation manual.

The physical appearances of S.2585, P.3838-3, and Дx15-2 aid us in understanding various historical and functional features behind the manuscripts. For example, although the calligraphy of S.2585 is elegant, it contains many suzi or non-standard characters plus corrections, which suggests that it was undoubtedly circulated for private use, rather than being used for an official purpose. Moreover, the style of calligraphy in S.2585 is quite like that of S.522. This assists in our dating of the manuscript. These manuscripts were likely circulated in the same region during the ninth to tenth centuries.

The numerous correction marks, and the appearance of non-standard characters, which are found in P.3838-3 and Дx15-2, also indicate that these manuscripts were copied for private use. It is fortunate that the colophon in P.3838-3 clearly provides evidence of the manuscript’s circulation, which is dated to the tenth century. In the case of Дx15-2, although there is no colophon to be found, the use of yingbi or hard pen, and the codex style of the manuscript imply a date of the tenth century.

Based on this philological survey, although the GJ was compiled in the fifth century as a meditation manual, the text seems to have been popular for centuries. I argue that the three Dunhuang manuscripts discussed above (S.2585, P.3838-3, and Дx15-2) constitute examples that would suggest such texts were circulated during the tenth century as practical guides for meditation, rather than constituting doctrinal texts.

In the next chapter I will survey the content of each section in S.2585 to better understand the meditative techniques that were widely practiced in the Medieval period in China.

28 CHAPTER TWO: MEDITATIVE TECHNIQUES AND EXPERIENCE IN S.2585

Introduction

As discussed in the previous chapter, S.2585 (i.e., GJ) is regarded by scholars as a “meditation manual” that deals with several kinds of meditative techniques. This chapter will examine the details of these practices and the subsequent experiences that accompany them in each section of S.2585. The examination of the content in each section will allow us to understand the orientation of meditative techniques and experiences which shaped Chinese Buddhism during the Medieval period. Early Chinese Buddhist meditation, I will argue, was actually comprised of both non-Mahāyāna and Mahāyāna elements.90

2.1. Meditative Techniques and Experience

In order to get a better understanding of the meditative techniques and experience in S.2585, it is necessary to explore each section separately. We will therefore survey sections one to nine.

It should be first noted that the word guan (觀) is translated by scholars in different ways. For example, Yamabe always translated it into English as “to visualise.”91 Greene, however, prefers to render it as “to contemplate.” 92 This study, however, uses both translations,

90 According to Jonathan Silk, the term Mahāyāna originated later than the rise of the Mahāyāna movement itself, which was established during the early Common Era. This was a reformist movement that stressed the ideal or the collective salvation of all sentient beings, rather than just “working for one’s own benefit”, which is sometime criticised as selfish in Mahāyāna literature. The term “non-Mahāyāna” in this context refers to early sectarian schools such as Sarvāstivāda, Theravāda, and so on, which emerged around the third century BCE. These are connected by modern scholars to categories such as Sectarian Buddhism, Nikāya Buddhism, Conservative Buddhism, and more recently, Mainstream Buddhism. see John S. Strong, Buddhisms: An Introduction (London: Oneworld Publications, 2015), 205; Jonathan A. Silk, “What, If Anything, Is Mahāyāna Buddhism? Problems of Definitions and Classifications,” Numen 49, no. 4 (2002): 356; Paul Williams, ed., Buddhism: The Origins and Nature of Mahāyāna Buddhism ; Some Mahāyāna Religious Topics (London; New York: Routledge, 2005); Paul Williams, Mahāyāna Buddhism: The Doctrinal Foundations, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2009); Bhikkhu Anālayo and Bhikkhu Nynatusita himi, “The Evolution of Bodhisattva Concept in Early Buddhist Canonical Literature,” in The Bodhisattva Ideal: Essays on the Emergence of (Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society, 2013). 91 Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals,” 1054. 92 Eric M. Greene, “Visions and Visualizations: In Fifth-Century Chinese Buddhism and Nineteenth-Century Experimental Psychology,” History of Religions 55, no. 3 (January 26, 2016): 289–328.

29 depending on the contexts. For example, the term “to visualise” would specifically refer to a meditative technique that requires a systematic process of building up an “eidetic” mental visual imagery, such as visualising a buddha image. 93 The term “to contemplate” would be contextualised as a meditative technique that does not require such a process, but just merely requires observing the meditative object, such as contemplating the navel. The term contemplate may also signify observation of elaborate imagery, which is descriptive rather than prescriptive.94 In some contexts, “to contemplate” is interchangeable with “to concentrate”.

As discussed in chapter one above, scholars have identified the GJ as a meditation manual. The work not only provides details explaining how to contemplate the mind via each technique, but it also functions as a pedagogical manual for the meditation master.

Although the text is divided into nine sections, most of them deal with meditative techniques associated with the Buddha, such as the visualisation on the buddhas95 of the ten directions, visualisation on the physical body of the Buddha, visualisation on the Dharma-body (dharmakāya) of the Buddha, and so forth.

2.1.1. The Method of Visualising the Buddha(s) of the Ten Directions 觀十方佛法

This section concentrates on the meditative technique of visualising the buddhas of the ten directions (觀十方佛法; hereafter: GSFF). The content in this section is similar to the section shifang zhu fo guan fa (十方諸佛觀法) in the SF, and is called guan shifang zhufo fa (觀十方 諸佛法) in the FG.96 This visualisation technique, however, was first transmitted to China via a Mahāyāna text, the Banzhou sanmei jing (般舟三昧經; Pratyutpanna Samādhi Sūtra). This text was translated by Lokakṣema (支婁迦讖; fl. 168–185) during the second century.97

The text initially states that visualisation begins through mindfully visualising (念觀) great clear radiance, within which appears a buddha who is cross-legged and preaching the Dharma in the eastern direction. One is to use [one’s own] to lucidly observe the major and minor characteristics of the Buddha. One visualises the object in the mind without any external distractions. After the mind becomes tranquil, the mind may be able to see a

93 Ibid., 291–94. 94 Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 13–14. 95 I use the lower case for the word buddha(s) when it does not refer to a specific person. Capitalised “Buddha” refers to the specific person or figure, such as Śākyamuni Buddha. 96 S.2585 columns 1-10; T.617 (XV)299c03-299c18; T.619 (XV)327c02-327c16. 97Paul Harrison, trans., The Pratyutpanna Samādhi Sūtra (Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 1998).

30 hundred, or thousand, or innumerable buddhas.98 This specific column shows that the capacity for such visions not only depends upon mental focus, but also that a state of mental detachment from external phenomena is also important.

The text moreover explains meditative experiences in which “the figures of the buddhas may transform and expand, moving from nearby to distant, but, seeing the Buddha, the practitioner will remain in a state of constant luminosity.”

There is another phrase that indicates that for those whose mind becomes tranquil, a vision of the buddhas (jian fo 見佛; Skt. Buddha darśana) of the ten directions, who are presently preaching the dharma, will occur in the midst of a meditative (Skt. samāpatti).99 The last significant issue is previous karma, which plays a conditional role, in that it may hinder a vision of the Buddha. The text however, provides a solution for this obstacle by suggesting that the practitioner must perform a period of repentance (chanhui 懺悔) six times every day and night.100 Thus, the function of ritual repentance can be understood as a means to purify the practitioner’s karma. This subsequently leads to an advancement in visualisation.101

Although repentance constitutes a significant type of liturgy that is usually practiced within the Mahāyāna tradition, it is not restricted to Mahāyāna. It can also be found in a text that Greene regards as “Hīnayāna in orientation”, namely the Discourse on the Essential Secrets of Meditation (Chan mi yaofa jing 禪祕要法經; T.613; hereafter CJ).102 The function of liturgical practice of repentance in the CJ allows purification of previous karma. It then aids the practitioner in attaining the visual experience of seeing the Buddha or buddhas.103

The notion of visualisation on the buddhas of the ten directions, nevertheless, cannot be found in any of the Āgamas (Ahan jing 阿含經).104 We might consider whether or not the meditative technique of the GSFF is Mahāyāna in orientation. It is not necessarily the case that something not attested in the Āgamas is by definition Mahāyāna. This is a matter for further research.

98 S.2585, columns 2-5. 99 It should be noted that the terms and quotations which are rendered in this essay are mainly Sanskrit, but there is a preference for Pāli when using the specific terms that have been cited from the original sources. 100 當一日一夜六時懺悔 (S.2585); for a discussion of repentance see Greene, “Meditation, Repentance.” 101 B.C. Williams, “Seeing through Images: Reconstructing Buddhist Meditative Visualization Practice in Sixth- Century Northeastern China,” Pacific World Journal, 3, 7 (2005): 52. 102 Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 82. 103 Chan mi yaofa jing 禪祕要法經; T.613(XV) 256a22-256b14. 104 CBETA online.

31 2.1.2. The Five Gates of Meditative Essence 坐禪之要法有五門

This is a short section that mainly introduces five pairs of meditative approaches (五門) and an antidote (duizhi 對治; pratipakṣa) based upon individual temperaments.105 This section in the GJ is clearly adapted from the FG. There is no content from the Five Gates in the SF. These five sets are comprised of the following: 1.) ānāpānasmṛti: “” (anban 安般) meant for those who struggle with excessive thinking (vitarka), 2.) aśubhā: “repulsiveness” (bujing 不淨) for those beset by lust (rāga), 3.) mettā / maitrī: “loving kindness” (cixin 慈心) is a solution for those with aversion (dosa), 4.) pratītyasamutpāda: “contemplation on causation” (guanyuan 觀縁) for those who possess self-attachment or a strong ego (), and 5.) buddhānusmṛti: “the recollection of the Buddha” (nianfo 念佛) is a solution for those lacking mindfulness or focus.106

According to Greene, these five gates are alternatively known as wu ting xin (五停心), i.e., the “five methods for concentrating the mind” which have no Indic parallel.107 Zhao Wen, however, states that the five gates can be compared to some parts in the YL.108 The Theravāda tradition, however, categorizes humans into six temperaments or principle characters (Pāli: carita) similar to the five gates, i.e. rāga, dosa, moha, vitarka, except saddhā and ñāṇa/buddhi.109

2.1.3. The Samādhi of Recollection of the Buddha 念佛三昧110

This section, Samādhi of Buddhānusmṛti or the recollection of the Buddha Samādhi (nianfo sanmei 念佛三昧), is the longest section within the GJ. It is assumed that the term

105 Zhao Wen 趙文, “Handi wumen chan yu zhongya chutu fanyu chanjing zhong de nianfo 漢地五門禪與中亞 出土 梵語禪經中的念佛,” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Studies 18 (2017): 117. 106 坐禪法要五門。一者安般。二者不淨。三慈心。四觀緣。五念佛。安般不淨二門。觀緣此三門。有內 外境界。念佛慈心緣外境界。所以五門者隨眾生病。若亂心多者教以安般。若貪受多者教以不淨。瞋恚 多者教以慈心。若著我多教以因緣。若不沒心者教以念佛。(S.2585, columns 10-14). All punctuation for the rest of dissertation is based upon the CBETA text. Also see Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 44; Zhao Wen 趙 文, “Handi wumen,” 117. 107 Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 44. 108 Zhao Wen 趙文, “Handi wumen,” 121–25. 109 “Mogharājamāṇavapucchāniddesa” (Online), accessed June 27, 2018, https://suttacentral.net/cnd19 /pli/ms; , The Path of Serenity and Insight: An Explanation of the Buddhist Jhānas (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1992), 22–23. 110 This section parallels columns 14 and 47 in S.2585; and the T.2914(LXXXV)1460a11-b29.

32 nianfo sanmei is translated from Sanskrit Buddhānusmṛti-samādhi.111 As mentioned before, Yamabe identifies this section as possibly deriving from section 2 of the FG. After a close examination of the whole section, I found that the content in both texts share many similarities, including the textual form, which can be regarded as a pedagogical dialogue between a meditation master and a student. This style of textual composition can be alternatively considered as that of a meditation manual. Therefore, I agree that the content in the section 3 in the GJ is derived from section 2 in the FG.

Yamabe’s study reveals that the meditative experience of “mystical vision” in the YL shares parallels with “meditation manuals” (chan jing 禪經) and the six so-called “visualisation sūtras” (liu guan jing 六觀經) that were circulated during the fifth century.112 Eight meditation manuals are mentioned by Yamabe. who explains that the meditation manuals feature a textual format comprised of Hīnayāna meditation practices, i.e., “orthodox Sarvāstivāda,” while the visualisation texts largely follow a Mahāyāna framework.113

Based upon the text in this section, it is interesting that the meditative technique of nianfo sanmei gives notable to the technique called “single-minded contemplation” (yixin 一 心). The term yixin is not found in the other sections of the GJ, except in the section of nianfo sanmei, which mentions this term three times. According to the Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, the term yixin means “to unify the mind.” It has a parallel to the Sanskrit term eka-, which denotes a “fixedness of thought on one single object.”114 In , such as the

111 Yamabe, “The Sutra on the Ocean-like Samadhi,” 11–12. 112 The six visualisation texts include: 1) Guanfo sanmei hai jing 觀佛三昧海經 (Sūtra on the Ocean-Like Samādhi of the Visualisation of the Buddha), T.643, translation attributed to Buddhabhadra, early 5th CE; 2) Guan mile pusa shangsheng doushuaitian jing 觀彌勒菩薩上生兜率天經 (Sūtra on the Visualisation of Maitreya Bodhisattva Being Reborn in Tuṣita Heaven), T.452, translated by Juqu Jingsheng, ca. 440; 3) Guan puxian pusa xing fa jing 觀普賢菩薩行法經 (Sūtra on the Method of Practice for the Visualisation of Bodhisattva), T.277, translated by Dharmamitra, ca. 430–440 CE; 4) Guan xukongzang pusa jing 觀虛空藏菩薩 經 (Sūtra on the Visualisation of Akāśagarbha Bodhisattva), T.409, translated by Dharmamitra, ca. 430–440 CE; 5) Guan yaowang yaoshang er pusa jing 觀藥王藥上二菩薩經 (Sūtra on the Visualisation of the Two Bhaiṣajyarāja and Bhaiṣajyasamudgata), T.1161, translated by Kālayaśas; 6) Guan wuliang shou jing 觀無量壽經 (Sūtra on the Visualisation of Amitāyus), T.365, translated by Kālayaśas, mid-5th CE. Yamabe, “Fragments of the ‘Yogalehrbuch,’” 40–41; 326–27. 113According to Yamabe, the “meditation manuals” include: 1) The Yogalehrbuch; 2) Damoduoluo chan jing 達 摩多羅禪經 (The Yogācārabhūmi of Buddhasena), T.618, translated by Kumārajīva; 3) Zuo chan sanmei jing 坐 禪三昧經 (A manual on the Samādhi of sitting meditation), T.614; 4) Chan fa yao jie 禪法要解 (The Essential Explanation of the methods of meditation), T.616, translated by Kumārajīva; 5) Siwei lüeyao fa 思惟略要法 (The Abridged Essence of meditation), T.617, translated by Kumārajīva; 6) Wumen chanjing yaoyong fa 五門禪淨要 用法 (The Essence of the Meditation Manual consisting of Five Gates), T.619, translated by Dharmamitra; 7) Chan mi yaofa jing 禪秘要法經 (A manual of the secret Essentials of meditation), T.613; 8) Zhi chanbing mi yaofa 治禪病秘要法 (The secret Essential Methods to Cure the Diseases Caused by meditation), T.620, translated by Juqu Jingsheng; see Yamabe, “The Sutra on the Ocean-like Samadhi,” 59–60; 102; Yamabe, “Fragments of the ‘Yogalehrbuch,’” 326. 114 DDB.

33 Theravāda tradition, the unification of the mind (Pāli: ekaggatā-citta) is a significant component of the five factors (Pāli: jhānaṅga) required for attaining the four form absorptions (rūpa-jhāna).115

In other words, the attainment of the rūpa-jhāna is the result of mental purification from the (Pāli: pañca nīvaraṇāni) that enables attainment of further meditative stages and experiences.116 This is the reason why a unification of the mind (yixin) was required in meditation traditions of early Buddhism.

After exploring the meditative technique associated with yixin throughout the GJ, it is astonishing that this term is mentioned only three times, and all of them are located in the section nianfo sanmei. This shows that the notion of yixin in this section is possibly adapted from the early Buddhist school. From the content in this section, the notion of yixin can be applied to various objects. In terms of nianfo sanmei, the practitioner can expand the technique of yixin into three contexts: 1) to single-mindedly visualise the Buddha (yixin guanfo 一心觀 佛); 2) to single-mindedly recollect the Buddha (yixin nianfo 一心念佛); and 3) to single- mindedly contemplate the navel (yixin guanqi 一心觀齊).

2.1.3.1. To Single-Mindedly Visualise the Buddha 一心觀佛

The first meditative technique of the nianfo sanmei details how to single-mindedly visualise the Buddha (yixin guanfo 一心觀佛). It begins by suggesting that the practitioner visualises the Buddha’s characteristics. These are as follows:

觀佛相好， 了了分別，已然後閉目憶念在心。若明了即開目，極 心觀之明了，然後還坐，正身意係念117，如前如對真佛。明了無異， 即白師云：「係念見佛無異」。(S.2585, columns 15–17)

Visualise each part of the buddha’s characteristics clearly. Once you are able to do this, next close your eyes and recall [the buddha image] in your

115 The five factors will be occurred for those who attains the first jhāna comprised of directed thought (vitaka), evaluation (vicāra), rapture (pīti), pleasure (), singleness of mind (ekaggatā); see , trans., “Anupada Sutta: One After Another (MN 111)” (Access to Insight), accessed July 7, 2018, https://www.accesstoinsight.org/tipitaka/mn/mn.111. than.html. 116 Lance S. Cousins, “Buddhist Jhāna: Its Nature and Attainment According to the Pāli Sources,” Religion 3, no. 2 (1973), 116–18. 117 The term xinian (係念) denotes “to think of, “ to fix the mind”, cittaṃ prerayeyuḥ ; see DDB.

34 mind. If it is clear, then open your eyes, and once you can visualise it clearly with all your focus, return to your seat. Sit upright and fix your mind on [the figure], as if you were right in front of a real buddha. When it is perfectly clear and there are no distractions, report to your master, “I have fixed my mind and I see the Buddha without distraction.”118

It is clear that the primary and secondary marks of the Buddhaʼs body function as the objects of visualisation. The term guanfo (觀佛) may refer to a visualisation of the Buddha’s image, as well as his physical and dharma-bodies in some contexts.119 These techniques would deal with both the external image of the Buddha (guan xiang 觀像) and the internally directed exercise of visualisation (guan xiang 觀想).120 If we apply this theory of guanfo to the above quotation, the phrase 觀佛相好 can be considered in reference to the external image of the Buddha. This technique begins with generating a Buddha image (fo xiang 佛像) as the object of visualisation (guan 觀). One then closes the eyes and visualises (guan xiang 觀想) that Buddha image. This process, as described in S.2585, is called yinian zai xin (憶念在心), which means to recall (the buddha image] in the mind. It is equivalent to the Sanskrit term smṛti.121 The text also mentions that the visualisation of the buddha image should be generated as clear as possible whether the eyes are opened or closed. The goal of this visualisation is a vision of the Buddha, which indicates that the practitioner be able to see nothing other than a real buddha. Then the practitioner reports his visual experience to the master.

2.1.3.2. To Single-Mindedly Recall the Buddha 一心念佛

To single-mindedly recall the Buddha (yixin nianfo 一心念佛) is the second meditative technique that is included in the nianfo sanmei. The Chinese term nianfo originated from a Sanskrit term buddhānusmṛti, which is variously translated into English as “recalling,” “recollection,” “remembrance,” “commemoration of the buddha,” or “meditation on the

118 S. 2585, columns 14-17. 119 “The Sutra on the Ocean-like Samadhi of the Visualisation of the Buddha: The Interfusion of the Chinese and Indian Cultures in Central Asia as Reflected in a Fifth Century Apocryphal Sutra” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1999), 182–84; Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 226. 120 Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 98, 266, 235; Jennifer Eichman, A Late Sixteenth-Century Chinese Buddhist Fellowship: Spiritual Ambitions, Intellectual Debates, and Epistolary Connections (BRILL, 2016), 244–47; Xiaofei Tian, “Seeing with the Mind’s Eye: The Eastern Jin Discourse of Visualization and Imagination,” Asia Major, 3, 18, no. 2 (January 1, 2005): 68. 121 The term yinian 憶念 also denotes to memorisation, recalling; recollection (Skt. *smṛ; Tib. dran pa); recollection, mindfulness (Skt. smṛti), keeping in mind, the mental function of recalling the past; see DDB.

35 buddha.” 122 Legittimo asserts that Buddhist traditions have handed down (at least) three different types of the buddhānusmṛti; the qualities of a/the Buddha(s), the Buddha’s title / epithets, and the Buddha’s (physical) marks.”123

In terms of textual form, the details of meditative technique of yixin nianfo were also written as a pedagogical dialogue between the meditation master and the practitioner, which extends from the nianfo sanmei. The content begins with the master instructing the practitioner as follows:

師言：「汝還本坐，係念額上，一心念佛」。爾時額上有佛像相。從一至十 乃至無邊。

The master says, “Return to your seat, then fix your mind at the forehead and single- mindedly recall the buddha. At that time, there are the buddhas’ images at the forehead, from which the signs (xiang 相; Sanskrit: nimitta) emerge from one to ten to the limitless.

From the above quotation, the practitioner’s forehead is regarded as a locus for fixing the mind while recalling the images of the buddhas. After the mind is fixed, the practitioner is able to gain a visual experience of the buddhas’ images emerging from his forehead.

The text also explains that the meditative experience of seeing the Buddha reveals which soteriological path the practitioner cultivates. If the practitioner sees “the distance travelled by the stream of buddhas emerge from the forehead,” then, as Greene suggests, this is the “divinatory aspect” which determines the practitioner’s appropriate yāna. 124 In this case, the practitioner is determined to be an adherent of Mahāyāna.125 The text also states that the buddhas who have returned possess a golden colour.126 The practitioner should visualise oneself to be bright and pure like a mirror.127 These are the confirmatory visions (jingjie 境界) of the nianfo sanmei.128 After attaining this vision, the practitioner is advised to report to the master. This

122 Harrison, “Commemoration,” 227. 123 Elsa Legittimo, “Buddhānusmṛti between Worship and Meditation: Early Currents of the Chinese Ekottarika- Āgama,” Asiatische Studien 66, no. 2 (2012): 339. 124 Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 70. 125 若行人所見多佛。從額上出者。若去身乃遠而還者乃見大乘人也。三乘人所出佛. The content in this paragraph seems to be partly adapted from the FG. It describes three kinds of practitioners: 1) śrāvaka (shengwen ren 聲聞人); 2) pratyekabuddha-yānika (bizhifo ren 辟支佛人); the last one is the mahā-yānika (dacheng ren 大 乘人). The term san cheng 三乘 in the GJ refers to the third vehicle, which denotes the people who follow the bodhisattva path. 126 還近身作地金色; S.2585, column 19. 127 觀己身明淨如地; S.2585, column 20. 128 此名念佛三昧境界; S.2585, column 20.

36 meditative technique is listed as the first entryway of contemplation.129 The text also describes other visual experiences (jian 見), in which the practitioner sees something, such as the Buddha holding a crystal sword, which emerges from the practitioner’s mind. There are also visions of a halo, the Buddha emerging from the practitioner’s pore, and then expanding throughout the four oceans (i.e., the world), the light that shines back to the practitioner’s body, and so on. The practitioner is advised to relay these visual experiences to the master.130

2.1.3.3. To Single-Mindedly Contemplate the Navel 一心觀齊.

This part deals with instructions on a meditative practice called yixin guanqi (一心觀齊). This phrase is translated by Greene as “to single-mindedly contemplate the navel.”131

As already mentioned, this part of the GJ is taken from the FG. The content in the GJ therefore looks almost identical to that of the FG. In the FG, the text is constructed as a pedagogical dialogue between a meditation master and a practitioner.132 This dialogue can be divided into four parts: 1) The master’s instruction; 2) The practitioner follows the master’s instruction (guan 觀); 3) The meditative experience that the practitioner has seen (jian 見); 4) the reflection on the meditative experience. The sample dialogue that can be divided into four sections reads as follows:

1. The master’s instruction:

復令捨前二觀。係心在齊。

[The master] must further instruct [him]: “Abandon the previous two kinds of visualisation.133 Concentrate your mind at your navel.”

2. The practitioner follows the master’s instruction (guan 觀):

即一心觀齊

[Having received the master’s instructions, the practitioner] then single- mindedly contemplates his navel.

129 此名初門觀也; S.2585, column 21. 130 S.2585, columns 17-27. 131 Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 71. 132 This pedagogical style of dialogue between the master and practitioner appears throughout the FG; see Wumen chanjing yaoyong fa, T.619 (XV), 326a14–26. 133 It refers to the nianfo sanmei and yixin nianfo.

37 3. The meditative vision that the practitioner witnesses (jian 見):

觀齊不久覺齊有動相。諦視134不亂。見齊有物。如鷹卵。其色鮮 白。

Having contemplated his navel for a short time, he feels something moving inside [his] navel. He carefully looks at it, undistracted. He sees that there is something inside the navel, like a heron’s egg, white in colour.

4. Reflection on the meditative experience

即再白師。

He goes and speaks to the master again.135

The format of pedagogical dialogue in this section is displayed as it appears in the FG, which Green calls “the master-disciple dialogue format.”136

Another interesting point in the section yixin guanqi is that although the practitioner does not visualise the Buddha at the beginning, the visual experience after contemplating the navel leads the practitioner to attain a vision of the buddhas. The section begins with the instructions of the master, who suggests that the practitioner fix his mind at the navel. After fixing the mind as the master has instructed, the practitioner gains visions of the buddhas emerging from his navel, expanding throughout the world. The image of buddhas then returns to the navel of the practitioner. The success of this practice enables the practitioner to attain the fourth dhyāna.

It seems the phrase yixin guanqi had never been used in a Chinese Buddhist text before the fifth century. The earliest Chinese text to use this expression is the Wu men chan jing yao yongfa (T.619; FG) from the fifth century. Qi 齊 within the term guanqi is often with the character 臍, as it is used in the Chan mi yao fa jing (禪祕要法經; T613), which was translated into Chinese in 402–412 by Kumārajīva.

As discussed earlier, scholars have noted that the content of the GJ is derived from the SF. I carried out a survey of the YL and found that the GJ and YL clearly share some specific visions, particularly the visual experience related to the navel. In the YL, the navel (nābhī) is mentioned

134 T.2914: read guan 觀. 135 Adapted from a translation by Greene 2012, 71–72. 136 Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 104.

38 about forty times in various sections.137 Some examples: in section 4 (Skandhaparīkṣā; YL 134V5), there is the phrase “in the navel of all buddhas” (sarvabuddhānāṃ nābhiṣu). Section 8 (Karuṇā; YL 152R3) reads, “… and finally, all knowable objects return and stop at the navel” (ante ca sarvaṃ nābhyāṃ jñeyaṃ nirudhya). Section 11a (buddhānusmṛti; YL 165R) states, “Finally, the knowledge object returns and stops at the navel. This is called the awakening.”138 The navel played a significant role in a non-Mahāyāna text, i.e., the YL, which possibly influenced the GJ as well.

2.1.4. Visualisation of White Bones 白骨觀

The content of this section in the GJ is almost identical—except the first sentence that is summarised from the SF or FG—with the visualisation of white bones in the SF and the FG.

The text prescribes a method of visualisation. Firstly, the practitioner begins to visualise the skin, muscle, and veins as deteriorated. He then visualises the bones which are white in colour. The master provides some examples of white objects, such as milk or a pearl. One of the significant issues in this section is the sign of accomplishment, which indicates that the practitioner’s mind has become tranquil. This sign is validated when the white bones are continuously seen while the practitioner is walking, standing, sitting, and lying down. The bones are seen clearly as if looking at one’s face in clear water.

2.1.5. The Samādhi of Visualising the Buddha 觀佛三昧

The content in this section of the GJ matches approximately 75% of the FG, rather than the SF. Some sentences, such as 當至心念佛 in the FG, can be found in the GJ as well, but not in the SF.139It is likely that this section in the GJ is possibly copied and adapted from the FG.

This section praises the Buddha as the King of Dharma, who is able to instruct the people to gain various kinds of good Dharma. The meditative practitioner should therefore first recollect the Buddha. This is beneficial for halting the fruition of negative karma. The text suggests the practitioner should visualise the Buddha’s image before visualising the Buddha’s

137 Jens-Uwe Hartmann and Hermann-Josef Röllicke, eds., Ein Buddhistisches Yogalehrbuch, trans. Dieter Schlingloff, Buddhismus-Studien/Buddhist Studies (Düsseldorf: Eine Veröffentlichung des Hauses der Japanischen Kultur (EKÖ), 2006), 217. 138 ante nābhyāṃ nirudhyate jñeyam iti vyutthānam; see Ibid., 176. 139 S.2585, columns 68-69; T.619 (XV)327a23-24.

39 physical body. There is an interesting statement that reads, “If someone recalls to mind the Buddha, the Buddha will also recall that person.” 140 The previous sentence implies that communication between a person and the Buddha can occur. The text also specifies a benefit to recollecting the Buddha. One who is “recalling the Buddha” is not defeated by negative dharmas/factors. The Buddha does not reside in the world, hence how to “recollect” him? The text suggests that the practitioner gaze upon the Buddha’s image as if seeing the real person. The concentration begins with the visualisation of the Buddha’s head protuberance (uṣṇiṣa), a spiral dot at the forehead (ūrṇā), and then down to the legs. The visualisation then goes from the legs to the protuberance on the frontal crown. One clearly observes the Buddha with oneʼs own eyes before returning to a quiet place. One then closes the eyes, concentrating the mind on the visualised object, without any distraction.

This section does not display any specific Mahāyāna orientation.

2.1.6. Visualisation of the Buddha’s Physical Body 生身觀

The paragraph layout of the section titled shengshen guan (生身觀) and fashen guan (法 身觀) in the GJ is similar to that of the FG, which is included in the section titled guanfo sanmei (觀佛三昧). The content of this section in the SF is conversely separated from another section, which is titled shengshen guan. This meditative technique of visualisation of the Buddha’s physical body includes visualisation of the physical Buddha as if he was sitting under the in order to preach the , or as if the Buddha was staying at Vulture Peak, projecting great radiance while preaching the Prajñāpāramitā. It should be noted that the Prajñāpāramitā is a type of Mahāyāna literature which originated in central or southern India around 100 BCE.141 The essence teaching of the Prajñāpāramitā is the nondual realisation of of all phenomena (dharma śūnyatā) which was developed by Nāgārjuna the founder of Mādhyamika school which is affiliated to Mahāyāna tradition. 142 Hence, the term Prajñāpāramitā is a key point that implies that this meditative technique was possibly adapted from a Mahāyāna tradition.

The text furthermore suggests that the practitioner should concentrate his thoughts within his mind, without external distraction. He should attain mental stability. Thereupon he sees the

140 人若念佛，佛亦念人 ; S.2585 column 58. 141 Williams, Mahāyāna Buddhism, 47–48. 142 For the teaching of the Prajñāpāramitā see Edward Conze, The Large Sutra on Perfect Wisdom: With the Divisions of the (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985); John J. Makransky, Embodied: Sources of Controversy in India and Tibet (New York: SUNY Press, 1997), 109.

40 Buddha, and the joy penetrates his whole body, which brings him to attain the four constituents of the second dhyāna (aṅga–catuṣṭaya): sustained fixing the mind on the object, joy, bliss, and single-mindedness. As a metaphor of those who arrive at this tranquil stage, it is said that there is nothing in the world more joyful than the dharma-body.143

2.1.7. Contemplation of the Dharma-Body 法身觀

The content in this section is also similar to the content in the section on fashen guan of the FG and SF. Some contents at the end in the GJ seem to differ from the FG and SF.144 This section in the GJ states, “… after the practitioner has seen the physical body of the Buddha in space.”145 The practitioner then contemplates the dharma-body within the physical body. The GJ moreover states that the dharma-body is comprised of five qualities: 1) the ten powers (Skt. daśa-balāni); 2) four types of fearlessness (Skt. catur-vaiśāradya, catvāri vaiśāradyāni); 3) eighteen distinctive cognitive functions utilized by the Buddha (Skt. daśa avenika buddha dharmah, aṣṭādaśâveṇika-buddha-dharma); 4) great compassion (Skt. mahā-karuṇā); and 5) uncountable good dharmas.146 It should be noted that the description of the dharma-body as an abstract quality is normally also found in non-Mahāyāna sources, such as the Nikāyas and Divyāvadāna.147

In order to clearly explain the dharma-body as the internal body that exists within the physical body, the text later provides a simile: like a pearl located within a jar. The dharma- body is marvellous reality. There is no other marvellous wisdom beyond the dharma-body. The dharma-body is neither afar nor near, neither difficult nor easy, etc. These paradoxical expressions imply that the dharma-body should be understood as the notion of the middle way that transcends duality.148

143 The end the sentence of this section reads, “There is nothing in the world more joyful than the dharma-body” (世間之樂無已喩法身). This sentence in the GJ is, however, partly copied from the section 生身觀法 in the SF. The last sentence of this section in the SF reads, “There is nothing in the world more joyful than this” 世間之樂 無以爲喩也. Thus, the punctuation in the last sentence of this section in the GJ is obviously mistaken. The character 法身 should be moved to be the title of the next section (法身觀). 144 S.2585, columns 76-90; T.617 (XV) 299b09-299c02; T.619 (XV) 327b09-327c01. 145 已於空中見佛生身; S.2585,column 77. 146 DDB. 147 Nalinaksha Dutt, “The Doctrine of Kaya in and Mahayana,” The Indian Historical Quarterly 5, no. 3 (1929): 527–28. 148 Malcolm David Eckel, To See the Buddha: A Philosopher’s Quest for the Meaning of Emptiness (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 168; David Seyfort Ruegg, “Buddha-Nature, Mind and the Problem of Gradualism in a Comparative Perspective,” On the Reception of Buddhism in India and Tibet, 1989, 24.

41 2.1.8. Visualisation of Amitāyus Buddha 無量壽佛觀

This section explains the visualisation of Amitāyus Buddha. The content in this section is clearly adapted from the section titled guan wuliangshou fo fa (觀無量壽佛法) in the SF.149 Although the content in the GJ is identical, it does, however, share semantic similarities, and is moreover more concise.

In Chinese Buddhist sources, the name of Amitāyus Buddha is first mentioned in a Mahāyāna text, the Pratyutpanna Sūtra.150 The concept of Amitāyus Buddha is in itself an expression of Mahāyāna doctrine, since it presupposes the Mahāyānist idea of multiple Buddhas of the present presiding over their buddha-fields.151 There is, however, no Amitāyus Buddha in the Āgamas. This point undoubtedly suggests that this meditative technique originated from a Mahāyāna source.

The text states that those who possess dull faculties should initially visualise one’s own bones until they witness the body having changed to a beryl-body that is bright and clear. They then let sunlight project from the centre of the beryl body. Within the light they visualise Amitāyus Buddha. The body of this Buddha then projects great radiance, etc. The benefit of this meditative technique not only allows the practitioner to be able to see the Buddha, but is also suitable for those who wish to be reborn in the .

2.1.9. Contemplation on the True Characteristic of the Dharmas 觀諸法實相

There is no content from this section found in the FG. This section in the GJ is, however, derived from the second half of the section titled zhufa shixiang guan fa (諸法實相觀法) in the SF. 152 The contemplation on the true characteristic of the dharmas is the last section of meditative techniques in S.2585. The content begins with the statement that all phenomena in the world are illusory like a dream which lacks any real nature. The distorted nature, however, gives rise to afflictions brought about by karmic retribution. The practitioner should understand the nature of imperfection in the world. He then cultivates patience and endurance. The text also suggests contemplating the related notion of emptiness (atyanta-śūnyatā), and the great compassion for sentient beings. The practitioner should also dedicate their so that they may all achieve in the Pure Land of Amitāyus. The notion of “Amitāyus’ Buddha-realm”

149 T.617 (XV) 299c19-300a09. 150 Williams, Mahāyāna Buddhism, 212. 151 Ibid., 215. 152 S.2585 columns 102-112; T.617 (XV)300b09-300b23.

42 clearly shows that this section is of a Mahāyāna orientation, usually found in the “visualisation texts.”

Summary

In this chapter, I have examined the meditative techniques in each section of S.2585. The entire content of the GJ was adapted from different sources. Most of the content in the GJ is adapted directly from the FG, which is also almost identical to the SF, while the last two sections are only adapted from the SF. Only a few sentences, however, are adapted or summarized from the original sources. Due to the similarity of contents between the SF and the FG, Tōdō Kyōshun and Tsukinowa argue that the SF is an excerpt from the FG. Yamabe conversely contends that the SF possesses a more logical structural order in comparison to the FG. He also argues that FG is an excerpt from the SF, a point with which I also agree.153 The content in the GJ moreover shows a hybridisation between non-Mahāyāna—possibly Sarvāstivāda— and Mahāyāna ideas. I therefore argue that the GJ can be regarded as “a manual of hybrid meditative techniques” derived from non-Mahāyāna and Mahāyāna traditions, Visualisation Sūtras and Meditation Manuals. This hybrid style was possibly influenced from a Central Asian meditation manual, specifically the YL.

I also argue that the GJ seems to be a pragmatic text incorporating meditative techniques from both non-Mahāyāna and Mahāyāna sources.154 Some techniques, such as the content in the Five Gates of Meditative Essence, can be traced back to the Sarvāstivādin tradition. Some other techniques, such as the visualisation of Amitāyus Buddha, and the visualisation of the Buddha’s physical body, and the contemplation on the true characteristic of the dharmas, are all Mahāyāna in origin. The acceptance and combination of diverse traditions implies that Early Chinese Buddhist meditation was clearly comprised of techniques from multiple sources, both non-Mahāyāna and Mahāyāna.

The meditative technique dealing with the samādhi of calling the Buddha to mind (nianfo sanmei) in the GJ was regarded, at least by the GJ author, as a significant practice, taken from the FG and inserted into the GJ. When taking a closer look at the FG and GJ, it is intriguing that the technique in question in both texts uses the phrase yixin guanqi (一心觀齊), which is related to the meditative experience of the Buddha emerging from the navel of the practitioner.

153 Yamabe, “The Sutra on the Ocean-like Samadhi,” 86. 154 The idea of incorporating meditative techniques from both non-Mahāyāna and Mahāyāna sources in the meditation manuals of the fifth century is also discussed in the work of Yamabe; see Ibid., 112.

43 These experiences bring to mind some questions concerning the notion of the buddha within, the Buddha-nature, and the dharma-body, which will be discussed in the next chapter.

44 CHAPTER THREE: ANALYSIS OF MEDITATION AND EXPERIENCE IN S.2585

Introduction

After examining meditative techniques and experiences in chapter two, there are some questions to address, such as why the meditative technique of navel contemplation (yixin guanqi) is regarded as part of “the Samādhi of Calling the Buddha to Mind” (nianfo sanmei). My second question is to what extent the dharma-body plays a role in such practice, as described in the section titled “visualisation of the dharma-body” (fashen guan 法身觀). This chapter therefore concentrates on the analysis of meditative techniques related to these two questions.

3.1. Navel Contemplation and the Visual Experience of Seeing Buddhas

From the previous chapter, it is clear that the navel contemplation (guanqi 觀齊) is a significant meditative technique mentioned in the section of nianfo sanmei in S.2585.155 The text places the term guanqi after the term yixin (一心觀齊), which indicates that the practitioner is to be instructed to contemplate the navel by unifying/fixing the mind there, whereupon they will see something inside the navel, such as a heron’s egg, white in colour, or something else.156 The question is why the practitioner is instructed to fix the mind around the qi. This question can be solved by looking at the following text:

師云 ：汝更視在處。乃觀已，有蓮華，琉璃爲莖，黄金爲臺。

The master says: “You look further at that locus.” [The practitioner] contemplates [as the master instructed], then sees that there is a lotus flower, with a crystal stem, and a golden centre platform-bud.157

The above quotation clearly states that the master regards the qi as a locus (chu 處) where the practitioner should apply their focus. As I have already discussed earlier, the idea of navel contemplation (guanqi) can also be found in contemporary Chinese Buddhist texts that circulated during the fifth century, specifically the CJ. The CJ employs navel contemplation with the meditative practice of bodily mindfulness (guanshen 觀身), which is associated with

155 It should be noted that the GJ in CBETA writes qi as 臍; see CBETA 漢文大藏經, “Guan Jing 觀經, T.2914.” 156 係心在齊。即一心觀齊; S.2585 column 28. 157 This translation is adapted from a partial translation by Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 72.

45 the contemplation of fire and water elements.158 The CJ moreover states that the success of this contemplation can lead the practitioner to attain the second noble stage, i.e., becoming a sakṛdāgāmin (situohan 斯陀含).159

The idea of navel contemplation associated with the notion of bodily mindfulness was furthermore popular during the sixth century. This influence can be seen from the text titled (摩訶止觀; “The Great Calming and Contemplation”), which states, “With respect to the four bases of mindfulness, contemplation of the navel is able to facilitate bodily mindfulness (shen nian chu 身念處).” 160

Navel contemplation, moreover, can be found in the Path of Purification (Visudhimagga; hereafter: Vism), a Theravādin treatise composed by Buddhaghoṣa, who was affiliated with Mahāvihāra monastery during the fifth century. The Vism’s section on the “bloated body” (uddhumāta) contemplation projects a “landscape” onto the body in two directions, that is, down from the navel as the lower direction, and up from it as the upper direction. It can be alternatively said, therefore, that the navel is regarded by Buddhaghoṣa as the “middle point” or “middle locus” between upper and lower directions on the body.161 The Vism additionally states that “the navel is the beginning of the wind issuing out, the heart is its middle and the nose-tip is its end. The nose-tip is the beginning of the wind entering in, the heart is its middle and the navel is its end” (Vism VIII, 273). These accounts therefore clearly show that Vism not only regards the navel as a significant bodily locus (ṭhāna) for contemplation on the breath (ānāpānasati), but also that it is important for the contemplation of the body (kāyagatāsati).162

Furthermore, the significant role of navel can be seen in esoteric Theravāda, i.e., the Yogāvacara tradition. This tradition identifies the navel (nābhī) as the significant bodily locus not only for visualising the “crystal globe” in order to attain nibbāna through the approach of the dhamma-body, but the 84,000 components of dhamma are also found in the navel.163

158 Chan mi yao fa jing 禪祕要法經; T.613 (XV), 262b08-b13. 159 Ibid., 262b14. 160 This text was compiled by the disciples of the scholar-monk 智顗 (538–597) on the basis of lectures that the master had delivered in 594. 若四念處觀臍能成身念處門; see Mohe Zhiguan 摩訶止觀 T. 1911 (XLVI), 108a20-1, 161 Buddhaghoṣa, The Path of Purification: , trans. Bhikkhu Ñāṇamoli (Colombo: Buddhist Publication Society, 1991), 174. 162Ibid., 273. 163 I. Charles Harris, Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2008), 100–101; T. W. Rhys Davids, The Yogavacara’s Manual of Indian as Practiced by Buddhists (Whitefish: Kessinger Publishing LLC, 2010), 100–101; H. Kate Crosby, “Tantric : A Bibliographic Essay on the Writings of Francois Bizot and Others on the Yogavacara Tradition,” Contemporary Buddhism 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2000): 141–98; H. Kate Crosby, “History versus Modern Myth: The Abhayagirivihara, the

46 The above accounts from different Buddhist traditions can be accordingly regarded as examples reflecting the idea that the navel is to be seen as a bodily locus (chu) to which the practitioner should apply their focus in order to produce visions of buddhas. This is alternatively called buddhānusmṛti.

3.1.1. Mystical Visions

The visual experiences described in the section yixin guanqi contain several “mystical visions”.164 Here we will analyse the role that the mystical visions play. In order to do this, we shall begin by exploring the whole text as follows.

臺上有佛，結跏趺坐。第一佛如齊中，165 復有蓮華，上復有佛，結跏趺坐。如 是展轉相出，乃至大海邊。末後一佛還入第二佛齊，第二佛還入第三佛齊，如 是展轉還入，乃至人齊。佛令爲一一佛人(入)166，行人齊中已。行人自諸毛孔 之迴出蓮華，滿虚空中，如垂寶瓔珞。如是出生諸蓮花，盡入齊。行人乃身體 柔軟輕悦。167自見己身明淨如雜寶色。即以白師。(S.2585, columns 27-32)

On the platform is a buddha, seated in a cross-legged posture. From within [this] first buddha’s navel another lotus flower emerges, atop which there is another buddha sitting in cross-legged posture. This continues, until the sign [of buddhas emerging from the navels of other buddhas] expands until the edge of the great ocean. After the end, the first buddha re-enters the second buddha’s navel, the second buddha re-enters the third buddha’s navel, and so forth back to the practitioner’s navel. The buddha consecutively enter, one by one, into the practitioner’s navel. From the pores of the practitioner whirling lotus flowers emerge and fill the space just as a hanging jewelled necklace. The lotus flowers that emerged this way all enter the navel. [At that time] the practitioner’s body feels relaxed, soft, light, and pleasant. The practitioner sees himself as bright and pure as

Vimuttimagga and Yogavacara Meditation,” Journal of Indian Philosophy 27, no. 6 (December 1999): 503; H. Kate Crosby, “Studies in the Medieval of Sri Lanka with Special Reference to the Esoteric Yogavacara Tradition” (University of Oxford (United Kingdom), 1999). 164 I follow the term “mystical vision” after Yamabe. The “mystical version” is interchangeable with a “peculiar vision” which can be attained as an internal visionary experience (jian 見) beyond the perception of physical eyes. According to , there are different types of eyes in Buddhism: the physical eyes; divine eyes; wisdom eyes; universal eyes; Dhamma eyes; and Buddha eyes. It is unfortunate that the GJ does not mention what type of eyes the practitioner uses to perceive a mystical vision. This is a topic for future research. See Yamabe, “Fragments of the ‘Yogalehrbuch,’” 326; Bhikkhu Bodhi, trans., The Suttanipata: An Ancient Collection of the Buddha’s Discourses Together with Its Commentaries (Somerville, MA: Wisdom Publications, 2017), 395; 1341. 165 The character ru 如 is omitted in T.2914 (GJ) and the T.619 (FG). This character is therefore likely a typographical error. 166 T.619: reads ru 入. Therefore, I shall read this as 入, rather than 人. 167 T.619: it is punctuated in the Taishō Canon as 柔軟輕悅。

47 if having colours of various jewel. The practitioner then tells everything to the master.

師云：大善！成定相也。 復令有觀齊中，即見頂有五瑞相。觀已見有一佛，有

光中 跏趺坐，更觀佛有物，即見佛口中種種蓮華出，出已遍滿大地，更觀168 五光中佛。見齊中五師子出，已食出蓮華。已還入五色光中。佛齊中師子入已 五光，及佛即入此頂名師子奮迅三昧定相也。

The master says, “That is great! You have attained the marks of meditative absorption.” Then he tells him to look further in his navel. The practitioner then sees five auspicious signs atop the head. After contemplating the [five auspicious signs], he sees a buddha who is sitting in lotus posture amidst radiance. [He] further contemplates that the buddha has something [on him]. [Having contemplated that, the practitioner] sees numerous lotus flowers emerge from the buddha’s mouth. Having appeared, they fill heaven and earth, and the [practitioner] further contemplates the buddha inside the five radiances. He sees five lions emerge within the [buddha’s] navel. Then [the five lions] eat the already emerged lotus flowers. [The five lions] return to enter within the five coloured radiances. The lions within the buddha’s navel enter those five radiances. The buddha directly enters into the head, which is called a sign of “lion-like” strenuous absorption.

行人觀光入佛身，已行人作金色。已見齊中有物，如日月明淨，見已白師。師 云：言更觀。即見佛。於腋下及腰中出凡四佛，乃出已一一佛放無量日光，日 光明淨。因日光見四天下色，上至有頂，下至風際，總皆明了，如見掌中，無 所罣礙，名爲清淨解脱也。 若見此已還見四佛，從出處如入。入已復見焔光， 前入後出，後入前出，左出右入，右出左入。如是竟見自身明淨，及水四邊圓 滿淨光。名爲念佛三昧，在四禪境界也。

The practitioner contemplates a light entering the buddha’s body which makes the practitioner’s body become golden in colour. He sees something bright and pure within the navel, akin to the Sun and the Moon. Having seen this, he then informs the master. The master says, “Look further.” [Having looked], the [practitioner] then sees the buddhas. A total of four buddhas emerge from the armpits and from within the waist. Having emerged, thereupon each buddha then projects immeasurable sunlight. This sunlight is bright and clear. Because of the sunlight, [his] vision reaches up to the four form realms; up to the highest level [of the form

168 The term guan in this context should be translated as “contemplate” or “observe” rather than “visualise”, since the five radiances (五光) describe the elaborate imagery which the practitioner has already witnessed.

48 realm] and down to the bottom of the wind-wheel.169 All of them are distinctively clear as if looking at the palm of one’s hand, without any obstruction.170 This is also called “pure liberation.”171 If [the practitioner] has seen those [signs] return, he will then see four buddhas enter the locus from where they have emerged. After [the buddhas] have entered [into that locus], he then sees a brilliant light. If it enters in the front, it will then emerge from the back; if it enters in the back, then it emerges from the front. If it emerges from the left, then it enters from the right; if it emerges from the right, then it enters from the left. Like this, he finally sees his own body as bright and clear, until [it is like] water, which has on all four sides perfectly pure light. This is called “the Samādhi of Calling the Buddha to Mind” at which one dwells in the realm of the fourth dhyāna.

The text explains that after the practitioner contemplates the navel, having seen the crystal lotus and platform-bud at the navel, there are several signs (nimitta 相) of buddhas that emerge from the navel of the practitioner and other buddhas. After comparing the techniques and experiences in the section yixin guanfo and this section (yixin guanqi), which are both connected to nianfo sanmei or the “Samādhi of Buddhānusmṛti,” I found that the visual experience of the buddhas in this section is clearly different. The vision (jian) of buddhas in the section yixin guanfo is a consequence of the visualisation/contemplation (guan) of the buddha’s physical body. The vision of the buddhas emerging from the navel in this section lacks any prerequisite of contemplating the buddhas. This account affirms that although the “Samādhi of Buddhānusmṛti” usually requires the practitioner to visualise (guan) the buddha’s body, this is not consistently the case, nor always necessary. 172 The vision of buddhas following contemplation of the navel in this section can be regarded as the meditative technique of Buddhānusmṛti which enables a visual connection between the practitioner and the buddhas.

It should be noted that the GJ is not the only text describing the visual figures of the buddhas emerging from the practitioner’s navel (ren qi 人齊/臍) and the buddha’s navel (fo qi

169 According to Karashima, the term si tian xia (四天下) normally refers to the four realms under heaven, i.e., a world consisting of four continents. The term si tian xia se (四天下色) in this context, I propose, refers to the four levels of the form realm (se jie 色界; rūpadhātu), which is related to the notion of four dhyānas (si chan 四禪). The term feng ji 風際 refers to the bottom part of the wind wheel, which signifies the lowest part of the cosmos in . See DDB. 170 There are various types of visions in Buddhism, one of which is a “climatic seeing”, which is seeing so clearly or vividly as if one were gazing at an amalaka (Indian gooseberry; Phyllanthus emblica) on the palm of one’s hand. See Elvin W. Jones, Mahāyāna Buddhist Meditation: Theory and Practice (New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1991), 152. 171 There are eight kinds of liberation in the Mahāyāna tradition. The pure liberation (qingjing jietuo 清淨解脱 śubha-vimokṣa) ranks as the third level. This liberation is a concentration on purity to realize a permanent state of freedom from all desires. The above three levels correspond to the four dhyānas. See DDB. 172 Paul Harrison, “Buddhānusmṛti in the Pratyutpanna-Buddha-Saṃmukhāvasthita-Samādhi-Sūtra,” Journal of Indian Philosophy 6, no. 1 (1978): 37; Legittimo, “Buddhānusmṛti between Worship and Meditation: Early Currents of the Chinese Ekottarika-Āgama,” 338.

49 佛齊/臍). They can also be found in various Buddhist meditation texts such as the YL, CJ, GFSJ, etc. Some examples of mystical visions can be found in the GFSJ, such as the vision of numerous crystal lotus and immeasurable light in the navel of buddhas, the vision of buddhas of the ten directions.173 These mystical visions confirm that navel contemplation not only facilitates visions of buddhas, but also enables seeing mystical lights and other mystical sights.

The GJ assigns not only the navel as a locus of entry into mystical visions. The internal body is also mentioned, specifically “under the armpits and within the waist” (於腋下及腰中), which is the locus from which four buddhas, bright as sunlight, emerge. The vision of immeasurable sunlight allows the practitioner’s vision to reach to the four form realms (因日光 見四天下色), which functions as a key point, since this not only represents a visual capability that depends upon the quality of such light, but also denotes Buddhist cosmology seen via a vertical perspective.

In terms of vertical cosmology, Buddhism categorizes the universe into three realms (trilokadhātu); the (kāma-dhātu), the form realms (rūpa-dhātu), and the formless realms (arūpa-dhātu).174 Traditionally, Buddhists also recognize the cosmos as saṃsāra, the circle of rebirth and death, in which sentient beings are trapped.175 In order to liberate oneself from saṃsāra, the practitioner’s mind must be liberated from all defilements through cultivating the soteriological path to liberation, which requires meditative practice and attainment of the jhānas.176 From the perspective of the GJ, the attainment of mystical visions in yixin guanqi functions as verification of the Samādhi of Buddhānusmṛti, in that the practitioner’s mind is considered freed, whereupon they attain the fourth jhāna.

According to Yamabe, the mystical visions found in the GFSJ share many similarities to the YL. I am therefore inclined to trace them to the YL. After my exploration of the YL, it is interesting to note that the navel also plays a significant role in contemplation. One of the most

173 For instance: “How to contemplate the Tathāgata’s navel? Within the Tathāgata’s navel, there are 1,000,000,000,000 jewelled lotuses.”(云何觀如來臍相？如來臍中有萬億寶華; T.643:15.665b26.); “The Buddha’s navel would project immeasurable light, (佛臍中出無數光; T.643:15.667c7); a huge crystal lotus emerging within each of buddhas’ navel,” (諸佛臍中各各皆生一大蓮華; T.643:15.665b26) “From each buddha’s navel countless [rays of] light emerge, their light illuminating an immeasurable number of emanation buddhas”,” (一一佛臍中出無數光，其光遍照無量化佛; T.643:15.667c7-8.); “Within such light [the practitioner] sees the buddhas of the ten directions, all manifesting the navel sign; each buddhas’ navel projects luminous uncountable buddha-realms in the ten directions” (於彼光中見十方佛，皆出臍相，一一佛臍，光明 遍照十方無量諸佛剎土; T.643:15.667c17-19), and so on. 174 Rupert Gethin, “Cosmology and Meditation: From the Aggañña-Sutta to the Mahāyāna,” History of Religions 36, no. 3 (1997): 193. 175 Paul Williams, Anthony Tribe, and Alexander Wynne, Buddhist Thought: A Complete Introduction to the Indian Tradition, Second (Oxon: Routledge, 2012), 54–59. 176 “Cosmology and Meditation,” 110–11.

50 significant points is that after the practitioner has experienced mystical visions, the things witnessed will enter into the navel of the practitioner. This is called a knowable (jñeya) vision. The YL regards this final experience as indicating attainment of the stage of awakening (vyutthānam).177

Looking closely at the above section from the GJ, the mystical visions in this section share some similarities with the YL, which I divide into three steps: 1) the emergence of signs from the practitioner’s navel, such as images of buddhas, which then expand to the edge of the ocean; 2) the entry of visions into the navel/insides of the practitioner, such as images of buddhas and lotus images; 3) the phenomena of body and mind (svabhāva), such as the feelings of softness, lightness, pleasantness, illumination, and purity, which stand to verify meditative achievements.

3.2. The Buddha Within

There are several modes of seeing the buddhas in the GJ. These can be categorised into two main modes: 1) the buddhas that are seen within the body of the practitioner (the buddha within); 2) the buddhas that are seen beyond the body of the practitioner (the buddha beyond).

Some examples of the vision of the buddhas that are seen beyond the practitioner’s body can be found in the section yixin nianfo.178 This section clearly describes several buddhas emerging from the forehead of the practitioner. This vision of the buddhas of the ten directions is another example of the vision of the “buddha beyond.”179 Conversely, the vision of the buddhas in the yixin guanqi has them emerge from the internal body of the practitioner, which represents the mode of seeing the “buddhas within.”

The idea of the “buddha within” is frequently found in the teachings of the Mahāyāna tradition, which is usually related to the notion of “buddha-nature” (foxing 佛性, buddhadhātu) and tathāgatagarbha (rulai zang 如來藏).180 The English term “buddha-nature” is a translation of the Sanskrit term *buddhadhātu, first found in the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra

177 “ante ca sarvaṃ nābhyāṃ jñeyaṃ nirudhyate / buddhāś ca padmādhirūḍhāḥ kāye 'ntargatā dṛśyanta iti vyutthānam;” YL 152 R1. 178 S.2585, columns 17-19. 179 S.2585, columns 1-8. 180According to Radich, the two terms tathāgatagarbha and buddhadhātu are “somewhat interchangeable.” See Michael Radich, The Mahāparinirvāṇa-Mahāsūtra and the Emergence of Tathāgatagarbha Doctrine, Hamburg Buddhist Studies 5 (Hamburg: Hamburg University Press, 2015), 31; Michael Zimmermann, A Buddha within: The Tathāgatagarbhasūtra: The Earliest Exposition of the Buddha-Nature Teaching in India (Tokyo: The International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology, Soka University, 2002), 26.

51 (hereafter: MPS). The Sanskrit term *buddhadhātu is, however, reconstructed from Tibetan versions of the MPS, but is not attested in actual Sanskrit texts.181 It denotes an equivalent concept to tathāgatagarbha, namely that the nature or essence of the Buddha is existent within all sentient beings.182 The MPS was composed in India sometime between 200–400 CE.183 It was later widely influential in China, particularly during the fifth and sixth centuries, when the so-called “Nirvāṇa School” was formed.184 One of the three versions of the MPS translated into Chinese is the work of Dharmakṣema (Tanmo-chen 曇無讖; 385–433 CE) who completed his translation in 421 CE, titled Da banniepan jing (大般涅槃經; T.374 (XII); hereafter: MPSd).185 According to the MPSd, the “buddha-nature” of the “Tathāgata” (rulai 如來) is equivalent to the thirty-two distinctive signs, eighty minor marks, ten powers, four form of fearlessness, and so forth.186 This explanation of buddha-nature seems similar to the quality of the dharma-body, which is discussed in the GJ. Buddha-nature in this context therefore possibly also implies the dharma-body. Buddha-nature, moreover, is a synonym of the “realm of the Tathāgata” and most perfect enlightenment. 187 Although all sentient beings possess buddha-nature, it cannot be perceived by those whose mind is contaminated by defilements.188 The text therefore states that those who enter meditation, i.e., vajrasamādhi, not only see buddha-nature (jian foxing 見佛 性), but they also attain supreme perfect enlightenment (阿耨多羅三藐三菩提; anuttarā- -saṃbodhi).189

The teaching of tathāgatagarbha can be traced back to an Indian Mahāyāna source, the Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra (hereafter: TGS), which was possibly composed sometime in the mid- or second half of the third century CE.190 Later, the TGS was translated into Chinese, during the fifth century, by Buddhabhadra (Fotuobatuoluo 佛陀跋陀羅; 359-429 CE).191 TGS is a short sūtra that provides nine similes illustrating the Buddha-nature hidden within sentient beings.192 Zimmerman alternatively suggests that we might understand this as meaning all sentient beings

181 Radich, The Mahāparinirvāṇa-Mahāsūtra, 23–34. 182 Takasaki Jikidō 高 崎 直 道, “The Tathāgatagarbha Theory Reconsidered: Reflections on Some Recent Issues in Japanese Buddhist Studies,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 27, no. 1/2 (2000): 80. 183 Andrew Skilton, Concise (Cambridge: Windhorse Publications, 2013). 184 Ming-Wood Liu, “The Doctrine of the Buddha-Nature in the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-Sūtra,” ed. Awadh K. Narain, The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 5, no. 2 (1982): 64. 185 There are three Chinese versions of the MPS that are extant which were translated in 418, 421, 436 CE respectively, Ibid. 186 Da banniepan jing 大般涅槃經; T.374 (XII) 574b14-16. 187 Liu, “The Doctrine of the Buddha-Nature,” 67. 188 Ibid., 65. 189 T.374 (XII)372b1-3. 190 Williams, Tribe, and Wynne, Buddhist Thought, 118. 191 Buddhabhadra also brought to China a “Kaśmiri meditation tradition”, which connected to Sarvastivāda. See Chen, “Meditation Traditions in Fifth-Century Northern China,” 115; Zimmermann, A Buddha Within, 16. 192 Williams, Mahāyāna Buddhism, 104; Mark Blum, trans., Mahāparinirvāna Sūtra, dBET PDF Version, vol. 1, BDK English Tripiṭaka (Moraga, CA: BDK America, 2013), 34.

52 “have a tathāgata in their womb” (tathāgato garbhe yeṣāṁ te tathāgatagarbhāḥ).193 This womb is translated from the Sanskrit word garbha, which denotes not only “womb/matrix” and “seed/embryo” but also implies the “innermost part” of something.194 Moreover, the idea of tathāgatagarbha in the TGS also signifies a statue of the Buddha seated cross-legged within living beings, which Zimmerman explains may relate in some way to the meditative technique of buddhānusmṛti.195

If we compare the idea of tathāgatagarbha, which also refers to a “Buddha seated cross- legged within living beings” to the meditative experience outlined above, particularly in the section on yixin guanqi of the GJ, which explains that the practitioner will see the buddhas sit in meditation posture atop a crystal lotus which emerges from the navel, the mystical vision of the buddhas can be equated to witnessing buddha-nature or the Tathāgata in the womb of the practitioner. The notion of the body is also important to keep in mind in determining what kind of buddha-body the meditator sees within the womb.196 According to the GJ, in terms of meditative practice, the dharma-body should be contemplated as an internal body existent within the physical body, like a precious jewel existing within a vessel.197 The dharma-body in this context therefore should be considered synonymous with the notions of the tathāgatagarbha and buddhadhātu that are inherently exist within the “wombs” of sentient beings.

Although the term garbha can refer to a womb, it does not necessarily mean that buddha- nature is located in the fleshy abdomen or any internal organ.198 The GJ itself also never mentions that the buddhas sit within the liver, the stomach, or any organ. An example of an illustration representative of the notion of the “buddha within” can be seen in iconographies found in various sources (see appendix 3). The garbha in this context signifies a parallel dimension and a transcendental locus in which buddha-nature exists, which is regarded as a transcendence of “intrinsic nature” (svabhāva) of a “supramundane self.” 199 The svabhāva, however, not only goes beyond the mundane self and a physical dimension, but also exists alongside the physical body. It is associated with the notion of microcosm, or middle way in some contexts, as found in esoteric teachings.200

193 Zimmermann, A Buddha Within, 43. 194 Williams, Mahāyāna Buddhism, 104. 195 Ibid., 104;314; Zimmermann, A Buddha Within, 52. 196 For further details on the buddha-body, see Williams, Mahāyāna Buddhism, 172–86. 197 S.2585, columns 76-79. 198 Radich, The Mahāparinirvāṇa-Mahāsūtra, 13. 199 Williams, Mahāyāna Buddhism, 108. 200 The notion of a microcosm can also be found in Daoist texts, particular the Huainanzi; see John S. Major, Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought: Chapters Three, Four, and Five of the Huainanzi (Albany: SUNY Press, 1993); Sarah A. Queen and Michael Puett, eds., The Huainanzi and Textual Production in Early China (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2014); John S. Major et al., The Huainanzi: A Guide to the Theory and Practice of Government in Early Han China (Columbia University Press, 2010).

53 The notion of the “microcosm” is associated with the notion of svabhāva, which also plays a significant role in our understanding the notion of the “buddha within.” One of the early Buddhist sources that mention the microcosm is the Rohitassa Sutta (AN 4.45; hereafter: RS), a Theravādin text.201 In the RS, the Buddha states the following:

“I tell you that there is no making an end of suffering & stress without reaching the end of the cosmos. Yet it is just within this fathom-long body, with its perception & intellect, that I declare that there is the cosmos, the origination of the cosmos, the cessation of the cosmos, and the path of practice leading to the cessation of the cosmos." (Rohitassa Sutta, AN 4.45)

From the above quotation, it is clear that the buddha identifies the “middle path” leading to awakening, which is not reached by travelling through the macrocosm (loka), but instead within the physical body (microcosm) there is a “middle path” that can lead to the cessation of the cosmos (saṃsāra). If we apply the notion of microcosm to the body of the meditative practitioner, the “navel locus” that is identified in the Vism also serves as the middle of the bodily locus. The location of the navel also resembles the location of the garbha, which is located around the middle of the body. Furthermore, the term gabbha in Pāli not only refers to a womb, a cavity, interior, inner room, but also means . 202 The term vihāra means “spending one's time (sojourning or walking about), staying in a place, living; place of living, stay, abode (in general).”203 When the term vihāra (noun) is used as a verb (viharati), such as in the passage kāye kāyānupassī viharati, it also refers to the “internal body for the abiding of mindfulness.”204 It can therefore be said that there is the “soteriological path” for liberation, i.e., a “middle path/way” within the physical body. If we apply the notion of the microcosm in relation to the mystical vision of the buddhas in the GJ, the navel can be regarded as the middle path/way that allows the meditative practitioner to attain visions of the “buddhas within” in one’s own body. The MPS calls this “buddha-nature” or tathāgatagarbha, which is equivalent to the dharma-body. The idea of the “buddha within” echoes the function of the dharma-body in the GJ.

Summary

201 Thanissaro Bhikkhu, trans., “Rohitassa Sutta: (AN 4.45)” (Online), Access to Insight (Legacy Edition), accessed November 25, 2013, http://www.accesstoinsight.org/tipitaka/an/an04/an04. 045.than.html. 202 T. W. Rhys Davids and William Stede, Pali-English Dictionary (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publ., 1921), 244. 203 Ibid., 712. 204 Eviatar Shulman, Rethinking the Buddha: Early as Meditative Perception (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 116–17.

54 In this chapter I have analysed the role of the navel as a significant bodily locus for meditative contemplation with the aim of attaining a higher stage of trance and awakening. The navel functions as a key locus for the practitioner to access the microcosm. It also allows the practitioner to see and connect his mind to the buddhas, enabling a kind of communication with the buddhas of the ten directions. Such focused contemplation on the navel (yixin guanqi) is located in the section titled nianfo sanmei or the Samādhi of Buddhānusmṛti. This contemplation also enables the practitioner to attain various mystical visions, which the master presiding over the meditation session utilizes to verify whether the Samādhi of Buddhānusmṛti has been attained. This process can further allow the practitioner to attain the fourth jhāna.

I have also analysed the mystical vision of the “buddha within” in the GJ, which echoes the notion of buddha-nature and tathāgatagarbha in the MPS and TGS. Buddha-nature and tathāgatagarbha can together be regarded as interchangeable, since it is said that the dharma- body or dharmakāya can be seen by those whose mind is liberated from defilements. The vision of the buddha seated cross-legged within living beings in the MPS and TGS is similar to the mystical visions that are seen by the meditator who utilizes navel contemplation as prescribed in the GJ. The consistency of these notions, I argue, may reflect that navel contemplation and generation of the aforementioned visions were likely popular during the fifth century in China. The mystical visions connected to navel contemplation would also provide a clue in tracing specific meditative traditions, which Yamabe identifies as “once flourishing in Central Asia.”205

205 Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals,” 1046.

55 CONCLUSION

The doctoral dissertation of Eric Greene mentions several Chinese Buddhist meditative texts from the fifth century. One of them is a Dunhuang manuscript describing a technique of visualization, the Guan jing, which is presently kept in the British Library.206 His work later inspired me to examine Dunhuang manuscript S.2585. The work of Green also mentions the work of Yamabe, who explains that the peculiar images/mystical visions in some Chinese meditation manuals play a significant role in recovering meditative traditions that were once popular in Central Asia, but are otherwise now lost.207 Although there are several Chinese Buddhist meditation manuals available, I decided to examine S.2585, investigating its various philological, textual, palaeographical, historical, and doctrinal features. The length was not only reasonable, but I was also interested in reconstructing methods of meditation from Central Asia using this document. The present dissertation therefore aimed to explore, identify, and analyse such methods. I sought to frame this study through two broad perspectives: the outer physical features of the document, and the inner content of the manuscript itself.

To quickly summarize, there are three copies of Dunhuang manuscripts connected to the Foshuo guang jing (GJ), namely, S.2585, P.3838-3, and Дx15-2. Among these three manuscripts, S.2585 plays an important role as the only complete extant manuscript from Dunhuang, which was later used as the basis for the typeset version in the Taishō canon (T.2914). We explored features of this manuscript, including its calligraphy, the non-standard characters, and corrections. One conclusion to be made is that this manuscript was conceivably circulated for private rather than formal use. Based upon the philological survey, the GJ was likely compiled during the fifth century as a meditation manual. S.2585, P.3838-3, and Дx15- 2 each constitute examples suggestive that such texts were circulated during the tenth century as practical guides for meditation, rather than constituting doctrinal texts.

With respect to the textual content of S.2585, an examination of each section reveals that the entire content of the GJ was adapted from different sources, such as the FG and SF. Their roots are traced to sources in Central Asia, such as the YL. The content in the GJ moreover displays hybridisation between non-Mahāyāna—possibly Sarvāstivāda— and Mahāyāna ideas. I therefore argue that the GJ can be considered “a manual of hybridised meditative techniques” influenced by both non-Mahāyāna and Mahāyāna traditions, including visualisation sūtras and

206 Greene, “Meditation, Repentance,” 82. 207 Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals,” 1046.

56 formal meditation manuals. This hybrid style was perhaps influenced by the YL, a Central Asian meditation manual belonging to the Sarvāstivādin tradition. The influence of the Sarvāstivādin tradition can be moreover seen from the meditative techniques in the section titled Five Gates. The visualisation of Amitāyus Buddha, the visualisation of the Buddha’s physical body, and the contemplation on the true characteristic of the dharmas are all features usually found in Mahāyāna teachings. The acceptance and combination of such diverse traditions, I argue, demonstrate that early Chinese Buddhist meditation was more pragmatic than doctrinal in orientation.

The meditative technique in which the practitioner single-mindedly contemplates their navel (yixin guanqi 一心觀齊) was clearly important during the period in question. Our examination demonstrates that both the GJ and FG utilized this technique. Furthermore, the navel was traditionally regarded as a significant bodily locus for meditative contemplation. This practice enables the practitioner to attain an advanced stage of trance and awakening. The navel can therefore be regarded as a key locus for the practitioner to contemplate the internal body, which functions as a kind of microcosm. Navel contemplation also enables the practitioner to attain various mystical visions that could be utilized to verify whether the Samādhi of Buddhānusmṛti has been attained. This process could further allow the practitioner to attain the fourth jhāna.

This mystical vision of the “buddha within” in the GJ reflects the notion of buddha-nature and tathāgatagarbha in the MPS and TGS, which alternatively implies that the dharma-body or dharmakāya can be seen by those whose mind is liberated from defilements. The visions of the buddha seated cross-legged within living beings in the MPS and TGS share similarities with the mystical visions that are seen by the meditator who employs navel contemplation as prescribed in the GJ.

57 APPENDIX 1: TEXTS RELATED TO THE GUAN JING

A synopsis of the YL, SF, FG, and GJ, which is adapted from Ruegg, Yamabe and Chen.208

Section Yogalehrbuch 思惟略要法 五門禪經要用 佛說觀經 number (YL) (SF) 法(FG) (GJ) 1 The practice of [the Three diseases The Five Gates The meditation on] the 形疾有三品 of meditative visualisation disagreeable essence of the Buddha Aśubhādiprayoga 坐禪之要法有 in ten 五門 directions 觀十方佛法 2 The practice of mindful The introduction The samādhi of The Five inhaling and exhaling of five kinds of calling the Gates of Ānāpānasmṛtibhāvanā elementary Buddha to meditative to mind essence

the beginner 念佛三昧 坐禪之要法 凡求初禪先習 有五門 諸觀 3 The practice of [the The The The samādhi meditation on] the visualisation of visualisation of of calling the elements the fourfold repulsiveness Buddha to Dhātuprayoga boundlessness 不淨觀 mind 四無量觀 念佛三昧

4 The examination of the The The The aggregates visualisation of visualisation of visualisation Skandhaparīkṣā repulsiveness white bones of white 不淨觀 白骨觀 bones

白骨觀

208 Ruegg, “On a Yoga Treatise in Sanskrit from Qïzïl,” 157–58; Yamabe, “Fragments of the ‘Yogalehrbuch,’” 325–26; Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals,” 1054; Chen Zuolong 陳祚龍, “Kanle,” 381.

58 5 The examination of the The The samādhi of The samādhi sense realms visualisation of visualising the of visualising Āyatanaparīkṣā, white bones Buddha the Buddha 白骨觀 觀佛三昧 觀佛三昧

6 The examination of The samādhi of The The dependent origination visualising the visualisation of visualisation Pratītyasamutpādaparīkṣā Buddha 觀佛三 the Buddha’s of the physical body Buddha’s 昧 生身觀 physical body 生身觀 7 Friendliness Visualisation of The The the Buddha’s visualisation of visualisation Maitrī physical body the Dharma of the 生身觀 body Dharma body 法身觀 法身觀 8 Compassion The The The visualisation of visualisation of visualisation Karuṇā the Dharma the Buddha in of Amitāyus body ten directions Buddha 法身觀 觀十方佛法 無量壽佛觀 9 [Appreciative] joy The The basis The visualisation of methods of contemplation Muditā the Buddha in sitting on the reality ten directions meditation, the of dharmas 十方佛觀 meditation of 觀諸法實相 repulsiveness, The meditation of four elements 初習坐禪法 10 Equanimity The The visualisation of visualisation of Upekṣā the Amitāyus the Buddha Buddha 觀佛 無量壽佛觀

59 11 Calling to mind Anusmṛti The The loving visualisation on kindness A) Calling the Buddha the reality of contemplation to mind dharmas 慈心觀 Buddhānusmṛti 諸法實相觀 B) Calling the dharma to mind Dharmānusmṛti C) Calling the to mind Samghānusmṛti D) Calling morality to mind Śīlānusmṛti E) Calling divinities to mind Devatānusmṛti

12 The samādhi of The visualising the continuation of Lotus Sūtra the loving 法華三昧觀 kindness contemplation 續教作慈心觀

13 Three diseases 三病 14 The contemplation of the fourfold boundlessness 四五量觀 15 The Five Gates of meditation 不淨, 因緣, 念

60 佛, 安般, 四無 量心 16 The visualisation of repulsiveness 不淨觀 17 Three disasters, layers of the world

Table 1: The comparative sections between YL, SF, FG, and GJ.209

209 Yamabe, “Two Chinese Meditation Manuals in Conjunction with Pozdneyev’s Mongolian Manual,” 1046-1054; Chen Zuolong 陳祚龍, “Kanle Dunhuang Gu Chao ‘Foshuo Guan Jing’ Yihou 看了敦煌古抄《佛說觀經》以 後,” 381.

61 APPENDIX 2: PHOTOS OF MANUSCRIPTS

1. S.2585

Fig. 1: The recto of S.2585, preserved at the British Library (2018). The manuscript is 115 cm. long and was inscribed on both sides.

Fig 2: The verso of S. 2585, preserved at the British Library (2018).

62 2. Pelliot chinois 3835-3

Fig 3: The first page of Pelliot chinois 3835-3 (codex).

Fig 4: The second and third pages of Pelliot chinois 3835-3 (codex).

63 3. ДХ15-2

Fig. 5: The first and second pages of ДХ15-2 (codex).

Fig. 6: The third and fourth pages of ДХ15-2 (codex).

64 APPENDIX 3: BUDDHA WITHIN & ICONOGRAPHY

According to Yamabe, Howard and Vignato, visual arts function as valuable “hard evidence” that we might utilize in order to understand meditative practices and experiences as expressed through artistic mediums.210

The first figure represents a small Buddha sitting in meditation posture above the navel of a bodhisattva. This item is presently located in the Museum für Indische Kunst, Berlin- Dahlem. This figure was found in Afghanistan and is dated to around the 3rd - 6th centuries. The second figure is a Chinese image of a small buddha existing within the larger buddha, which normally points to the notion of buddha-nature (foxing 佛性). Unfortunately, no date and other details could be immediately found. The last figure was found in Pagan, Burma, dated to around the 13th century. The figure represents two buddhas emerging from within another buddha. These figures not only provide a basic idea of how Buddhists apply the doctrinal concepts through an artistic medium, but also reflect the idea of buddha-nature, which has been influential throughout Buddhist history in various cultures.

210 Yamabe, “Practice of Visualization and the Visualization Sutra: An Examination of Mural Paintings at Toyok, Turfan,” 124; Howard and Vignato, Archaeological and Visual Sources, 143.

65

Fig. 1: A small Buddha sitting in meditation posture above the navel of a bodhisattva. Likely a standing Bodhisattva, Afghanistan, 3rd - 6th century. marble, height 97.0 cm. Museum für Indische Kunst, Berlin Saami, “ Buddha Photos: Ancient Gandhara Buddhism,” accessed December 28, 2012, http://gandharan.blogspot.co.nz/2009_09_01_archive.html..

66

Fig. 2: A buddha within a buddha

The Collection of Zhu Cheng, (n.d.)

Cr: justinesilving.com

67

Fig.3: “Triple buddha within”, from Tamote Shinpin Shwegugyi Temple, Pagan, Burma, dated ~11th-13th century.

68 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary sources

Chinese Buddhist Canon

Chan mi yaofa jing (禪祕要法經); T.613 Daban neipan jing (大般涅槃經); T.374

Foshuo guan jing (佛説觀經); T.2914

Guanfo sanmei hai jing (觀佛三昧海經); T.643

Kaiyuan shijiao lu (開元釋教錄); T.2154

Lidai sanbao ji (歴代三寶紀); T.2034

Mohe zhiguan (摩訶止觀) T.1911

Siwei lüeyao fa (思惟略要法); T.617

Wumen chanjing yaoyong fa (五門禪經要用法); T.619

Dunhuang manuscripts

Foshuo guan jing (佛說觀經); P.3835–3

Foshuo guan jing (佛說觀經); S.2585

Foshuo guan jing (佛說觀經); Дx15–2

(no title); S.522

Non-Chinese Buddhist Texts

Rohitassa Sutta: (AN 4.45)

*Yogalehrbuch

Secondary sources

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