Than Classes in Swimming and Making Hats": the Ywca And

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Than Classes in Swimming and Making Hats 'MORE THAN CLASSES IN SWIMMING AND MAKING HATS": THE YWCA AND SOCIAL REFORM IN HOUSTON, TEXAS, 1907-1977 by PAMELA FAITH WILLE, B.A., M.A. A DISSERTATION IN HISTORY Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved Chairperson of the Committee Accepted Dean of the Graduate School May, 2004 Copyright 2004, Pamela Faith Wille ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to extend words of thanks and appreciation to those individuals who provided a great amount of support as I completed this dissertation. First, I would like to thank the chairperson of my committee, Dr. Paul Carlson, for his patience, encouragement, and willingness to go out of his way to track me down when I had not been in contact with him for long periods of time. His questions, comments, and expertise in editing have added greatly to the quality of this dissertation. I would also like to thank Dr. Catherine Miller for her willingness to explore the field of women's associational history with me. Her questions continually kept me off balance and forced me to come to terms with my own conclusions as to how race, class, and gender figured into my analysis of women's associations. I would also like to thank the additional members of my doctoral committee: Dr. Alwyn Barr and Dr. Donald Walker. Dr. Walker's willingness to join the committee at such late notice was greatly appreciated. Both provided insightful questions and comments regarding Texas history that helped to tighten the final text of the dissertation. I am also very appreciative of the support received from my family. My parents have endured numerous stories regarding the difficulties of finishing a dissertation and have remained two of my staunchest supporters. 1 am sure they often felt as if the dissertation writing process would never come to an end. My sister and her family provided diversions at just the right time to keep me grounded in the non-dissertation world. In addition, several of my fellow graduate school friends offered significant insights into completing a dissertation and made the experience much more bearable. I would especially like to thank Todd Walker and Chuck Waite for providing just the right amount of encouragement, teasing, and badgehng to help me maintain my sanity during the last year of writing. Paula Marshall-Gray not only provided support, encouragement, and laughter, but also a beagle-friendly place to stay when I had to make the long drive between San Antonio and Lubbock. Numerous colleagues at ETS also offered encouragement as I struggled to write the final chapters of my dissertation while working an "eight-to-five" job. Virginia Celmer helped to convince me that I could and must finish my dissertation. Her insights and words of wisdom were invaluable. And although my grandmother, Aileen Kirkpatrick Mollett, was not able to see the completion of this dissertation, her words of encouragement and pride remained with me throughout the process. Yes, Bingo, the "book" is done. And finally, I would like to thank my two "ABD buddies," Kirstin Ellsworth and Cathy Payne. Our weekly phone calls provided the motivation needed to pick up the dissertation after two years of inactivity and move towards completion. They truly have become close friends even though we live thousands of miles apart. Without their support, the completion of this dissertation may not have come about and certainly would not have been so enjoyable. Ill TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii ABSTRACT v LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS vii CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 II. BACKGROUND ON THE NATIONAL AND HOUSTON YWCAs 17 III. RACIAL INCLUSIVENESS AND THE HOUSTON YWCA, 1917-1941 53 IV. INTEGRATION AND DESEGREGATION 92 V. THE HOUSTON YWCA AND THE GREAT SOCIETY PROGRAMS 133 VI. THE CHALLENGE OF RELEASING "WOMEN POWER" 173 VII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 209 BIBLIOGRAPHY 228 IV ABSTRACT The Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) began in the United States during the mid-nineteenth century. It had as its purpose the assistance of young, single women who sought employment in the many urban areas throughout the nation. The association spread from the northeastem United States throughout the country. The Houston YWCA began in 1907, as the city began its tremendous growth into a major metropolitan area and at the height of the Progressive Era. The association quickly involved itself in many of the social reforms of the day. As it did so, the Houston YWCA Board of Directors found itself struggling to meet the directives of the National YWCA Board, the needs of its paid membership, and the demands of the local citizens who funded its programs. This dissertation explores the role of the YWCA as an agent of social reform in Houston from 1907 through 1977. Recent studies of the YWCA have focused on various aspects of the organization, ranging from its religious teachings, its attempts to organize and African-American branch, to its program offerings to the local citizens. No study to date has explored the activities of the Houston YWCA. The city of Houston boasted a diverse population with a large number of African-American and Latino citizens. The opening of a city YWCA in 1907 coincided with the phenomenal growth of Houston. The association quickly V became a prominent women's organization and gained the respect of city leaders. In addition, no study has explored the impact of funding on the activities of a city association. This dissertation explores the attempts of a women's organization to act as an agent of social reform in a major metropolitan city. It also attempts to show how the dictates of a national organization don't always come to fruition as quickly at the local level. The demands of funding agencies and the apprehensions of local citizens regarding change often dictated the success or failure of social reform programs. For the women associated with the Houston YWCA, the decision to adhere to national dictates or acquiesce to citizens concerns fell on the shoulders of the volunteer Board of Directors. In many ways, the actions of the Houston association were the actions of the Board of Directors. VI LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS CWPAGH - Community Welfare Planning Association of Greater Houston HAY - Houston Action for Youth HMRC - Houston Metropolitan Research Center, Houston Public Library, Houston, Texas HOPE - Human, Organizational, Political, Economic JCYW - Job Corps - YWCA JOY - Job Opportunity for Youth NOW - National Organization for Women OEO - Office of Economic Opportunity SSC - Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College, Northampton, Massachusetts VISTA - Volunteers in Service to America WICS -Women in Community Service YMCA - Young Men's Christian Association VII CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Houston Young Women's Christian Association (Houston YWCA), organized in 1907, was the first such city association in the American Southwest. It grew from an organization serving primarily white, single, employed women in 1907 to a women's movement purporting to lobby for the advancement of all women regardless of race, creed, nationality, or class. Throughout its history, the Houston YWCA stnjggled with issues of race, often disagreed with the social services bureau providing the majority of its operational funds, and walked a fine line between "protecting" women and advocating increased rights for women. It is a history full of milestones and contradictions. The national Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) is one of the largest women's organizations in the world and is often considered to be a voluntary association. Its origins date back to the mid-1800s when the association had as its focus the young, single women seeking employment in the growing urban and industrial areas of the United States. Throughout its history in the United States, the YWCA has been known to lend its support to protective legislation for women, to professional training of staff members, to early attempts at breaking down race and class barriers, and to the burgeoning feminist movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Although the YWCA operates on a national and international level, local city associations must adapt their programs to accommodate their dues-paying membership. Historically the ideals professed by the National Board of the YWCA did not always come to fruition at the local level as quickly as the National Board may have desired. Whether addressing labor issues, racial discrimination and segregation, or sex discrimination, some city associations often found themselves battling generations-old beliefs regarding racial inferiority or community prejudices regarding the proper role of women. For southern YWCAs, the problems faced relating to racial inclusiveness policies were most noticeable but other issues were present. Numerous studies relating to the history of the YWCA have focused on the relationship of African-American branches to the predominantly white central associations, race relations within the national organization, the YWCA's involvement in the various peace initiatives, and the changing focus of the association regarding women's issues. Most studies tend to be centered on YWCAs in the Northeast or Midwest regions of the United States. Since the early YWCAs tended to originate in industrial centers, growth in southern and western regions of the United States often lagged behind. For southern associations, adherence to national policies and maintenance of program flexibility to suit the needs of their members presented problems because the needs of women often came into conflict with accepted notions of appropriate feminine behavior and societal norms regarding proper race relations. A balancing act, therefore, took place as the local city YWCA tried to acquiesce to national directives while at the same time finding its niche within the overall community. This was certainly the case for the Houston YWCA. A study of the Houston YWCA allows for a focus on a southern city association emerging at a time when the city itself began experiencing phenomenal growth.
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