Biographical Sketches of Possible Members of the Post-2012 Politburo (Part 3)
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Annual Report CORPORATE INFORMATION
CONTENTS Corporate Information • 2 Corporate Profile • 4 Group Financial Summary • 6 Chairman’s Statement • 8 Management Discussion And Analysis • 11 Corporate Culture and Social Responsibilities • 41 Staff Relationship and Welfare • 43 Directors and Senior Management • 46 Report of The Directors • 53 Corporate Governance Report • 83 Independent Auditor’s Report • 95 Consolidated Statement of Profit or Loss and Other Comprehensive Income • 97 Consolidated Statement of Financial Position • 99 Consolidated Statement of Changes In Equity • 101 Consolidated Statement of Cash Flows • 103 Notes To The Consolidated Financial Statements • 106 CORPORATE INFORMATION BOARD OF DIRECTORS REMUNERATION COMMITTEE Executive Directors Mr. Lee Kwan Hung (Chairman of the Committee) Mr. Chao Guowei, Charles Mr. Liu Dejian (Chairman) Mr. Liu Sai Keung, Thomas Mr. Liu Luyuan (Chief Executive Officer) Mr. Zheng Hui NOMINATION COMMITTEE Mr. Chen Hongzhan Mr. Liu Sai Keung, Thomas (Chairman of the Committee) Non-executive Director Mr. Chao Guowei, Charles Mr. Lin Dongliang Mr. Lee Kwan Hung Independent non-executive Directors SHARE AWARD SCHEME COMMITTEE Mr. Chao Guowei, Charles Mr. Lee Kwan Hung (Chairman of the Committee) Mr. Lee Kwan Hung Mr. Liu Sai Keung, Thomas Mr. Liu Sai Keung, Thomas Mr. Yam Kwok Hei Benjamin Mr. Lau Hak Kin COMPLIANCE OFFICER AUTHORISED REPRESENTATIVES Mr. Liu Luyuan Mr. Liu Luyuan COMPANY SECRETARY Mr. Lau Hak Kin Mr. Lau Hak Kin HONG KONG LEGAL ADVISER QUALIFIED ACCOUNTANT Sidley Austin Mr. Yam Kwok Hei Benjamin, HKICPA, CA, CFA PRC LEGAL ADVISER Mr. Lau Hak Kin, HKICPA, FCCA, CFA Jingtian & Gongcheng AUDIT COMMITTEE AUDITOR Mr. Chao Guowei, Charles (Chairman of the Committee) Mr. Lee Kwan Hung Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu Mr. -
Performing Masculinity in Peri-Urban China: Duty, Family, Society
The London School of Economics and Political Science Performing Masculinity in Peri-Urban China: Duty, Family, Society Magdalena Wong A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London December 2016 1 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/ PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 97,927 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I confirm that different sections of my thesis were copy edited by Tiffany Wong, Emma Holland and Eona Bell for conventions of language, spelling and grammar. 2 ABSTRACT This thesis examines how a hegemonic ideal that I refer to as the ‘able-responsible man' dominates the discourse and performance of masculinity in the city of Nanchong in Southwest China. This ideal, which is at the core of the modern folk theory of masculinity in Nanchong, centres on notions of men's ability (nengli) and responsibility (zeren). -
Decentralization, Deregulation and Economic Transition in China
Decentralization, Deregulation and Economic Transition in China Justin Yifu Lin China Center for Economic Research, Peking University Ran Tao China Center of Agriculture Policy, China Academy of Sciences Mingxing Liu China Center for Economic Research, Peking University 1 Decentralization, Deregulation and Economic Transition in China Abstract In this paper, based on an account of recent economic history of in China, we explore the institutional background and inter-government relationship both in the pre-reform and post- reform period. We demonstrate the centralization-decentralization cycle in the traditional planned system is an inevitable outcome of the regulatory structure endogenous to the overtaking development strategy inconsistent with China’s endowment structure. We also argue that the marketization reform since late 1970s can be viewed as a process of deregulation, and the decentralization at that time is only a means of deregulation. We make a critical review of the “Chinese style fiscal federalism” by arguing that the evolution of fiscal arrangements after the marketization reform is, to a large extent, endogenous to China’s transitional path and de-regulation sequencing. We propose a framework to explain China’s growth in transition and point out that rule-based decentralization in China is yet to be achieved. We argue that the administrative/fiscal decentralization may not promote economic development of China without further reducing government intervention. The existing problems in the current inter-government fiscal arrangement are analyzed from the perspective of development strategy and government regulation. 2 I. Introduction China’s economic transition has been remarkable in the past two decades. In the two decades, China has transformed itself from a centrally planned economy to an emerging market economy and at the same time has achieved a more than 9 percent average growth rate. -
Enhancement of Life
Enhancement of life 生命 的 栽培 年報 2010-2011 Annual Report 宗 旨 會 訓 本基督之精神,促進個人德智體群 爾識真理 真理釋爾 四育之發展,俾有高尚健全之人格, ( 會 訓 釋 義: 耶 穌 是 道 路、 真 理、 生 命, 只 要 我 們 認 識 團契之精神,服務社會,造福人群。 和得著耶穌並有上帝的話語作生活指南,心靈就不再受 罪惡、憂鬱、恐懼所捆綁而滿有真理、喜樂和平安,有 PURPOSE 持守美善的自由,也有不為惡的自由。) The purpose of the Association is to advance ( 取自新約聖經約翰福音八章卅二節 ) t h e s p i r i t u a l , m e n t a l , p h y s i c a l a n d s o c i a l w e l f a r e o f i n d i v i d u a l s , t o p r o m o t e t h e i r MOTTO growth in Christian character and to cultivate Christian spirit of fellowship and service. A n d yo u s h a l l k n ow t h e t ru t h a n d t h e t ru t h shall make you free (John 8:32) 藍 三 角 會 徽 的 意 義 世 界 基 督 教 女 青 年 會 的 格 言 象徵基督教女青年會服務宗旨是生命的栽培。 萬 軍 之 耶 和 華 說:「 不 是 倚 靠 勢 力, 不 是 倚 靠 才 它代表了一個人成長及發展的四方面: 能,乃是倚靠我的靈,方能成事。」 德、智、體、群。 (取自舊約聖經撒迦利亞書四章六節) 假 如 一 個 人 能 夠 在 德 智 體 群 各 方 面 平 均 發 展, 就 會 獲 得 豐 盛 的 生 命, 滿 有 真 理、 喜 樂 與 平 安, 成 MOTTO OF THE WORLD YWCA 為社會上才德兼備、造福社群的人才。 "Not by might nor by power, but by my Spirit," says the Lord Almighty. -
Elite Politics and the Fourth Generation of Chinese Leadership
Elite Politics and the Fourth Generation of Chinese Leadership ZHENG YONGNIAN & LYE LIANG FOOK* The personnel reshuffle at the 16th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party is widely regarded as the first smooth and peaceful transition of power in the Party’s history. Some China observers have even argued that China’s political succession has been institutionalized. While this paper recognizes that the Congress may provide the most obvious manifestation of the institutionalization of political succession, this does not necessarily mean that the informal nature of politics is no longer important. Instead, the paper contends that Chinese political succession continues to be dictated by the rule of man although institutionalization may have conditioned such a process. Jiang Zemin has succeeded in securing a legacy for himself with his “Three Represents” theory and in putting his own men in key positions of the Party and government. All these present challenges to Hu Jintao, Jiang’s successor. Although not new to politics, Hu would have to tread cautiously if he is to succeed in consolidating power. INTRODUCTION Although the 16th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Congress ended almost a year ago, the outcomes and implications of the Congress continue to grip the attention of China watchers, including government leaders and officials, academics and businessmen. One of the most significant outcomes of the Congress, convened in Beijing from November 8-14, 2002, was that it marked the first ever smooth and peaceful transition of power since the Party was formed more than 80 years ago.1 Neither Mao Zedong nor Deng Xiaoping, despite their impeccable revolutionary credentials, successfully transferred power to their chosen successors. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
3/2006 Data Supplement PR China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan CHINA aktuell Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Data Supplement People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax:(040)4107945 Contributors: Uwe Kotzel Dr. Liu Jen-Kai Christine Reinking Dr. Günter Schucher Dr. Margot Schüller Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 3 The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 22 Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership LIU JEN-KAI 27 PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries LIU JEN-KAI 30 PRC Laws and Regulations LIU JEN-KAI 34 Hong Kong SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 36 Macau SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 39 Taiwan Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 41 Bibliography of Articles on the PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, and on Taiwan UWE KOTZEL / LIU JEN-KAI / CHRISTINE REINKING / GÜNTER SCHUCHER 43 CHINA aktuell Data Supplement - 3 - 3/2006 Dep.Dir.: CHINESE COMMUNIST Li Jianhua 03/07 PARTY Li Zhiyong 05/07 The Main National Ouyang Song 05/08 Shen Yueyue (f) CCa 03/01 Leadership of the Sun Xiaoqun 00/08 Wang Dongming 02/10 CCP CC General Secretary Zhang Bolin (exec.) 98/03 PRC Hu Jintao 02/11 Zhao Hongzhu (exec.) 00/10 Zhao Zongnai 00/10 Liu Jen-Kai POLITBURO Sec.-Gen.: Li Zhiyong 01/03 Standing Committee Members Propaganda (Publicity) Department Hu Jintao 92/10 Dir.: Liu Yunshan PBm CCSm 02/10 Huang Ju 02/11 -
Annual Report 2014-15.Pdf
Message from the Chairman For the past 15 years, The Dragon Foundation has worked hard to bring together young ethnic Chinese from all over the world to know more about their heritage and to find out how best they may contribute both to their own communities and to China. With technology so highly developed – and advancing almost every day – I believe that these connections, collaborations and partnerships may only grow closer. Technology aims at more than just communication however, and today’s young people are seeking ways to harness its power for employment and education. For this reason, The Dragon Foundation co-organised with the Hong Kong Federation of Youth Groups, the first Global Youth Entrepreneurs Forum. It brought together 400 young Chinese persons, including the Dragon 100 delegates, who sat down to learn, discuss and discover ways to improve their own entrepreneurial skills. The enrichment is not only for enhancing employability but also as a mean of driving the world economy. I remain impressed by the young “Dragons” who are always looking to the future, while also remaining committed to serving their communities. This is especially true of the Foundation’s two alumni associations, DragoNation and Envision Hong Kong. None of this would have been possible without the hard work and efforts of so many. My heartfelt thanks go to all the Foundation Directors, especially the Members of the Programme and Fund Raising Committees, for their tireless work. I would particularly like to thank Shelley Lee, Tenniel Chu and Christopher Lau for organising the Sixth Charity Golf Tournament at Mission Hills Shenzhen Clubbhouse. -
China's 17Th Communist Party Congress, 2007: Leadership And
Order Code RS22767 December 5, 2007 China’s 17th Communist Party Congress, 2007: Leadership and Policy Implications Kerry Dumbaugh Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) 17th Congress, held from October 15 - 21, 2007, demonstrated the Party’s efforts to try to adapt and redefine itself in the face of emerging economic and social challenges while still trying to maintain its authoritarian one-Party rule. The Congress validated and re-emphasized the priority on continued economic development; expanded that concept to include more balanced and sustainable development; announced that the Party would seek to broaden political participation by expanding intra-Party democracy; and selected two potential rival candidates, Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, with differing philosophies (rather than one designated successor-in- waiting) as possibilities to succeed to the top Party position in five years. More will be known about the Party’s future prospects and the relative influence of its two potential successors once the National People’s Congress meets in early 2008 to select key government ministers. This report will not be updated. Periodically (approximately every five years) the Chinese Communist Party holds a Congress, attended by some 2,000 senior Party members, to authorize important policy and leadership decisions within the Party for the coming five years. In addition to authorizing substantive policies, the Party at its Congress selects a new Central Committee, comprised of the most important figures in the Party, government, and military.1 The Central Committee in turn technically selects a new Politburo and a new Politburo Standing Committee, comprised of China’s most powerful and important leaders. -
The Role of Chinese Universities in the Knowledge Economy Shuang-Ye Chen*
London Review of Education Vol. 10, No. 1, March 2012, 101–112 Contributing knowledge and knowledge workers: the role of Chinese universities in the knowledge economy Shuang-Ye Chen* Department of Educational Administration and Policy, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR, China (Received 9 December 2011; final version received 9 January 2012) As China has appeared only recently as an important knowledge producer with growing global economic significance, little is known internationally about how these processes develop and are managed within China. The rapidly expanding Chinese higher education system is playing an increasingly important role in China’s knowledge economy and there- fore in the global knowledge society. This paper reviews historically the changing role of Chinese universities from the planned economy to the knowledge economy, analyses their contribution of knowledge and knowledge workers, and critically reflects on the mecha- nisms driving or confining their future contribution to the knowledge economy. Keywords: China; university; knowledge economy; knowledge production; knowledge worker Introduction The knowledge economy is defined by Powell and Snellman (2004) as production and ser- vices based on knowledge-intensive activities. In the current knowledge economy, the rela- tionship between knowledge and wealth has been significantly highlighted, tightened, and materialised. It is a time of opportunity and threat for the university. The university institution has survived, together with the church, as one of the oldest western institutions. Its roles have evolved across times and nations from cultivating gentle- men in Newman’s ideal, the Humboldtian promotion of science and scholarship, to Kerr’s teaching–research–service uses of the ‘multiversity’, and then to be a vital engine for the glo- bal knowledge economy (Barnett 1994; Delanty 2001). -
Chinese Politics in the Xi Jingping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership
CHAPTER 1 Governance Collective Leadership Revisited Th ings don’t have to be or look identical in order to be balanced or equal. ڄ Maya Lin — his book examines how the structure and dynamics of the leadership of Tthe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have evolved in response to the chal- lenges the party has confronted since the late 1990s. Th is study pays special attention to the issue of leadership se lection and composition, which is a per- petual concern in Chinese politics. Using both quantitative and qualitative analyses, this volume assesses the changing nature of elite recruitment, the generational attributes of the leadership, the checks and balances between competing po liti cal co ali tions or factions, the behavioral patterns and insti- tutional constraints of heavyweight politicians in the collective leadership, and the interplay between elite politics and broad changes in Chinese society. Th is study also links new trends in elite politics to emerging currents within the Chinese intellectual discourse on the tension between strongman politics and collective leadership and its implications for po liti cal reforms. A systematic analy sis of these developments— and some seeming contradictions— will help shed valuable light on how the world’s most populous country will be governed in the remaining years of the Xi Jinping era and beyond. Th is study argues that the survival of the CCP regime in the wake of major po liti cal crises such as the Bo Xilai episode and rampant offi cial cor- ruption is not due to “authoritarian resilience”— the capacity of the Chinese communist system to resist po liti cal and institutional changes—as some foreign China analysts have theorized. -
China's Newsmakers
China’s Newsmakers: How Media Power is Shifting in the Xi Jinping Era Supplemental Appendix December 21, 2015 Contents A Appendix: Volume of Content by Provincial Newspaper 2 B Appendix: Individual Newsmakers 4 C Appendix: Organizational Newsmakers 7 D Appendix: Entity Count Share Hu Jintao vs. Xi Jinping 10 E Appendix: Media Power Relative to Politburo Standing Committee 12 1 A Appendix: Volume of Content by Provincial Newspa- per 2 Figure 1: Number of Articles Per Day by Newspaper Beijing Chongqing Fujian Gansu 500 500 500 500 400 400 400 400 300 300 300 300 Count Articles Count Articles Count Articles Count Articles 200 200 200 200 100 100 100 100 0 0 0 0 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 Date (2006 − 2015) Date (2006 − 2015) Date (2006 − 2015) Date (2006 − 2015) Guangdong Guangxi Hainan Heilongjiang 500 500 500 500 400 400 400 400 300 300 300 300 Count Articles Count Articles Count Articles Count Articles 200 200 200 200 100 100 100 100 0 0 0 0 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 Date (2006 − 2015) Date (2006 − 2015) Date (2006 − 2015) Date (2006 − 2015) Henan Hubei Hunan Jiangxi 500 500 500 500 400 400 400 400 300 300 300 300 Count Articles Count Articles Count Articles Count Articles 200 200 200 200 100 100 100 100 0 0 0 0 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 Date (2006 − 2015) Date (2006 − 2015) Date (2006 − 2015) Date (2006 − 2015) Jilin -
China's Provincial Leaders Await Promotion
Li, China Leadership Monitor, No.1 After Hu, Who?--China’s Provincial Leaders Await Promotion Cheng Li China’s provincial leadership is both a training ground for national leadership and a battleground among various political forces. Provincial chiefs currently carry much more weight than ever before in the history of the PRC. This is largely because the criteria for national leadership have shifted from revolutionary credentials such as participation in the Long March to administrative skills such as coalition-building. In addition, provincial governments now have more autonomy in advancing their own regional interests. Nonetheless, nepotism and considerations of factional politics are still evident in the recruitment of provincial leaders. Emerging top-level national leaders--including Hu Jintao, Zeng Qinghong, and Wen Jiabao--have all drawn on the pool of provincial leaders in building their factions, hoping to occupy more seats on the upcoming Sixteenth Central Committee and the Politburo. At the same time, new institutional mechanisms have been adopted to curtail various forms of nepotism. The unfolding of these contradictory trends will not only determine who will rule China after 2002, but even more importantly, how this most populous country in the world will be governed. During his recent visit to an elementary school in New Mexico, President George W. Bush offered advice to a child who hoped to become president. “If you want to be President, I would suggest you become a governor first,” said President Bush, “because governors make decisions, and that’s what presidents do.”1 What is true of the career path of American leaders seems also to be true of their counterparts in present-day China.