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Performing Masculinity in Peri-Urban China: Duty, Family, Society

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Performing Masculinity in Peri-Urban China: Duty, Family, Society The London School of Economics and Political Science Performing Masculinity in Peri-Urban China: Duty, Family, Society Magdalena Wong A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London December 2016 1 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/ PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 97,927 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I confirm that different sections of my thesis were copy edited by Tiffany Wong, Emma Holland and Eona Bell for conventions of language, spelling and grammar. 2 ABSTRACT This thesis examines how a hegemonic ideal that I refer to as the ‘able-responsible man' dominates the discourse and performance of masculinity in the city of Nanchong in Southwest China. This ideal, which is at the core of the modern folk theory of masculinity in Nanchong, centres on notions of men's ability (nengli) and responsibility (zeren). It differs from, while not always being in contradiction with, the ideal of the ‘wealthy and worldly man' that many scholars of contemporary China have written about. For my research informants, an exemplary man is expected to excel financially but also to shoulder his responsibilities, first and foremost within the kin group, and then to society and the country. I explore the formation and nuances of this ideal in an economic and social milieu that has been radically transformed by forces such as modernization, labour migration, the one-child policy, and changing ideologies and practices of leisure, individualism, filial piety, gendered power and nationalism. Through ethnographic accounts from teenage boys, men of marriageable age, and married men alike, I show that the hegemonic model is coercive, yet negotiable. These accounts reveal the vulnerabilities of male youth and adults in different circumstances, and the multiple and varying strategies they take as they enact their masculinities. The hierarchical nature of relationships amongst men and between the two genders is complicated by an intersection with other social divisions and individual life trajectories. At the apex of the hegemonic model are the country’s leaders who exemplify for their political subjects what it means to be an exemplary Chinese man in the modern era. The thesis looks into not only what men think of being men and their performance as men, but also at what women think and how they construct and, in some regards, sustain the male mode. 3 NOTE ON TRANSLATION, NAMES AND FIGURES Pinyin is used as the primary romantization system for Chinese characters throughout this thesis. I alter all personal and some locational names to protect the anonymity of my informants. As far as possible, I use pseudonyms which follow the way I have addressed those persons during fieldwork, or which can give the reader a feel for each individual personality. For example, adults usually address one another by using their surnames only (e.g. Chen, Yang), with an additional qualifier to denote the hierarchical relationship such as ‘Elder sister Yang’ (Yang Jie), ‘Little Yang’ (Xiao Yang), or ‘Auntie Yang’ (Yang ah Yi). Several informants have an English name such as Vivian, which I reflect accordingly in the writing. All Chinese names, translated to English in the text, appear in the way that they are called by Chinese custom: surname first, given name last. This applies to both the Chinese scholars whose work I have cited and my interlocutors. For example, I use ‘Yan Yunxiang’ instead of ‘Yunxiang Yan’ in the thesis. All translations and transcriptions are by the author unless otherwise noted. At the time of fieldwork, RMB10 is roughly USD1.56. 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Declaration .................................................................................................................................... 2 Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... 3 Note on Translation, Names and Figures ...................................................................................... 4 Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... 7 Map of the field site - Nanchong .................................................................................................. 9 Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................................... 10 The able-responsible man ....................................................................................................... 12 Studies of men and masculinities ............................................................................................ 16 Nanchong: the fieldwork site and its people ........................................................................... 29 Research Method .................................................................................................................... 33 Overview of chapters .............................................................................................................. 37 Chapter 2: City of Leisure, City of Violence .............................................................................. 39 A city of leisure ....................................................................................................................... 42 A city of violence .................................................................................................................... 56 Violence, leisure, and the able-responsible man: a summary ................................................. 62 Chapter 3: Troubling Teenage Boys ........................................................................................... 64 Gender and young masculinity in the recent past of China .................................................... 66 Left-behind children and the only sons ................................................................................... 67 A maverick teenager ............................................................................................................... 71 A gentle homebound boy ........................................................................................................ 77 Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 83 Chapter 4: Aspiring Young Lovers ............................................................................................. 87 Interactions between the traditional and the modern in the landscape of love and marriage .. 92 An unwelcome son-in-law ...................................................................................................... 98 A disorientated chauvinist ..................................................................................................... 102 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 107 Chapter 5: Responsible Family Men – the Father, Son, and Husband...................................... 110 The ‘new man’ ...................................................................................................................... 112 A quiet defender of the family .............................................................................................. 113 A resigned family man .......................................................................................................... 120 5 Negotiation of masculine subjectivities in a new family order ............................................. 124 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 131 Chapter 6: Marginalized Masculinities ..................................................................................... 133 Lu: the ‘daughter-in-law’ ...................................................................................................... 137 Hierarchical man-to-man relationship .................................................................................. 142 Tian: the man who fell from grace ........................................................................................ 146 Marginalized men and their intimate partners ...................................................................... 148 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 154 Chapter 7: Nationalism and Masculinity .................................................................................. 156 Theoretical and historical background .................................................................................. 158 Popular response to nationalism and the patriarchal national leader
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