Contributions of Psychology to War and Peace

Daniel J. Christie Ohio State University Cristina J. Montiel Ateneo de Manila University

The contributions of American psychologists to war have Representatives to develop committees within APA that been substantial and responsive to changes in U.S. national would gather information on potential applications of psy- security threats and interests for nearly 100 years. These chology to military problems. Yerkes emphasized the de- contributions are identified and discussed for four periods sirability of psychologists uniting in the interest of national of armed conflict: World Wars I and II, the Cold War, and defense and suggested it was psychologists’ duty to coop- the Global War on Terror. In contrast, about 50 years ago, erate to the fullest extent possible to increase the efficiency largely in reaction to the threat of nuclear war, some of the Navy and Army (Yerkes, 1921). psychologists in the United States and around the world Shortly thereafter, Yerkes became chief of the Section broke with the tradition of supporting war and began of Psychology within the U.S. Army. A central part of his focusing their scholarship and activism on the prevention brief was to classify men according to their mental ability of war and promotion of peace. Today, peace psychology is in order to balance “mental strength” across companies, a vibrant area of psychology, with theory and practice regiments, and divisions (Yerkes, 1921). Yerkes was able aimed at understanding, preventing, and mitigating both to draw on the expertise of Lewis Terman and a number of episodes of organized violence and the pernicious world- distinguished psychologists who developed the Army Al- wide problem of structural violence. The growth, scope, pha test of mental ability, a multiple-choice test based on and content of peace psychology are reviewed along with an earlier draft by Arthur Otis, one of Terman’s students at contributions to policies that promote peace, social justice, Stanford University. While Terman and his team devel- and human well-being. oped materials and methods, Yerkes fought the political battles within the military to convince skeptical com- Keywords: peace psychology, negative peace, positive manders that the assessment of intelligence among peace, cycle of violence, conflict resolution troops mattered (Keene, 1994). The Army Alpha test did a reasonably good job predicting success in officer train- ince the beginning of psychology in the United ing schools and was used widely in the selection of States, psychologists have been interested in war candidates for officer training. Brigadier General Bir- Sand peace. In 1906, William James delivered an mingham’s views are representative of officers who address at Stanford University on “The Moral Equivalent were pleased with the testing program: of War” in which he argued for a civic substitute for war that would animate youth with some of the virtues instilled General scores of drafted men, [and] mentally incompetent [men], by war including duty, loyalty, and the pursuit of group have been identified by the psychological tests much earlier in interests over self-interest (James, 1910/1995). As he was a their military careers than would have otherwise occurred. The classification of men according to mental ability, as determined by pacifist, James’s perspective on war was an outlier in the these examinations, has corresponded in general, in a very strik- field of psychology, especially when judged against the ing way with the estimates previously made by officers familiar many and varied contributions of psychologists to war, with them; and many instances could be mentioned where men particularly during the first half of the 20th century. James’s perspective, however, finds a welcome home in the emerging area of peace psychology, which began to take Editor’s note. This article is one of eight in the October 2013 American This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. shape during the Cold War (Christie, Tint, Wagner, & Psychologist “Peace Psychology” special issue. This article is intended solely for the personal use of theWinter, individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 2008; Wessells, 1996). The current review offers a historical overview of the contributions of psychology to Authors’ note. Daniel J. Christie, Department of Psychology (professor war and peace. emeritus), Ohio State University; Cristina J. Montiel, Department of Psychology, Ateneo de Manila University, Manila, Philippines. Portions of this article were presented by Daniel J. Christie as a State Contributions of Psychology to War of the Science Address to the International Congress of Psychology in Cape Town, South Africa (August 2012) and as an Invited Address at the World War I (WWI) and World War II (WWII) International Conference of Applied Psychology in Lahore, Pakistan (December 2012). Our sincere thanks are extended to the following Both WWI and WWII created a strong national consensus, colleagues who provided constructive feedback on earlier versions of this and many psychologists were quick to apply their expertise article: Stephan Lewandowsky, Klaus Oberauer, Deborah Winter, Richard to defend American values (Smith, 1999). As the United Wagner, Linda Tropp, Winnifred Louis, Barbara Tint, Daniel Bar-Tal, and June Tangney. States mobilized for WWI in 1917, Robert Yerkes, presi- Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dan- dent of the American Psychological Association (APA), iel J. Christie, 351 Hawthorn Boulevard, Delaware, OH 43015. E-mail: sought and received support from the APA Council of [email protected]

502 October 2013 ● American Psychologist © 2013 American Psychological Association 0003-066X/13/$12.00 Vol. 68, No. 7, 502–513 DOI: 10.1037/a0032875 WWII ushered in enormous growth in applications of psychology to the war effort largely because the credibility of psychology had been established during WWI and the interwar period (Napoli, 1978). Psychologists were eager to contribute because, on the whole, they viewed WWII as a “good war” that was worthy of a deadly struggle to victory (Smith, 1999). An indication of the breadth of support can be seen in the efforts of Gordon Allport and others to organize the work of psychologists who were members of Division 9 of APA, the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues (Johnson & Nichols, 1998), an organization more known for its resonance with social responsibility than with the promotion of war. Allport thought social psychologists, in particular, had expertise that could be brought to bear on ways to persuade the public to support the war (Faye, 2011). As WWII approached and the cost of medical care for the 2.3 million WWI veterans rose, the economic utility of psychologists became apparent, if only to screen conscripts for mental disorders and weed out those who might be most Daniel J. vulnerable (and costly). Neuropsychiatric disorders ac- Christie counted for approximately 10% of all the costs for medical care, and it was estimated that a large percentage of conscripts had symptoms present at the time of their induction into the military (Cardona & Ritchie, 2006). Also in anticipation of WWII, psychologists were selected for responsible positions, solely on their psychological called upon to work on the Army General Classification records, had fully justified that selection. (cited by Yerkes, 1921, p. 24) Test, a replacement for the Army Alpha test (Harrell, 1992). The purpose of the General Classification Test was Nearly two million recruits (out of four million) were to separate recruits into a range of categories depending on tested in the army, a large number but one that would be how quickly they could be trained. It is estimated that dwarfed later by the widespread use of intelligence tests in nearly 12,000,000 men, or one fifth of the male population the civilian sector (Jones, 2007). The classification of men- in the United States, took the General Classification Test by tal abilities was complemented by a program designed to the end of WWII (Harrell, 1992). In addition, psychologists match conscripts with specific types of jobs, based primar- developed a host of other tests to measure knowledge of ily on the success of placement tests that were previously trades as well as academic, mechanical, and clerical apti- used by employers in the prewar period (Lynch, 1968). tudes (Napoli, 1978). Eventually, ability testing was integrated with personnel As the United States mobilized for WWII, psycholo- placement; as soon as Army recruits were given an intel- gists worked on President Roosevelt’s rearmament plan, ligence rating, they were immediately sent to the personnel screening and selecting 20,000 trainees from existing Fly- officer of the camp (Yerkes, 1918). ing Cadet Training Centers. Because nearly all applicants In addition to contributing to the efficiency of the aspired to pilot training, a battery of air-crew classification military, psychologists sought to directly impact the war- tests was developed and used to select personnel to be fighting capacity of soldiers by promoting high morale and trained for various specialties such as navigation, commu-

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. motivating them to ﬁght. With the help of Yerkes, Colonel nications, armament, meteorology, radar operations, and

This article is intended solely for the personal use of theEdward individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. L. Munson of the Medical Corps was able to bombardiers (Jones, 2007). The mission of the Army Air persuade the upper echelon in the Army of the need to Force Psychology Branch was broadened from test devel- promote morale before Americans sustained high casual- opment and research to full responsibility for managing all ties, like their European allies (Keene, 1994; Munson, aspects of air-crew selection, classification, and training 1921). Accordingly, the Morale Division was established to (Jones, 2007). Psychologists also conducted research on the boost the morale of soldiers in combat; however, it soon effects of stress on performance (Napoli, 1978) and on the became clear that a more pressing problem was the morale design of display and control equipment, which led to and discipline in training camps. Some of the problems increases in flight safety (Fitts, 1947). were attributed to personal issues (e.g., soldiers’ concerns While WWI catapulted research and practice on “ap- about family members back home), but the division also titude,” WWII placed the study of attitudes and emotions underscored the value of treating newly enlisted men with center stage. Research on newspaper headlines indicated consideration and thoughtfulness, an approach that empha- that people were more likely to take an active part in the sized empathy, much to the dismay of some of the more war when headlines evoked anger rather than fear (Allport traditionally oriented military officials (Keene, 1994). & Rhine, 1942) and emphasized American or Allied losses

October 2013 ● American Psychologist 503 Smith of the U.S. Navy noted in the foreword to Bray’s (1948) book Psychology and Military Proficiency, [Psychology] made the ‘man-machine’ a fighting unit more effective in the air, on the land, on the sea, and under the sea. [With the possible exception of work in applied mathematics] I believe that the application of psychology in selecting and training men, and in guiding the design of weapons so they would fit men, did more to help win this war than any other single intellectual activity . . . . Application of scientific methods by psychologists was a great factor in winning World War II. (pp. v–ix)

Postwar Contributions The outlines of U.S. foreign policy in the aftermath of WWII began to take shape in February of 1946 when George Kennan, deputy head of the U.S. mission in Mos- cow, sent a 16-page cable to the U.S. State Department warning that the Soviet Union was inherently an expansionistic power and therefore a threat to U.S. interests around the world (George & Smoke, 1974). Kennan argued for the “policy of containment” to prevent the spread of Cristina J. Soviet influence. His thesis was expanded and published in Montiel July 1947 and was quickly adopted by the U.S. foreign policy establishment (Kennan, 1947). Because U.S. policymakers increasingly viewed the world through a bipolar rather than gains (Allport & Lepkin, 1943). A sampling of lens that pitted an expansionistic Soviet Union against the actual newspaper headlines, however, revealed that most United States, deterrence became the centerpiece of U.S. were optimistic and emphasized gains. Hence, Allport, foreign policy. According to the logic and psychology of Lepkin, and Cahen (1943) published an article in Editor deterrence, the United States could best ensure its security and Publisher urging newspaper editors to frame the news by persuading any would-be aggressor that the expected negatively to bolster morale in the populace. There is little utility of aggression was substantially lower than the ex- evidence that editors were influenced, but the research on pected utility of the status quo (George & Smoke, 1974; headline framing had a direct impact on the Navy’s policy Tetlock, 1987). During the ensuing decades, the United on disclosing casualties to the public (Johnson & Nichols, States and the Soviet Union became locked in a Cold War, 1998). an adversarial relationship in which they concentrated their Social psychologists also examined letters written by resources in an arms race, competed for geopolitical influ- German citizens and inferred that morale was most affected ence around the world, and amassed stockpiles of conven- by small numbers of surprise bombings rather than regular tional and nuclear weapons. heavy bombing campaigns. Heavy bombing was associated American psychologists worked closely with govern- with a “will to resist,” and regular bombing gave the enemy ment and military officials during the Cold War. Psychol- an opportunity to organize daily activities around predict- ogists used familiar tools: survey research, evaluation, able bombing patterns. Moderate, unpredictable bombing training, and education. The core problems addressed were patterns were most effective in preventing lifestyle accom- (a) the reduction of fear among military personnel exposed modations and created enough destruction to reduce morale to atomic testing and (b) the assessment of public attitudes toward nuclear issues (Morawski & Goldstein, 1985). In This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. (Johnson & Nichols, 1998), a finding that was lost on the the first instance, psychological research funded by the This article is intended solely for the personal use of themilitary individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. leaders of the Vietnam War some years later. The war effort also was promoted by increasing the Department of the Army evaluated the impact of educa- productivity of factories that fueled the war. U.S. ship- tional units on soldiers’ fear of atomic maneuvers. These yards, in particular, were a growing concern, as German educational units decreased soldiers’ anxiety and increased U-boats were highly effective in destroying allied shipping their confidence in carrying out atomic maneuvers and of both war supplies and food across the Atlantic, which warfare; however, the units did not have a significant was essential for Britain’s survival. Katz and Hyman impact on soldiers’ willingness to volunteer for a mission (1947) conducted survey research on the relationship be- that would expose them to radiological hazards (Schwartz tween working conditions and low levels of productivity & Winograd, 1954). In related educational research, it was and high absenteeism. They suggested shipyard productiv- suggested that soldiers could develop “battlefield courage” ity could be enhanced through better working conditions and “moral fiber” or a willingness to sacrifice their lives if and offered specific recommendations. they learned in advance of their deployment about the By the end of the WWII, the applications of psychol- effects of radiation (i.e., preconditioning) and gained some ogy permeated the military, and as Captain Lybrand Palmer experience with small, tactical nuclear weapons (Rand,

504 October 2013 ● American Psychologist 1960); however, these propositions were never tested on thousands of Iraqis to surrender when U.S. forces entered the battlefield. Kuwait (Dittmann, 2003; Waller, 2001). The second area of research, civilian attitudes toward atomic energy and weapons, was important to government Global War on Terror officials because of the tension between civilian (including After the September 11, 2001, attacks, the United States scientists), as opposed to military, control of nuclear weap- went to war, first in Afghanistan and then in Iraq. Both ons (Lanouette, 2009). In the late 1940s and early 1950s, wars have taken a heavy toll on soldiers, many of whom psychologists conducted surveys and found that civilians have been rotated between home and combat over an were well aware of atomic energy and the bomb but had extended period of time. The cumulative effects of stress low levels of worry and fear (Cottrell & Eberhart, 1948; have been manifest in high levels of posttraumatic stress Douvan & Withey, 1953). These findings seemed puzzling disorder (PTSD), anxiety, depression, suicide, and divorce, because research also consistently indicated the public was posing an enormous challenge to mental health profession- not sanguine about the United States maintaining a monop- als (Hoge et al., 2004). From a more narrow military oly on atomic weapons or the prospect of international perspective, war stress adversely affects soldiers’ perfor- cooperation to control the spread of atomic weapons; more- mance, readiness, and personal relationships (Casey, 2011). over, the public judged the probability that atomic weapons In order to contribute to the Global War on Terror and would be used within the next 10 years as very likely enhance soldiers’ performance and well-being, a new and (Douvan & Withey, 1953). The lack of concern and fear robust set of programs and collaborative relationships are was typically explained by “fear suppression” (i.e., denial emerging between psychology and the U.S. Army (Casey, rather than absence of fear) and powerlessness among the 2011; Seligman & Fowler, 2011). The programs emphasize populace (Douvan & Withey, 1953; Harris, Proshansky, & soldier and community resilience and elevate psychological Raskin, 1956; Morawski & Goldstein, 1985). fitness to the status of physical fitness, which together form As the United States applied the policy of containment a Comprehensive Soldier Fitness Program (Cornum, Mat- and deployed troops in Korea and later in Vietnam, psy- thews, & Sullivan, 2011). Based on positive psychology chologists continued to develop and administer aptitude (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000), the Soldier Fitness and placement tests, just as they did during WWI and Program builds on human strengths and virtues (Seligman, WWII (Maier, 1993). The Vietnam War, however, was Steen, Park, & Peterson, 2005) and consists of four com- distinguished by “psychological operations” (PSYOPS) on ponents: universal resilience training, assessment and mon- an unprecedented scale. General Westmoreland champi- itoring of individual psychological fitness, training tailored oned the use of PSYOPS to induce the enemy to behave in to individual needs (e.g., emotional, social, family, or spir- ways favorable to U.S. military objectives, and during his itual), and training of “master resilience trainers” who have tenure, the number of PSYOPS personnel was increased to regular and frequent contact with soldiers (Cornum et al., a total of 500 (Chandler, 1981). As the United States allied 2011). Although the details of the program are beyond the itself with the Government of the Republic of Vietnam scope of this article, as Seligman and Fowler (2011) saw it (GVT) and sought to contain the Communist drive to in a special issue of the American Psychologist (January dominate the GVT, PSYOPS were applied to the Chieu Hoi (Open Arms) Inducement Program. Chieu Hoi offered am- 2011, Vol. 66), once again psychology was positioned to nesty and forgiveness to Vietnamese who voluntarily display a role in supporting the military to defend the nation armed and withdrew their support from the Communist from various threats around the world. movement. PSYOPS promoted the program with over 300 The Global War on Terror also has reinvigorated million leaflets, radio and television appeals, and loud- PSYOPS. Among the lessons learned during the Vietnam speaker broadcasts. At its peak in 1967, Chieu Hoi induced War was that PSYOPS are most effective when integrated 17,671 Vietnamese to lay down their arms, about one fifth with combat operations (Hunt, 1995). Today’s “operational the number of Vietnamese Communist troops killed or psychology” seeks to have a direct impact on the decisions made by commanders in the battlefield. According to Staal

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. captured during that same year (Hunt, 1995). Bairdain and and Stephenson (2006),

This article is intended solely for the personal use of theBairdain individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. (1971) isolated many of the components responsible for the effectiveness of the program (e.g., using ap- [Operational psychology employs] . . . psychological principles peals in tandem with combat operations) through structured and skills to improve a commander’s decision making as it interviews; however, by the time the results were available, pertains to conducting combat and/or related operations . . . . the United States was deescalating the use of combat forces Because operational psychologists do not typically deploy as part in Vietnam. of a medical unit but rather as a member of a commander’s battle PSYOPS has played a role in virtually all military staff, their contributions directly impact the mission through plan- operations since the Vietnam War with some extraordi- ning, risk management, assessment and selection, and so on. (p. 271) narily successful campaigns, such as the air-dropped leaflets on Iraqi troops occupying Kuwait during Operation Some examples of the role of operational psycholo- Desert Storm. The leaflets urged Iraqis to give up and gists in the 2003 Iraq War include the following: a psy- stated clearly how to surrender and the consequences of not chologist engaged in counterinsurgency work with com- surrendering. Military officers believe the PSYOPS cam- manding generals that led to the identification of suspected paign, paired with a month of bombing, induced tens of kidnappers and former regime loyalists, the debriefing of a

October 2013 ● American Psychologist 505 rescued hostage in order to gather time-sensitive intelli- views of each other. Even “deterrence,” the centerpiece of gence while guarding against retraumatizing the hostage, U.S. foreign policy, came under scrutiny as Milburn and assessment and selection of Iraqi personnel for an pointed out logical and empirical inconsistencies of a pol- indigenous Special Forces Unit as part of an effort to icy that could not be proven until it broke down (i.e., an increase Iraq’s internal security (Staal & Stephenson, enemy attacked). Katz argued for more research on conflict 2006). resolution, national imagery, and public opinions about More broadly, operational psychologists have devel- nuclear war and disarmament. In other publications, the oped guidelines and training procedures for use in the dangers of developing diabolical enemy images of the interrogation of detainees at various sites around the world “other” were articulated (Frank, 1967; White, 1966), and and have participated in interrogations as part of Behav- Osgood (1962) proposed Graduated and Reciprocated Ini- ioral Science Consultation Teams. Indeed, the controversial tiatives in Tension-reduction (GRIT), a method of defusing “exploitation-oriented” approach to interrogation that was international tensions by having each side take turns at practiced in Guantanamo and later migrated to Afghanistan initiating tension-reducing actions. In addition to journal and Iraq was developed and used by psychologists (Com- articles, two edited volumes offered a critique of U.S. mittee on Armed Services, 2008; Lewis, 2004). foreign policy and proposed avenues for preventing nuclear war (Schwebel, 1965; Wright, Evan, & Deutsch, 1962). Contributions of Psychology to Peace Morawski and Goldstein (1985) assessed the significance In contrast to war, peace received very little attention of changes that took place in the 1960s: during the first half of the 20th century. Instead, the newly First, the level of analysis was shifted from an exclusive focus on emerging specialty of international relations was home for the behavior of individuals to a more inclusive focus on the many scholars who studied interstate relations. The field of behavior of nations. Second, psychologists began to emphasize international relations was dominated by a realist philoso- the prevention of war rather than preparations for war. And third, phy (Burchill & Linklater, 2001) that maintained sovereign whereas previous research had attempted to document or generate states operated within an anarchical international system, public consensus with government policy, the new work was critical of U.S. foreign policies. (p. 280) with each state seeking to advance its interests through the demonstration, consolidation, and projection of power It is not clear whether any of these publications had an (Morgenthau & Thompson, 1985). There were, however, a impact on U.S. policies, though Etzioni (1967) demon- few notable pieces of scholarship by psychologists in the strated how the runup to the passage of the Limited Test 1940s that would likely fall within the rubric of “peace Ban Treaty by Kennedy and Khruschev neatly conformed psychology” today; examples include surveys by Stagner, to Osgood’s (1962) GRIT pattern. What is clear is that Brown, Gundlach, and White (1942) on public attitudes many psychologists in the 1960s were critical of the direc- toward war and books by Cantril (1950), Klineberg (1950), tion of U.S. foreign policy and believed that the science of and Murphy (1945). psychology could offer some guidance to improve the In 1957, as the Cold War continued to take shape and dangerous superpower relationship. the threat of global war seemed imminent, scholars from a Throughout the 1970s, domestic concerns took prece- variety of disciplines, including psychology, organized dence over foreign policy. U.S. psychologists examined around the idea that disputes could be resolved through topics such as student activism, population growth, changes dialogue and conflict resolution rather than violence (Kries- in sex roles, and a range of issues related to race relations. berg, 2007). As the field of conflict resolution gained Psychologists had a significant impact on the desegregation legitimacy in the United States, “peace” remained obscure of schools, but the issue of social justice was not yet in the academic lexicon largely because “peace” was sus- integrated with the discourse of peace psychology. M. pect, especially during the McCarthy era (Kelman, 1981). Brewster Smith seemed to capture the views of peace Historically, American psychologists have generally psychologists during the height of the Cold War when he supported the overall direction of U.S. foreign policy, but wrote in the foreword to the first book with “peace psy- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of theduring individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. the Cold War a number of psychologists broke ranks chology” in its title: “[During the Cold War] I regarded it with U.S. policymakers (Morawski & Goldstein, 1985). In as a distraction to include the agenda of social justice under the 1960s, a raft of publications signaled an incipient shift the same banner as avoidance of nuclear war (Smith, 2001, from war planning to peace promotion (Wagner, 1985)as p. i).” psychologists (such as Gordon Allport, Hadley Cantril, and Although domestic issues dominated the 1970s, some Otto Klineberg) argued that the atomic age required a new psychologists focused on the Vietnam War, the U.S. policy form of diplomacy and the abolition of war (Jacobs, 1989). of containment, and tensions in the superpower relation- The Journal of Social Issues featured a number of articles ship. Janis (1972) proposed “groupthink” as a construct to by distinguished psychologists who argued for a new di- explain U.S. foreign policy ﬁascos, including decisions of rection in U.S. foreign policy (Russell, 1961). Deutsch the Johnson administration to increase troop strength re- described how the U.S.–Soviet relationship could move peatedly, thereby escalating combat in Vietnam. “Group- from mutual terror to mutual trust. Bronfenbrenner intro- think” refers to a dynamic that takes place when highly duced the concept of “mirror images” based on his surveys cohesive ingroup members strive for unanimity rather than that revealed Soviet and U.S. citizens had similar negative critically evaluating alternative courses of action, resulting

506 October 2013 ● American Psychologist in misguided decision making and foreign policy debacles. man, 1997). Many of these conflicts yielded violent epi- In other research, White (1968, 1969) used a variety of sodes that were repeated (i.e., cycles of violence) and sources including polling data and interviews with well- qualified as “intractable conflict” because they were inter- informed South Vietnamese and academic scholars and generational and viewed as existential and zero-sum in concluded that the United States suffered from a “pro-us nature (Bar-Tal, 2007; Coleman, 2003). illusion”; he suggested that if Presidents Kennedy and In addition, as the Cold War receded, American peace Johnson had clearly realized that the attitudes of the South psychologists came to appreciate that the focal concern in Vietnamese people at that time were much more “anti-us” many parts of the world was not the prospect of direct than “pro-us,” the Vietnam War would have been avoided. violence but structural violence, an insidious and ubiqui- Another wave of scholarship appeared in the 1980s, tous problem that kills people just as surely as direct with much of it benefiting from developments in political violence by depriving them of material resources and po- psychology. The psychological nature of the U.S.–Soviet litical representation in matters that affect their well-being. relationship was captured by the title of White’s (1984) Hence, “structural violence” became an area of inquiry book Fearful Warriors. Two years later, White’s (1986) (Christie, 1997; Pilisuk, 1998; Schwebel, 1997) and a tar- edited volume Psychology and the Prevention of Nuclear get of activism and policy change (Montiel & Noor, 2009; War featured highly regarded psychologists and political Montero & Sonn, 2009). scientists who described psychological and political ante- Recognizing the ubiquity of structural violence, peace cedents and consequences of the nuclear arms race, which psychology borrowed from the transdisciplinary field of included destructive communication patterns, mutually dis- peace and conflict studies (Galtung, 1969) a more differ- torted perceptions, and coercive interactions. The volume entiated perspective on the meaning of “peace” that in- added a measure of credibility and legitimacy to psycho- cluded both “positive peace,” meaning the amelioration of logical analyses of the nuclear arms race and gave greater structural violence or the promotion of social justice, and clarity and coherence to the literature in peace psychology. “negative peace,” referring to the traditional concern of The 1980s also gave rise to peace movements and preventing and mitigating violent episodes. Once again, the organizations that institutionalized peace psychology. In Journal of Social Issues captured the thrust and scope of 1983, President Reagan turned up the rhetoric, called the the field by devoting an entire issue to research and activ- Soviet Union an “evil empire,” raised the possibility of ism in post-Cold War peace psychology. Taken together, “limited” nuclear war in the European theater, and ap- the articles in the issue characterized post-Cold War peace proved the deployment of Pershing II and cruise missiles in psychology as (1) global in scope, (2) nuanced by geohis- the backyards of Europeans (McNamara, 1983), sparking torical context, (3) focused on multiple levels of analysis the anti-nuclear movements in Europe. As a result, the (from interpersonal to international), (4) aimed at the pre- German Peace Psychology Association was established, vention and mitigation of both structural and episodic which to this day holds annual meetings on research in forms of violence, and (5) framed as a system in which peace psychology. Shortly thereafter, Psychologists for the sustainable peace required nonviolent means combined Prevention of Nuclear War (now Psychologists for Peace) with deep-rooted structural and cultural changes in the became a member group within the Australian Psycholog- relationship between individuals and groups (Christie, ical Society, and Psychologists for Social Responsibility, 2006). an activist organization in the United States, was founded Using the post-Cold War framework as an intellectual to promote the application of psychological knowledge to scaffolding for peace psychology, peace psychologists reduce the threat of nuclear war. In 1989, Cold War ten- have proposed a variety of concepts and processes as inputs sions abated with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and that create a context conducive to violent episodes (Blum- the following year APA established the Division of Peace berg, Hare, & Costin, 2006; Christie, 2012; Vollhardt & Psychology (Wessells, 1996). Bilali, 2008). Some of the inputs have been durable concepts in the field of psychology for more than half a Contemporary Contributions of Psychology

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. century. A few examples include the following: group- to Peace

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. think, realistic group conflict, relative deprivation, and As the bipolar geostrategic power relationship between the right-wing authoritarian beliefs. Other concepts are more United States and the Soviet Union receded, a complex recent entries to the peace psychology lexicon and made pattern of intergroup conflicts moved to the foreground in their appearance during the cognitive revolution in psy- peace psychology. These conflicts were characterized by chology: conflict-inducing metaphors, (enemy) image the- intercommunal tensions, oppositional social identities, ory, and destructive ideologies. Some concepts, such as deeply divisive ideologies, and violent episodes that typi- delegitimization (of others), are integrative and subsume a cally occurred in and around communities, where they number of other concepts. Many of the more recent entries exacted a heavy toll on the lives and well-being of family have an emotional component, such as emotions that mo- members, friends, and neighbors (Eriksson, Wallensteen, & bilize violent activism, conditions that produce hatred of Sollenberg, 2003; Gurr & Moore, 1997). People were di- the other, and the role of threat in defensively motivated vided, not so much by state boundaries but by ethnicity, violence. Not surprisingly, peace psychology draws heavily religion, economic well-being, and other markers of social from constructs at the collective level of analysis: collec- identity (Tajfel, 2010) and identity-based conflicts (Roth- tive efficacy, collective memories of victimization, collec-

October 2013 ● American Psychologist 507 tive beliefs, and collective fear. Perhaps most distinctive, nisms, resist political forces that would exploit divisions, some peace psychology constructs pertain to structural and quickly intervene in potential hot spots, and agree on the cultural contexts, invoking power differences and corre- value of preserving intergroup relations. In addition, those sponding narratives that are used to justify social inequal- within zones tend to have cohesive and enduring relation- ities and violence. ships, an inclusive social identity, and collective commit- In addition to the traditional concern with the ante- ment to civility. Zones of civility manage to avoid the cedents and conditions of violence, peace psychologists ravages of a war, thereby strengthening civil society while have identified peaceful interventions that can be tailored to keeping local populations safe and infrastructures intact. phases within a cycle of violence (Christie et al., 2008; Peace interventions after a violent Staub, 2013), that is, interventions that can take place either episode. In the aftermath of a violent episode, inter- before, during, or after a violent episode. group tensions do not necessarily abate; instead, feelings of Peace interventions before a violent distrust, victimhood, and motives for revenge can continue episode. Conflict management strategies are interven- to dominate intergroup relations. The area of postviolence tions that seek to manage and prevent conflicts from turn- intervention has grown enormously in recent years. Some ing to violence (cf. Deutsch, 1994; Kelman, 2010). Some of the key questions, concepts and processes involved in practitioners and theorists have examined the management postviolence interventions can be gleaned from entries in of conflict at multiple levels (Deutsch, 1973; Deutsch, the Encyclopedia of Peace Psychology (Christie, 2012). Coleman, & Marcus, 2006); others have focused primarily Questions include the following: Under what conditions on the intergroup and international levels (Fisher, 2005; can an apology promote reconciliation? What is the role of Kelman, 2010); still others have proposed interventions for collective memories in the reconciliation process? How is intractable forms of conflict (Bar-Tal, 2000, 2007; Cole- intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation defined and mea- man, 2003). In order to prevent violent episodes, a host of sured? To what extent can cooperative projects between conflict management concepts and processes have been adversarial groups reconcile differences? Do truth commis- identified (Blumberg et al., 2006; Christie, 2012; Vollhardt sions promote reconciliation between perpetrators and vic- & Bilali, 2008). Generally, emphasis is placed on bringing tims of violence? What is the role of reparations in pro- adversarial groups in contact with one another in an emo- moting reconciliation? What kinds of interventions are able tional climate conducive to intergroup dialogue, active to interrupt the intergenerational transfer of trauma? What listening, cognitive and affective empathy, cooperation, types of psychosocial interventions promote reconciliation and constructive interactions that build the relationship, and sustainable development? When are traditional forms promote an inclusive sense of social identity, and inculcate of healing useful in the wake of violence? nonviolent values. In postviolence settings, an important set of questions Peace interventions during a violent concern how to “do no harm” (Wessells, 2009) and assist episode. When conflicts are not or cannot be managed violence-affected people, who are coming to terms with constructively and violence ensues, the number of peaceful their violent experiences, while promoting intergroup rec- intervention options diminishes greatly, not least because onciliation (Nadler, 2012) and collective actions that build organized violence intensifies a host of psychological pro- security, economic well-being, and politically transparent cesses that form barriers to peaceful overtures (Kimmel & and accountable institutions (Wessells, 2007). Ethical is- Stout, 2006). Interventions are generally aimed at the de- sues for peace psychologists include how to refrain from a escalation of violence through either (a) seizing moments neocolonialism that (a) creates jobs for Western aid agen- of “ripeness” or times when one or both parties are “psy- cies while promoting dependency among aid recipients, (b) chologically ready” to engage the other party in dialogue encourages universal liberal political philosophies while (Pruitt, 2007), (b) mediation efforts by third parties (Fisher, failing to honor local traditions and wisdom, and (c) up- 2005), and/or (c) grassroots anti-war activism aimed at holds the power structure of local elites rather than giving influencing elite decision makers (Boehnke & Shani, voice to the powerless (Fontan, 2012).

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. 2012). Notwithstanding the small number of intervention Finally, when peaceful interventions fail to prevent or

This article is intended solely for the personal use of theoptions individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. that are available during organized violence, it is mitigate a violent episode, a repeated cycle of violence sometimes possible to identify and build on small “pockets (i.e., intractable conflict) may develop and last for genera- of peace” or communities that remain peaceful despite tions. These intractable conflicts are indicative of deeply being surrounded by violence. These pockets of peace, or rooted problems that require “conflict transformation,” a zones of civility, have been identified in a wide range of complex set of processes that include changes in the per- geohistorical contexts including Wayame Village in Am- sonal, relational, structural, and cultural features of the bon, Indonesia (Braithwaite, 2010), Calicut in India conflict (Bar-Tal, 2007; Coleman, 2003; Lederach, 2003). (Varshney, 2003), Tuzla City in Bosnia (Armakolas, 2011; Peace with social justice. Because peace psy- Wallace, 2002), and Joghori District in Afghanistan (Sule- chologists view the continuous pursuit of social justice as man & Williams, 2003). In all of these cases, civil relations essential for sustaining peace, nonviolent social justice prevailed inside the zone despite exogenous shocks as movements are central to contemporary peace psychology. neighboring villages erupted in armed confrontations. Peo- While the Arab Spring has attracted a great deal of atten- ple inside zones of civility communicate and cooperate tion recently, psychological analyses have been applied to across ethnic divisions, develop conflict-resolving mecha- numerous “people power” movements that have taken

508 October 2013 ● American Psychologist place in the past 25 years throughout Asia: in the Philip- tions, redress biases, arrive at insights, improve personal pines (1986), Taiwan (1986), South Korea (1987), Thai- and intergroup relations, and craft policies that, under ideal land (1992), Indonesia (1998), East Timor (2002), Nepal conditions, are adopted by official policymakers. In the (2006), and Pakistan (2008). These countries are wracked context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, problem-solving by histories of predatory colonialism, identity-based vio- workshops provided substantive inputs into official nego- lence, and ruthless authoritarian regimes that have tried to tiations and contributed to a political climate that produced remain in power through media censorship, forced disap- the Oslo Accords (Kelman, 1995, 1997; Rouhana & Kel- pearances, the destruction of villages, and other forms of man, 1994). The Oslo Accords changed perceptions of the oppression designed to terrorize and repress communities. relationship between Israelis and Palestinians: from a zero- From a peace psychology perspective, these nonviolent sum game in which any gain in national identity for one democratic transitions take place at multiple levels: Indi- party was viewed as a loss for the other party to a relation- viduals grapple with historical traumas, while on a national ship in which there was mutual recognition of the other’s level, groups collectively engage with the past and craft a right to a political existence (Kelman, 2005). Hence, peace positive future. For example, meaning-making about the psychologists have contributed constructively to one of the anti-dictatorship struggle is done by political leaders in the most stubbornly intractable conflicts in the world. new democracy (Montiel, 2010); emotional regulation to- Psychologists also have played a role in policies pro- ward the state is carried out on a large scale, as groups moting reconciliation. When Apartheid was being disman- previously geared toward angrily overthrowing the state tled in South Africa and the government was transitioning obtain new power and learn how to use state power care- from White minority to Black majority rule, psychologists fully and wisely (Montiel & Rodriguez, 2009); disclosures assisted Khulumani, or self-help groups (Urbsaitis, 2009) about past abuses may be carried out through truth com- for victims of political violence, who told their stories to missions or other politically transparent procedures the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Over time, Khu- (Hayner & Ash, 2002); storylines or narratives of forgive- lumani (i.e., “Speak Out” in Zulu) groups became politi- ness and social justice accompany democratic growth cally active and applied pressure to have the “secrecy (Montiel, 2000); and pragmatic strategies for building clauses” removed from the Truth and Reconciliation Act, homegrown democracy are implemented (Montiel, 2006). thereby making the testimony by perpetrators and victims of political violence available to the public rather than Contributions of Psychology to Peace and taking place behind closed doors (Hamber, 2009). Argu- Social Justice Policies ably, these public testimonies resulted in a new collective It may seem overly ambitious to suggest that the science of representation of past atrocities and reduced the likelihood psychology could contribute to policies related to peace of historical revisionism. Moreover, in the wake of the and social justice in part because the discipline of psychol- Truth and Reconciliation Commission, research evidence ogy typically operates at the micro level of analysis and indicates that the more Whites and non-Whites agreed that public policies are implemented at the macro level (Sued- both sides had committed cruelties against their adversary, feld & Tetlock, 1991). Admittedly, the traditional focus of the more they expressed pro-reconciliation attitudes, as psychology on a decontextualized version of the individual reflected in support for the rule of law, political tolerance, (Gergen, Gulerce, & Misra, 1996) does not readily lend and endorsement of the legitimacy of South African polit- itself to policy formation. There are, however, some note- ical institutions (Gibson, 2006). worthy examples of psychologically informed principles Social justice policies have been center stage in lib- that have had an impact on policies bearing on social eration psychology movements that swept across Latin justice and peace around the world. One contribution of America in the 1980s and spawned community-based and psychologists that took place before social justice was culturally grounded emancipatory agendas and policy center stage in peace psychology was to the U.S. Supreme changes in many other countries (Montero & Sonn, 2009). Court ruling against racial segregation in graduate school While sharing with peace psychologists the core concern of

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. education, which was based on the testimony of social social justice, liberation psychologists engage in praxis, a

This article is intended solely for the personal use of thescientists individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. on the harmful psychological effects of segrega- philosophical and socially transformative agenda that fo- tion (Tushnet, 1987). In addition, psychologically informed cuses on the problems of exclusion, marginalization, and expert witness testimony by social scientists in lower court oppression from the perspective of people who suffer from cases led to the U.S. Supreme Court decision declaring these social injustices (Montero, 2009). Through an intera- state laws establishing separate public schools for Black tive process of action and reflection, people who have and White students unconstitutional (Jackson, 1998). internalized the dominant ideologies of an oppressive so- In the international arena, peace psychologists have ciety begin to critically examine their position in the soci- developed methodologies that have led to policies support- ety along with their feeling of inferiority, thereby liberating ing intergroup peace (Fisher, 2005; Kelman, 2005). For themselves from domination (Freire, 1970). Under these example, problem-solving workshops are mediated by third circumstances, psychologists—as privileged members of parties that bring together influential but politically unof- societies—have a supportive or accompaniment role to ficial members of adversarial groups to engage in private play (Sacipa-Rodríguez, Tovar-Guerra, Villarreal, & Bo- and confidential interactions. Intergroup empathy is en- horquez, 2009). Emancipatory approaches have been ap- couraged as the parties analyze the conflict, test assump- plied to survivors and victims of torture, disappearances,

October 2013 ● American Psychologist 509 and murder. For instance, psychologists provided psycho- conceptions on the nature of organized violence, as well as social support for the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo (Hol- its origins, mitigation, and prevention, continue to be de- lander, 1997), a political movement of bereaved mothers veloped in peace psychology. And while there has been and grandmothers who gathered and marched around the respectable growth in scholarship, peace psychology is not Plazo de Mayo in central Buenos Aires every Thursday for an insular academic endeavor. Instead, peace psychologists many years in an effort to pressure the military dictatorship around the world are involved in socially transformative to reunite them with their abducted children. For several processes through applied work and the development of decades, they protested, wearing white head scarves sym- policies that promote peace with social justice. Not surpris- bolizing the blankets of 30,000 children “missing” until ingly, we should expect tensions will remain between 2006, when the law that prevented the prosecution of peace psychologists and psychologists more aligned with perpetrators of political violence was declared unconstitu- the goals of the U.S. defense establishment. At present, for tional. example, the APA policy on interrogation and torture em- The global reach of liberation psychology was also braces the principle that psychologists play a critical role in manifest around the world in the rise of “Black conscious- keeping interrogations “safe, legal, ethical, and effective” ness,” which challenged racist representations of Blacks, (Presidential Task Force on Psychological Ethics and Na- beginning in the 1960s. In South Africa, for instance, the tional Security, 2005, p. 8). In contrast, while peace psy- Black consciousness movement was accompanied by a chologists are committed to “do not harm,” given the shift among psychologists from a commitment to the ad- situational and systemic pressures that are operative during vancement of White superiority to a critique of Apartheid interrogations, a prescription more consistent with peace and the role of psychology in perpetuating racism (Duncan, psychologists’ appreciation for the larger context within van Niekerk, de la Rey, & Seedat, 2001). Indeed, the field which individual behavior occurs would be to recommend of psychology continues to transform itself, and today, the that psychologists do not in any way participate in national voices of Black scholars in South Africa are increasingly security interrogations (Soldz & Olson, 2008). Clearly, represented in the production of psychological knowledge these are the kinds of complex value-based conflicts that (Duncan & Bowman, 2009). 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