AC Vol 42 No 15

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

AC Vol 42 No 15 www.africa-confidential.com 27 July 2001 Vol 42 No 15 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL NIGERIA 2 NIGERIA I Politics dead or alive The ruling PDP joins the electoral 2003 starts here race with a commanding lead. The The coming elections are about the survival of Nigeria’s federation most exciting development is the as much as President Obasanjo’s career formation of the National Democratic Party, partly funded Two years before the next national elections, decision-making comes a poor second to political by General Babangida, which is manoeuvring – and that threatens the few recent successes in reforming the mismanaged and corrupt tipped as his vehicle for a campaign economy. Worse, electioneering may jeopardise the sensitive negotiations over Nigeria’s federation against Obasanjo. of states. In the south, the clamour is growing for a national conference about devolving power to the regions and states; in the north, there are fears the region would lose out economically if the NIGERIA 4 federation were weaker. President Olusegun Obasanjo is cautious about all this. He was known to oppose a national Murder, pillage, constitutional conference, preferring to give the job to the wayward National Assembly. His allies scandal now say he is willing to consider a conference, both to help the ruling People’s Democratic Party’s electoral position and to slow down the centrifugal forces pushing for radical constitutional change, Questions are being asked about if not for breaking up the federation. The limits of the federation are being tested even without a President Obasanjo’s relations with Generals Babangida and national conference. Abubakar, who have been excoriated by witnesses to the Federal strains human rights tribunal chaired by ● Twelve oil producing states want the 13 per cent of oil earnings to which they are constitutionally Justice Oputa – and have themselves been summoned. But entitled to cover offshore as well as onshore oil production, yet the federal government wants to might the portrayal at the tribunal quash this in the Supreme Court. The suit, which is to be heard in September, will be the most of army officers as clowns, thieves important test of the Court’s independence under the Obasanjo government. Government lawyers and psychopaths provoke a military will insist that the derivation or revenue-sharing formula (13 per cent of state oil revenues) applies response? only to onshore oil production, which is a fast diminishing share of total production. ● Most of the north’s 19 states have adopted a code of criminal law based on Sharia (Islamic law), FRANCE/AFRICA 6 which may be unconstitutional and is clearly against the wishes of the federal government. The state governments protest that this doesn’t infringe on the rights of dissenters or non-Muslims but Hunting lobby Christian associations strongly oppose the move. Violent confrontations on the issue left more than Efforts by Premier Lionel Jospin’s 2,000 people dead in Kaduna last year, hundreds more in other states. Many supporters of Sharia centre-left government to reform complain about the inability of the police and judicial system to deal with rising crime. France’s Africa policy have been ● Armed robbery and instability in southern states has given rise to vigilante gangs and militant spurred by a raft of scandals such ethnic associations such as the Bakassi Boys in eastern Nigeria and the Oodua People’s Congress in as Angolagate. Spearheading the the south-west, which often victimise other ethnic groups and have sparked dangerous clashes. financial reform is Jean-Michel Severino, the new head of the There have been alarming press reports that Hausa traders are storing weapons in Lagos for ‘security French aid agency who is reasons’ but wilder stories about northern vigilantes receiving military training in neighbouring determined to depoliticise aid and states have been dismissed. Others worry that incumbent state governors may use the vigilantes as open up agricultural markets. political thugs during election campaigning. ● State governments are trying to run their economies autonomously. Several are borrowing on ZAMBIA 7 capital markets; Lagos State government wants to float a 25 billion naira (US$254 million) bond to fund capital projects. The federal government is losing control of macro-economic policy and the Post-summit blues central bank wants to bar state governments from contracting major domestic liabilities without consultation. Proceeds from the latest mobile telephone licensing round are being divided between President Chiluba’s hosting of the OAU has been followed by a series feds and states, as are oil windfall payments. This gives extra funds to state governors who are more of political crises: the loss of a key concerned with re-election than with the long-term effects of public spending on the naira’s stability by-election, the beating of a former or on interest rates aide and an embarrassing The main concern for most politicians is whether Obasanjo will seek a second term in 2003. His defamation case. advisors offer contrary views but most believe he will run – leaving an official announcement as late as possible, to keep his rivals guessing. He would then have to jump once more through the PDP’s POINTERS 8 nomination hoops. Some loyalists have already started campaigning in their home regions for his re-election. Eastern ministers Ojo Maduekwe (Transport) and Kema Chikwe (Aviation) started at Sudan/Kenya, the beginning of July. The Yoruba Council of Elders endorsed Obasanjo despite scepticism from Somalia & Eritrea sundry Yoruba nationalists. 27 July 2001 Africa Confidential Vol 42 No 15 Politics dead or alive The ruling People’s Democratic Party, with 209 of the 348 seats in the his prime. Some claim that Emeka Anyaoku, until recently Secretary National Assembly and 59 of the 103 seats in the Senate, enters the electoral General of the Commonwealth, is presidential material but he would not be race with a commanding lead and all the advantages of incumbency in the ready by 2003. Of the upcoming governors and senators, Governor presidency and several state governorships. The All People’s Party, with 74 Chimaroke Nnamani of Enugu State is taken seriously. The more populist seats in the Assembly and 24 in the Senate, and the Alliance for Democracy Orji Kalu of Abia State has ambitions but also a past that might not stand with 68 and 20 seats respectively, are deeply fragmented and demoralised. up to investigation. Nigerians want a reordering of the political landscape. Yet even if the new The politics of the southern oil-producing states – the south-south – will electoral law is passed in September and it permits new parties to be formed, be affected by the Supreme Court battle over off-shore oil revenues. If the the PDP’s opponents have not got much time to put together cohesive Court decision goes in their favour and Obasanjo’s federal government national parties. gives the south-south states 13 per cent of oil revenue from the offshore sea- The PDP, whose backbone is the People’s Democratic Movement of the bed, influential Delta members will probably stay in the PDP. If they lose, late Shehu Musa Yar ’Adua, will be hard to stop, in spite of its own internal many prominent south-south politicians will walk out of the party. Whether divisions. There was a row last year when PDM candidate Barnabas they can coalesce into a united movement against Abuja is another matter. Gemade won the party chair over Sunday Awoniyi, candidate for the more In the south-south states, some of whose peoples are bitter rivals, it would conservative north. Amid allegations of rigging, Awoniyi was expelled, be hard to present a common front or a common candidate. Peter Odili of along with party stalwarts including Bamanga Tukur from Adamawa Rivers State has aspirations beyond his state; Donald Duke of Cross Rivers State, a founding member of the PDP and also a former state governor and is said to want to be Atiku’s Vice-President. minister. Awoniyi now leads National Frontiers (NF), an association that In the south-west, the PDP has recently secured defections from the AD has renamed itself National Democratic Party in the hope of being registered by three senators and representatives. In Lagos and Ogun states, where the in September. PDP did badly last time, Obasanjo’s increased popularity could give it a few The PDP’s main parliamentary challenger in 1999 was the APP, an odd senatorial seats and governorships against incumbent governors who are amalgam of Abacha-era politicians and radical opponents of President determined and well equipped to stave them off. Olusegun Obasanjo. The Alliance for Democracy is so divided that it has Vigilantism is the big new danger. Governor Bola Tinubu of Lagos State two executive councils, one backed by the mainstream Yoruba cultural has suggested that the Oodua People’s Congress, a Yoruba association association, Afenifere, and one closer to President Obasanjo’s camp. Bola banned by Obasanjo for inciting ethnic violence, could be deployed in Ige, the Attorney General, has a foot in both camps as deputy head of Lagos to fight crime; Tinubu could then employ it for political purposes. Afenifere but also the President’s leading AD ally. The Bakassi Boys, deployed to fight crime in Abia and Anambra states, The NF/NDP hopes to bite off disaffected factions from the AD and PDP could turn into private militias at the service of Governors Orji Kalu and and swallow the APP whole. The NF/NDP has also been courting cultural Chinwoke Mbadinuju. Members of the Anambra State Assembly drew and ethnic associations – Afenifere; Ohaneze, its Igbo counterpart in the pistols during a debate on law and order. Mbadinuju, the original champion east; the Arewa Consultative Forum, its newer equivalent in the north; and of the Bakassi Boys, faces a group of wealthy inhabitants determined to the Union of the Niger Delta, a loose association of southern oil-producing unseat him.
Recommended publications
  • Property Valuation
    VALUATION LIST OF PROPERTIES - FIRST BATCH (APRIL 2019) S/N Property Id Assessment Name of Property Owner/Occupant Type of Property Use of Property Address of Property Annual Value S/N Property Id Assessment Name of Property Owner/Occupant Type of Property Use of Property Address of Property Annual Value S/N Property Id Assessment Name of Property Owner/Occupant Type of Property Use of Property Address of Property Annual Value Number Number Number 1 0040000278 KRV/TR/J/19/001 0 KOLOME PLAZA SHOPPING MALL/ COMMERCIAL not available, ANGWAN DOKA NEW N448,000.00 108 0030000220 KRV/TR/E/19/013 ALHAJI SHEHU LADY COMFORT SMALL SHOPS COMMERCIAL 0, VINTAGE ESTATE ROAD, CITY N192,000.00 DUNAMIS BOUNDARY,CUSTOM PLAZA NYANYA, ALONG KEFFI ABUJA HAIR COLLEGE MARARABA, MARARABA STREET,MAMMY WAY,BESIDE BENEDAN EXPRESS WAY, NEW NYANYA 109 0030000170 KRV/TR/E/19/002 ALHAJI,SHOPS SHOPS OPPOSITE SMALL SHOPS COMMERCIAL 01, OPPOSITE BOREHOLE OFF N144,000.00 ROAD MARARABA APARTMENT., MARARABA 2 0060000804 KRV/TR/M/19/001 0060000804 MULTI-PURPOSE MIXED USE not available, NOT AVAILABLE, N494,400.00 BOREHOLE SAMAILA MANAGER STREET, BOUNDARY, MASAKA SAMAILA MARARABA MANAGER STREET 216 0010000034 KRV/TR/D/19/001 AYINDA CLINE SHOPPING COMMERCIAL not available, BILL CLINTON N120,000.00 3 0040000154 KRV/TR/A/19/037 101 LOUNGE 101 LOUNGE GUEST HOUSE COMMERCIAL 101, OLD KARU ROAD OPPOSITE N480,000.00 COMPUTER COMPLEX PRIMARY SCHOOL NEW NYA NYA, DUDU COMPANY, MARARABA 110 0040000835 KRV/TR/E/19/0011 ALHAJI UMARU SHOPS CENTER SHOPS COMMERCIAL 0, DAN IYA STREET, MARARABA
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria Apr2001
    NIGERIA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT APRIL 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 2. GEOGRAPHY 2.1 3. ECONOMY 3.1 - 3.3 4. HISTORY Post - independence historical background The Abacha Regime 4.1 - 4.2 4.3 - 4.8 Death of Abacha and related events up until December 1998 4.9 - 4.16 Investigations into corruption 4.17 - 4.21 Local elections - 5 December 1998 4.22 Governorship and House of Assembly Elections 4.23 - 4.24 4.25 - 4.26 Parliamentary elections- 20/2/99 4.27 Presidential elections - 27/2/99 4.28 - 4.29 Recent events 5. HUMAN RIGHTS: INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE POLITICAL SYSTEM 5.1 - 52 THE CONSTITUTION 5.3 - 5.5 THE JUDICIARY 5.6 - 5.8 (i) Past practise 5.9 - 5.13 (ii) Present position 5.14 - 5.15 5.16 - 5.19 LEGAL RIGHTS/DETENTION 5.20 - 5.22 THE SECURITY SERVICES 5.23 - 5.26 POLICE 5.27 - 5.30 PRISON CONDITIONS 5.31 - 5.35 HEALTH AND SOCIAL WELFARE 6. HUMAN RIGHTS: ACTUAL PRACTICE WITH REGARD TO HUMAN RIGHTS (i) The Abacha Era (ii) The Abubakar Era 6.1 - 62 6.3 - 66 (iii) Current Human Rights Situation 6.7 1 7. HUMAN RIGHTS: GENERAL ASSESSMENT SECURITY SITUATION FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY/OPINION: 7.1 - 7.3 (i) The situation under Abacha: 7.4 (ii) The situation under General Abubakar 7.5 - 7.8 (iii) The present situation 7.9 - 7.14 MEDIA FREEDOM (i) The situation under Abacha: 7.15 (ii) The situation under General Abubakar 7.16 (iii) The situation under the present government 7.17 - 7.26 7.28 - 7.30 Television and Radio FREEDOM OF RELIGION 7.31 - 7.36 (i) The introduction of Sharia law, and subsequent events.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: the Case of Nigeria
    3 The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: The Case of Nigeria Nduba Echezona As the Cold War cycle played itself out, some of the multinational nation-states which had been taken for granted such as the former Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia suddenly dissolved. Their splitting pointed towards a direction which had hitherto been a trend in world politics, namely that the nation’s territory had to be synonymous with the territory of the state, the nation being made up of people with shared cultures and myths of blood ties. This direction in Europe might have set a worldwide pace. Africa has shown very little sign of complying with it. Africa entered the post-Cold War era with seemingly high prospects of terri- torial disintegration. This was exemplified by many civil wars in recent years, some with genocidal features. But, except for Eritrea and, to a lesser extent Somaliland, the political map of Africa’s states and borders has remained remarkably unchanged. Wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo have not caused these states to split. Nonetheless, wars have led to spatial recompositions, to emerging spaces of sovereignty within state territories and to renewed challenges to the official geography from above — the latter being defined by: the various corporations that have or have had the political or technocratic vocation of establishing, defending or modifying foreign or internal (administrative) borders of established states and organizing their geographical space (regular armies, diplomatic corps, colonial or contemporary administrators) (Ben Arrous 1996:17). 3.Chap.3_2.pmd 79 10/06/2009, 11:10 80 African Studies in Geography from Below In Nigeria, the colonial and postcolonial efforts to construct a nation-state from above rather than from below produced an ‘uncertain’ Nigerian; somebody with equivocal national feelings and many other allegiances.
    [Show full text]
  • Africa, Former Christian Science Monitor Correspondent Robert Press Tells His first-Hand Story of Triumph and Tragedy
    photo by Betty Press $24.95 PRESS IN The New Africa, former Christian Science Monitor correspondent Robert Press tells his first-hand story of triumph and tragedy After serving as foreign correspondent in Africa for THE NEW in contemporary sub-Saharan Africa. Featuring The Christian Science Monitor from 1987 to 1995, photographs by Betty Press, whose work has Robert M. Press has been a visiting scholar and appeared in The Christian Science Monitor, adjunct professor of journalism at Stetson Univer- sity, DeLand, Florida, and a visiting professor at New York Times, Time, and Newsweek, Principia College, Elsah, Illinois. the book offers a compelling account of the continent’s emerging movements toward photo by Senta M. Goudy democracy. THE NEW Drawing on hundreds of interviews, Press “Post–cold war conflicts in Africa have received scant coverage and were often also explores the causes of the extraordinary presented as current incomprehensible manifestations of traditional tribal hatreds. AFRICA human tragedies of civil war in Somalia and Not in this study by journalist and Africa scholar Robert Press, which admirably genocide in Rwanda and offers explanations blends the author’s personal insights as a reporter, an acute sense of history, and a pioneering human rights approach. Mr. Press sees the hope beyond the wreckage for the West’s failure to curb them. of such devastating conflicts as the ones that almost tore Somalia and Rwanda apart While providing broad, in-depth coverage in the early nineties: it lies, he tells us, in the collective struggle of ordinary Africans of sweeping social and cultural upheaval, The for human rights and dignity.
    [Show full text]
  • National Integration and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria
    African Educational Research Journal Vol. 5(2), pp. 114-119, April 2017 ISSN: 2354-2160 Review National integration and democratic consolidation in Nigeria Phillip Oyadiran* and Adekeye J. Adeshola Department of Public Administration, University of Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria. Accepted 8 June, 2016 ABSTRACT There have been sterile and robust debates on the issue of national integration as an indelible mark of unity. Democratic consolidation comes to mind when the heterogeneity and differences are seen as factors that cannot hinder our peaceful co-existence in a fair, just and egalitarian society where people’s voices and inputs are significant. The feeling of national spirit is evident in the sensitivity of the leaders and the led in attending to national issues as touching the plights and yearnings of the citizens irrespective of background and other factors. This paper examined the factors militating against the continuous existence of Nigeria as a united, indissoluble and sovereign nation due to the perceived mistake of 1914 amalgamation by Lord Lugard. Methodologically, the study adopted a qualitative technique of data collection through the content analysis of documents, reports, journals, books and articles. At the end of the study, it was discovered that the factors militating against the consolidation of the Nigerian nascent democracy are national questions such as the continuous agitation of resource control, constitutional amendment, minority/majority syndrome, revenue sharing formula, unjustifiable distribution of resources, activities of ethnic militias, unequal representation in the National Assembly, zoning/rotational presidency and corruption. Therefore, the study recommended for the convocation of sovereign national conference through which a true Nigerian constitution would emerge in favour of true federalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Byjibrin Ibrahim
    Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Jibrin Ibrahim Monograph Series The CODESRIA Monograph Series is published to stimulate debate, comments, and further research on the subjects covered. The Series will serve as a forum for works based on the findings of original research, which however are too long for academic journals but not long enough to be published as books, and which deserve to be accessible to the research community in Africa and elsewhere. Such works may be case studies, theoretical debates or both, but they incorporate significant findings, analyses, and critical evaluations of the current literature on the subjects in question. Author Jibrin Ibrahim directs the International Human Rights Law Group in Nigeria, which he joined from Ahmadu Bello University where he was Associate Professor of Political Science. His research interests are democratisation and the politics of transition, comparative federalism, religious and ethnic identities, and the crisis in social provisioning in Africa. He has edited and co-edited a number of books, among which are Federalism and Decentralisation in Africa (University of Fribourg, 1999), Expanding Democratic Space in Nigeria (CODESRIA, 1997) and Democratisation Processes in Africa, (CODESRIA, 1995). Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa 2003, Avenue Cheikh Anta Diop Angle Canal IV, BP. 3304, Dakar, Senegal. Web Site: http://www.codesria.org CODESRIA gratefully
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparative Analysis of the Gowon, Babangida and Abacha Regimes
    University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S THE ENVIRONMENT DETERMINED POLITICAL LEADERSHIP MODEL: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE GOWON, BABANGIDA AND ABACHA REGIMES by SALOMON CORNELIUS JOHANNES HOOGENRAAD-VERMAAK Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree MAGISTER ARTIUM (POLITICAL SCIENCE) in the FACULTY OF HUMAN SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA January 2001 University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The financial assistance of the Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the Centre for Science Development. My deepest gratitude to: Mr. J.T. Bekker for his guidance; Dr. Funmi Olonisakin for her advice, Estrellita Weyers for her numerous searches for sources; and last but not least, my wife Estia-Marié, for her constant motivation, support and patience. This dissertation is dedicated to the children of Africa, including my firstborn, Marco Hoogenraad-Vermaak. ii University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S “General Abacha wasn’t the first of his kind, nor will he be last, until someone can answer the question of why Africa allows such men to emerge again and again and again”. BBC News 1998. Passing of a dictator leads to new hope. 1 Jul 98. iii University of Pretoria etd - Hoogenraad-Vermaak, S SUMMARY THE ENVIRONMENT DETERMINED POLITICAL LEADERSHIP MODEL: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE GOWON, BABANGIDA AND ABACHA REGIMES By SALOMON CORNELIUS JOHANNES HOOGENRAAD-VERMAAK LEADER: Mr. J.T. BEKKER DEPARTMENT: POLITICAL SCIENCE DEGREE FOR WHICH DISSERTATION IS MAGISTER ARTIUM PRESENTED: POLITICAL SCIENCE) The recent election victory of gen.
    [Show full text]
  • Obi Patience Igwara ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM and NATION
    Obi Patience Igwara ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM AND NATION-BUILDING IN NIGERIA, 1970-1992 Submitted for examination for the degree of Ph.D. London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 1993 UMI Number: U615538 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615538 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 V - x \ - 1^0 r La 2 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the relationship between ethnicity and nation-building and nationalism in Nigeria. It is argued that ethnicity is not necessarily incompatible with nationalism and nation-building. Ethnicity and nationalism both play a role in nation-state formation. They are each functional to political stability and, therefore, to civil peace and to the ability of individual Nigerians to pursue their non-political goals. Ethnicity is functional to political stability because it provides the basis for political socialization and for popular allegiance to political actors. It provides the framework within which patronage is institutionalized and related to traditional forms of welfare within a state which is itself unable to provide such benefits to its subjects.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria's Fourth Republic (1999-2015) and Electoral Outcomes
    162 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC (1999-2015) AND ELECTORAL OUTCOMES: How long can Patronage or ‘Politics of the Belly’ Last? Dhikru Adewale Yagboyaju, PhD Dhikru Adewale Yagboyaju is a senior lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria email: [email protected] ABSTRACT The relationship between elections and the vitality of a democratic society is clear. Elections have proven to be the best means of strengthening the mandate of a performing administration or removing a non-performing one. This paper argues, however, that the outcomes of several elections in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic have proved contrary to the common trend in most advanced democratic systems, in which electoral outcomes are based on performance. While in some cases, especially in political party primaries, candidates with little or no democratic credentials have emerged during general elections, in other instances administrations with relatively high records of infrastructural development have been voted out. This study traces the most probable causes of this paradox to Nigeria’s money politics and a possible misinterpretation of the concept of development. It is essentially a literature-based study, descriptive but also analytical. The paper concludes that the country will have to contend with the politics of underdevelopment for as long as immediate and pecuniary benefits constitute the expectation of the generality of followers. Keywords: electoral outcomes, patronage politics, stomach infrastructure, development, Nigeria. 162 VOLUME 14 NO 2 163 INTRODUCTION Elections are among the most ubiquitous phenomena in many parts of the contemporary world, particularly in political systems that have embraced competitive politics.
    [Show full text]
  • A Dissertation SUBMITTED to the FACULTY of the UNIVERSITY of MINNESOTA BY
    THE IMPACT OF HUMAN RIGHTS LAW IN TIME A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Geoffrey T. Dancy IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Kathryn Sikkink July 2013 Geoffrey T. Dancy 2013 © ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am absolutely, unequivocally indebted to my adviser Kathryn Sikkink for her counsel, her support, and her infectious commitment to good social science. I also owe a great deal to Ron Krebs, who suffered through repeated office visits filled with half-formed ideas, and served persistently as a devoted critic and ally of my project. I would like to thank Ben Ansell for his help with the numbers, and James Ron for going out of his way not only to stay on my committee despite adversity, but also to provide me with his characteristically brilliant feedback. Also, I appreciate deeply my colleagues who participated in our dissertation group, including Giovanni Mantilla, Ralitsa Donkova, Bridget Marchesi, and Brooke Coe. Additionally, I want to give a special thanks to those who provided invaluable comments at various meetings of the Minnesota International Relations Colloquium, including Bud Duvall, David Samuels, Lisa Hilbink, Jonas Bunte, Laura Thaut, and Ismail Yaylaci. The majority of this research would not have been finished without the assistance of the National Science Foundation, which supported me for three years through the Oxford- Minnesota Transitional Justice Collaborative. Also, I benefited greatly from the support of the University of Minnesota Graduate School, which provided me with a year of funding through the Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship. Mom and Dad, you have always supported me despite my strangeness, and you never questioned my desire to pursue a twenty-year education.
    [Show full text]
  • State, Octoberto Decembe& 1983. 6.I Introduction Gongoi-A State Under Col. Muhammaduiega
    189 CHAPTER SIX ASTHE THIRD CTVILIAN GOVERNOROF GONGOI.A STATE, OCTOBERTO DECEMBE& 1983. 6.I INTRODUCTION l. GONGOI-A STATE UNDER COL. MUHAMMADUIEGA The General Murtala Mohammed Administration created Gongola State in February 1976 along with six other states. The state had Lt. Col. Muhammadu Jega (now Major General Rtd.) as its fust Military Governor. To all Gongolans, the creation marked the beginning of social, economic and political challenges leading to general development. Carved out of the defunct North-Eastem State (comprising former Bauchi, Adamawa, Borno and Sardauna Provinces) and part of Benue-Plateau State (i.e. the former Wukari Division), Gongola State had a land mass of 102,068 sq kilometers which made it the second latgest state in the Federation. It is located within latitude 11" South and longitude 9%"West and 14" East with a projected population of 4.6 million people (1983). Gongola State shared comnon borders with Plateau and Benue sates. Seven administrative divisions comprising Adamawa, Numan, Mubi, Wukari; Ganye, Jalingo and Sardauna made up the state at its inception. At the initial stage, the st2te capital, Yola, and all the seven adrninistrative headquarters had few or no modern infrastructutal faciiities. Mosi facilities therefore had to be developed from scratch in all parts of the sate. To this end, a Task Fotce Committee was esablished undet the chaitmanship of Alhaji Abubakar Abdullahi @aban Larai) to scout for both of6ce and residential iccommodation for the more than 5,000 civil servants deployed to the state. Similarly, the committee had to device means of srilizilg 6axi6fly, the few movable assets inherited from the former North-Eastern State.
    [Show full text]
  • Contemporary Igbo Nationalism and the Crisis of Self-Determination In
    CODESRIA 12th General Assembly Governing the African Public Sphere 12e Assemblée générale Administrer l’espace public africain 12a Assembleia Geral Governar o Espaço Público Africano ةيعمجلا ةيمومعلا ةيناثلا رشع ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻔﻀﺎء اﻟﻌﺎم اﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻰ Contemporary Igbo Nationalism and the Crisis of Self‐ Determination in the Nigerian Public Sphere Godwin Onuoha Graduate School Society and Culture in Motion Martin Luther University, 07-11/12/2008 Yaoundé, Cameroun Introduction One recurrent feature of politics in recent times is the demand of various ethnic nationalities to be politically recognised and affirmed as distinct identities in a plural society. This politics of recognition, which takes the form of ‘nationalism’ or ‘ethno- nationalism’,* has gained momentum with the resurgence of nationalist claims on a global scale. As an outcome of shifting political, social and economic contexts globally, nationalist identities are constantly emerging, re-created and re-defined as groups negotiate their identities and interests in the quest for self-determination. While these tendencies pose grave challenges to the security and sovereignty of the nation-states in which they occur, in some quarters they are positively viewed as legitimate movements for minority rights and self-determination. This is reflected in the manner in which global developments and the crisis of the post-colonial African state opens up the state for interrogation and continues to shape nationalist resurgence and the quest for self- determination. The dominant phenomenon in post-colonial Africa states involves the clash between a homogenizing (Western style) nation-state project characterized by the unresolved crisis of state ownership and contested citizenship on the one hand; and one that advocates a national unity project that upholds the rich multiplicity of plural identities based on negotiation, equity, popular sovereignty, local autonomy, and equal access to power and resources on the other hand.
    [Show full text]