DOCSLIB.ORG

A Dissertation SUBMITTED to the FACULTY of the UNIVERSITY of MINNESOTA BY

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
A Dissertation SUBMITTED to the FACULTY of the UNIVERSITY of MINNESOTA BY THE IMPACT OF HUMAN RIGHTS LAW IN TIME A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Geoffrey T. Dancy IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Kathryn Sikkink July 2013 Geoffrey T. Dancy 2013 © ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am absolutely, unequivocally indebted to my adviser Kathryn Sikkink for her counsel, her support, and her infectious commitment to good social science. I also owe a great deal to Ron Krebs, who suffered through repeated office visits filled with half-formed ideas, and served persistently as a devoted critic and ally of my project. I would like to thank Ben Ansell for his help with the numbers, and James Ron for going out of his way not only to stay on my committee despite adversity, but also to provide me with his characteristically brilliant feedback. Also, I appreciate deeply my colleagues who participated in our dissertation group, including Giovanni Mantilla, Ralitsa Donkova, Bridget Marchesi, and Brooke Coe. Additionally, I want to give a special thanks to those who provided invaluable comments at various meetings of the Minnesota International Relations Colloquium, including Bud Duvall, David Samuels, Lisa Hilbink, Jonas Bunte, Laura Thaut, and Ismail Yaylaci. The majority of this research would not have been finished without the assistance of the National Science Foundation, which supported me for three years through the Oxford- Minnesota Transitional Justice Collaborative. Also, I benefited greatly from the support of the University of Minnesota Graduate School, which provided me with a year of funding through the Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship. Mom and Dad, you have always supported me despite my strangeness, and you never questioned my desire to pursue a twenty-year education. I could not have done this without you. And to Menaka, my partner and fellow traveler through this world: thank you for everything. i For Steve Poe, mentor and friend ii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables ..................................................................................................................... iv List of Figures ......................................................................................................................v Chapter 1: The Impact of Human Rights Law ....................................................................1 Chapter 2: Rethinking How and When In The Current Approach ....................................32 Chapter 3: Constituent Power, Legal institutions, and Long-Term Change .....................68 Chapter 4: Human Rights in Autocracies: Dissent, Defensive Treaty Ratification, and Democratization ....................................................................................96 Chapter 5: Human Rights in New Democracies, Part One: Domestic Demands, Transitional Justice and Short-Term Consequences ........................................................156 Chapter 6: Human Rights in New Democracies, Part Two: Transitional Justice and the Long-Term Micro-Dynamics of Repression ..........................................228 Chapter 7: Human Rights After War: Enforcement and the Prevention of Conflict Recurrence ....................................................................................................266 Chapter 8: Toward Possibilism in Human Rights Politics ..............................................309 Works Cited .....................................................................................................................328 \ iii LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1. A Glimpse at Changes in South Africa Over Time, 1980-2005 ...................... 63 Table 4.1. Distribution of Autocratic Ratifications ........................................................ 119 Table 4.2. Determinants of Treaty Ratifications, 1976-2006 ......................................... 150 Table 4.3. Ordered Probit Models of Short-term Repression, 1976-2006 ...................... 151 Table 4.4. Proportional Hazard Models of Democratic Regime Change, 1970-2010 .... 152 Table 4.5. List of Human Rights Campaigns, 1970-2006 .............................................. 153 Table 4.6. Summary of Variables Used in Analyses ...................................................... 155 Table 5.1. Democratic Transitions .................................................................................. 220 Table 5.2. Variable Descriptions .................................................................................... 225 Table 5.3. Determinants of Transitional Prosecutions .................................................... 226 Table 5.4. Short-term Risks Associated with Transitional Justice ................................. 227 Table 6.1. Fixed-Effects OLS Regressions of Short-term and Long-term Repression .. 264 Table 6.2. Fixed-Effects Negative Binomial Model Predicting Ordinary Prosecutions . 265 Table 7.1. Hypotheses Derived From Theory ................................................................. 292 Table 7.2. Description of Post-Conflict Data .................................................................. 296 Table 7.3. Cox Models of Conflict Recurrence, Dyadic Level of Analysis ................... 307 Table 7.4. Cox Models of Conflict Recurrence, Country Level of Analysis .................. 308 iv LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1. Trends in Human Rights Legal Actions, 1980-2010 ...................................... 15 Figure 1.2. Sanctions and Shaming Over Time, 1980-2010 ............................................. 20 Figure 1.3. Human Rights Legal Actions and Torture...................................................... 27 Figure 2.1. Global Mean of Repression Before and After Democratization, 1980-2010 . 60 Figure 2.2. Global Mean of Repression Before and After Civil War, 1980-2010 ............ 60 Figure 2.4. The Correlates of Repression Approach ......................................................... 66 Figure 2.5. Alternative ‘Process’ Approach ..................................................................... 66 Figure 3.1. HRLAs, Democracy, and Civil War ............................................................... 69 Figure 3.2. Count of Human Rights Treaty Ratifications 10 Years Before and After Democratization, 1970-2010............................................................................................. 88 Figure 3.3. Count of Human Rights Treaty Ratifications 10 Years Before and After Conflict Termination, 1970-2010 ..................................................................................... 93 Figure 4.1. Non-violent Dissent Events Under Autocracy, 1972-2006 .......................... 126 Figure 4.2. Ongoing Human Rights Campaigns Under Autocracy, 1972-2006 ............. 126 Figure 4.3. Changes in Probability of Ratification (Logit), 1972-2006 .......................... 131 Figure 4.4. Percent Change in Expected Number of Ratification (Count), 1972-2006 .. 131 Figure 4.5. Change in Probability of Levels of Repression (PTS), 1976-2006 .............. 136 Figure 4.6. Change in Probability of Levels of Repression (CIRI), 1980-2006 ............. 137 Figure 4.7. Change in Probability of Levels of Torture (CIRI), 1980-2006 ................... 138 Figure 4.8. Change in Probability of Levels of Killing (CIRI), 1980-2006 ................... 138 Figure 4.9. Change in Autocratic Duration Conditioned on Covariates ......................... 147 Figure 5.1. Previous Repression and Proseuctions ......................................................... 201 Figure 5.2. Dissent and Prosecutions .............................................................................. 202 Figure 5.3. Determinants of Prosecutions ....................................................................... 208 Figure 5.4. Change in Probability of Violent Events Caused by Transitional Justice .... 212 Figure 5.5. Transitional Justice and Ethnic Violence ..................................................... 216 Figure 5.6. Transitional Justice and Total Civil Violence .............................................. 216 Figure 6.3. Marginal Effect of TRPs on Overall Repressive Violence in the Short Term ......................................................................................................................................... 252 Figure 6.4 Marginal Effects of Cumulative TRPs on Overall Repression (Long Term) 253 Figure 6.5. Correlation between Cumulative TRPs and Cumulative ORPs ................... 257 Figure 7.1. Effect of Amnesties on Likelihood of Conflict Recurrence ......................... 300 Figure 7.2. Effect of Amnesties on Likelihood of Conflict Recurrence ......................... 300 Figure 8.1. Percentage of Books Using ‘Unintended Consequences’ Over Time .......... 319 v Dancy · Chapter 1 · INTRODUCTION 1 1 CHAPTER 1: THE IMPACT OF HUMAN RIGHTS LAW Concerns over impact have long been used to challenge the work of human rights proponents. In the 1960s, when Amnesty International first began campaigning on behalf of tortured and imprisoned dissidents, its leadership had to dispel criticism that it could actually make things worse for people in danger.2 Jimmy Carter’s rights-sympathetic foreign policy in the late 1970s was blamed for the ascendancy of Iran’s Ayatollah Khomeini and the Ortega brothers in Nicaragua.3 Activists’ attempts in early 1980s to hold Latin American military leaders accountable for their paranoid and medieval assault on civilians were derided for jeopardizing democratic advancement with backward- looking and vengeful concerns for justice.4 Human rights advocates at the
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Nigeria Apr2001
    NIGERIA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT APRIL 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 2. GEOGRAPHY 2.1 3. ECONOMY 3.1 - 3.3 4. HISTORY Post - independence historical background The Abacha Regime 4.1 - 4.2 4.3 - 4.8 Death of Abacha and related events up until December 1998 4.9 - 4.16 Investigations into corruption 4.17 - 4.21 Local elections - 5 December 1998 4.22 Governorship and House of Assembly Elections 4.23 - 4.24 4.25 - 4.26 Parliamentary elections- 20/2/99 4.27 Presidential elections - 27/2/99 4.28 - 4.29 Recent events 5. HUMAN RIGHTS: INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE POLITICAL SYSTEM 5.1 - 52 THE CONSTITUTION 5.3 - 5.5 THE JUDICIARY 5.6 - 5.8 (i) Past practise 5.9 - 5.13 (ii) Present position 5.14 - 5.15 5.16 - 5.19 LEGAL RIGHTS/DETENTION 5.20 - 5.22 THE SECURITY SERVICES 5.23 - 5.26 POLICE 5.27 - 5.30 PRISON CONDITIONS 5.31 - 5.35 HEALTH AND SOCIAL WELFARE 6. HUMAN RIGHTS: ACTUAL PRACTICE WITH REGARD TO HUMAN RIGHTS (i) The Abacha Era (ii) The Abubakar Era 6.1 - 62 6.3 - 66 (iii) Current Human Rights Situation 6.7 1 7. HUMAN RIGHTS: GENERAL ASSESSMENT SECURITY SITUATION FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY/OPINION: 7.1 - 7.3 (i) The situation under Abacha: 7.4 (ii) The situation under General Abubakar 7.5 - 7.8 (iii) The present situation 7.9 - 7.14 MEDIA FREEDOM (i) The situation under Abacha: 7.15 (ii) The situation under General Abubakar 7.16 (iii) The situation under the present government 7.17 - 7.26 7.28 - 7.30 Television and Radio FREEDOM OF RELIGION 7.31 - 7.36 (i) The introduction of Sharia law, and subsequent events.
    [Show full text]
  • Chiefs, Policing, and Vigilantes: “Cleaning Up” the Caprivi Borderland of Namibia
    BUUR_Ch03.qxd 31/5/07 8:48 PM Page 79 CHAPTER 3 Chiefs, Policing, and Vigilantes: “Cleaning Up” the Caprivi Borderland of Namibia Wolfgang Zeller Introduction Scholars examining practices of territorial control and administrative action in sub-Saharan Africa have in recent years drawn attention to the analytical problems of locating their proponents unambiguously within or outside the realm of the state (Lund 2001; Englebert 2002; Nugent 2002; Chabal and Daloz 1999; Bayart et al. 1999). This chapter analyzes situations in which state practices intersect with non- state practices in the sense of the state- (and donor-)sponsored out- sourcing of policing functions to chiefs and vigilantes, where chiefs act as lower-tier representatives of state authority. My point of departure is an administrative reform introduced by the Namibian Minister of Home Affairs, Jerry Ekandjo, in August 2002, which took place in the town Bukalo in Namibia’s northeastern Caprivi Region. Bukalo is the residence of the chief of the Subiya people and his khuta (Silozi, council of chiefs and advisors).1 Before an audience of several hundred Subiya and their indunas (Silozi, chief or headman), the minister announced two aspects of the reform that had consequences for policing the border with Zambia. First, Namibian men from the border area were to be trained and deployed to patrol the border as “police reservists,” locally referred to as “vigilantes,” Secondly, Namibian police were going to conduct a “clean-up” of the entire Caprivi Region, during which all citizens of BUUR_Ch03.qxd 31/5/07 8:48 PM Page 80 80 WOLFGANG ZELLER Zambia living and working permanently or part-time in Caprivi without legal documents would be rounded up, arrested, and deported back to Zambia.
    [Show full text]
  • Combating Political Violence Movements with Third-Force Options Doron Zimmermann ∗
    Between Minimum Force and Maximum Violence: Combating Political Violence Movements with Third-Force Options Doron Zimmermann ∗ Introduction: Balancing the Tools of Counter-Terrorism In most liberal democratic states it is the responsibility of the police forces to cope with “internal” threats, including terrorism, since in such states terrorism is invariably defined as a criminal act rather than a manifestation of insurgent political violence. In many such instances, the resultant quantitative and qualitative overtaxing of law en- forcement capabilities to keep the peace has led to calls by sections of the public, as well as by the legislative and executive branches of government, to expand both the le- gal and operational means available to combat terrorism, and to boost civilian agen- cies’ capacity to deal with terrorism in proportion to the perceived threat. The deterio- rating situation in Ulster in Northern Ireland between 1968 and 1972 and beyond is an illustrative case in point.1 Although there have been cases of successfully transmogrifying police forces into military-like formations, the best-known and arguably most frequent example of aug- mented state responses to the threat posed by insurgent political violence movements is the use of the military in the fight against terrorism and in the maintenance of internal security. While it is imperative that the threat of a collapse of national cohesion due to the overextension of internal civil security forces be averted, the deployment of all branches of the armed forces against a terrorist threat is not without its own pitfalls. Paul Wilkinson has enunciated some of the problems posed by the use of counter-ter- rorism military task forces, not the least of which is that [a] fully militarized response implies the complete suspension of the civilian legal system and its replacement by martial law, summary punishments, the imposition of curfews, military censorship and extensive infringements of normal civil liberties in the name of the exigencies of war.
    [Show full text]
  • Occupational Stress in the Namibian Police Force: An
    OCCUPATIONAL STRESS IN THE NAMIBIAN POLICE FORCE: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY FROM A PSYCHO-SPIRITUAL PERSPECTIVE A RESEARCH THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF THEOLOGY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NAMIBIA BY MICHAEL LINEEKELA LINOVENE KANGUNGA STUDENT NO: 200341413 MARCH 2016 MAIN SUPERVISOR: PROF. PAUL JOHN ISAAK CO-SUPERVISOR: PROF. JANNIE HUNTER CO-SUPERVISOR: DR. ARMAS SHIKONGO TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages Abstract..........................................................................................................................................vi Acknowledgements......................................................................................................................vii Dedication....................................................................................................................................viii Declarations....................................................................................................................................x CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Introduction............................................................................................................ 1 1.2 Orientation of the study.......................................................................................... 1 1.3 Statement of the problem....................................................................................... 3 1.4 Purpose of the study............................................................................................... 5 1.5 Research Objectives..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Issn: 2278-6236 Fundamental Human Rights and the Nigerian State in Historical Perspective Introduction
    International Journal of Advanced Research in ISSN: 2278-6236 Management and Social Sciences Impact Factor: 7.065 FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE NIGERIAN STATE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ADU, A. M (Ph.D) ,Department of Political Science, School of Arts and Social Sciences, College of Education, Ikere-Ekiti, Nigeria. IBITOYE, M. O (Ph.D) Department of Political Science, School of Arts and Social Sciences, College of Education, Ikere-Ekiti, Nigeria. ADEWUMI, A. D. Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekitie- ABSTRACT As a signatory to the United Nations Resolution No. 181134 of December, 1993, the Nigeria government set up the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), a body established by an Act of parliament. The Act which established the (NHRC) provided it with the legal basis to promote, protect, enhance and enforce human rights in Nigeria and made the Commission a forum for public enlightenment and regular dialogue on human rights issues. With this body in operation, one expected that cases of human rights abuses would drastically reduce, instead the democratic administration inaugurated on the 29th May, 1999 has been found on many occasions to be in the same violation of human rights. It is against this background that this paper takes a panoramic view of the relationship between Nigerian State and human rights demands and the incorporation of these demands into the laws and statues of modern-nation- state. The paper also assesses the plights of human rights groups and/or agitators under the despotic military regimes in Nigeria as a basis of comparison with the democratic fourth republic.
    [Show full text]
  • BIAFRAN GHOSTS. the MASOB Ethnic Militia
    Biafran Ghosts DISCUSSION PAPER 73 BIAFRAN GHOSTS The MASSOB Ethnic Militia and Nigeria’s Democratisation Process IKE OKONTA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UPPSALA 2012 Indexing terms: Nigeria Biafra Democratization Political development Ethnicity Ethnic groups Interethnic relations Social movements Nationalism The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-716-6 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2012 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Contents Acknowledgement ................................................................................................................. 5 Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 7 Chapter 1. ‘Tribesmen,’ Democrats and the Persistence of the Past ................................ 10 Explaining Democratisation in ‘Deeply-divided’ Societies ............................................ 13 ‘Tribesmen’ and Generals: ‘Shadow’ Democratisation and its Ethnic Double ............. 16 Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 20 Chapter 2. MASSOB: The Civic Origins of an Ethnic Militia ............................................... 23 Chapter 3. Reimagining Biafra, Remobilising for Secession .............................................. 33 ‘Go Down,
    [Show full text]
  • S V Mushwena and Others
    CASE NO.: SA 6/2004 IN THE SUPREME COURT OF NAMIBIA In the matter between THE STATE APPELLANT versus MOSES LIMBO MUSHWENA 1ST RESPONDENT (ACC 12) FRED MAEMELO ZIEZO 2ND RESPONDENT (ACC 25) ANDREAS MULUPA 3RD RESPONDENT (ACC 26) RICHARD LIBANO MISUHA 4TH RESPONDENT (ACC 48) OSCAR MUYUKA KUSHALUKA PUTEHO 5TH RESPONDENT (ACC 49) RICHARD JOHN SAMATI 6TH RESPONDENT (ACC 53) JOHN SIKUNDEKO SAMBOMA 7TH RESPONDENT (ACC 54) OSBERT MWENYI LIKANYI 8TH RESPONDENT (ACC 57) THADEUS SIYOKA NDALA 9TH RESPONDENT (ACC 70) MARTIN SIYANO TUBAUNDULE 10 TH RESPONDENT (ACC 71) OSCAR NYAMBE PUTEHO 11 TH RESPONDENT (ACC 72) CHARLES MAFENYAHO MUSHAKWA 12 TH RESPONDENT (ACC 73) CHARLES KALIPA SAMBOMA 13 TH RESPONDENT (ACC 119) CORAM: Strydom, ACJ, O'Linn, AJA, Mtambanengwe, AJA, Gibson, AJA et Chomba, AJA. HEARD ON: 10-12/05/2004 DELIVERED ON: ____________________________________________________________________________ APPEAL JUDGMENT ____________________________________________________________________________ 2 MTAMBANENGWE A.J.A.: The state appeals against Hoff J's judgment in favour of the thirteen respondents that the court did not have jurisdiction to try them. The application leading to the court a quo's ruling began as an application on notice of motion supported by various affidavits deposed by the respondents. The notice of motion sought an order declaring inter alia that the respondents apprehension and abduction from Zambia and Botswana respectively, and their subsequent transportation to Namibia and their arrest and detention pursuant thereto was in breach of international law, unlawful and that they had not been properly and lawfully arraigned before the court for trial on the charge preferred against them. The court a quo directed that the notice of motion and the supporting affidavits be regarded as respondents pleas in terms of section 106 (1) of the Criminal Procedure Act 57 of 1977, namely that the court a quo had not jurisdiction to try the 13 respondents.
    [Show full text]
  • Namibia Page 1 of 9
    Namibia Page 1 of 9 Namibia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2006 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 6, 2007 Namibia is a multiparty, multiracial democracy with a population of 2,030,000. On March 21, Hifikepunye Pohamba became the country's second democratically elected president; Pohamba was elected in November 2004 and replaced Sam Nujoma, the country's first president and leader of the ruling South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). International and domestic observers agreed the 2004 general elections, in which SWAPO won three-quarters of the national assembly seats, were generally free and reflected the will of the electorate despite some irregularities. The civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces. The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, there were problems in several areas. Human rights problems included: unlawful killings, torture, beatings, and abuse of criminal suspects and detainees by security forces; overcrowded prisons; prolonged pretrial detention and long delays in trials; government attempts to curb media and nongovernmental (NGO) criticism; violence against women and children, including rape and child abuse; discrimination against women, ethnic minorities, and indigenous peoples; and child labor. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life The government or its agents did not commit any politically motivated killings; however, security forces killed persons during the year. The government took action against some perpetrators. On January 21, police shot and killed Collen Goliath after he was caught trying to break into the offices of the Ministry of Labor.
    [Show full text]
  • The Namibian Defence Force from 1990–2005
    Evolutions10a.qxd 2005/09/28 12:08 PM Page 199 CHAPTER EIGHT Promoting national reconciliation and regional integration: The Namibian Defence Force from 1990–2005 Gwinyayi Dzinesa & Martin Rupiya INTRODUCTION The colonial experience in Namibia was brutal and harsh. For the purposes of this chapter—which seeks to document the post-colonial military history of Namibia—a brief discussion of events spanning the period circa 1884 to independence in 1990 is essential. HISTORIC OVERVIEW The geography of Namibia is unique in the Southern African region. With a total land mass of 825,418 km², Namibia’s climate is hot and dry, measuring the lowest rainfall in the region, with large parts of the country being desert. Only 1% of the land area is arable, confined to the north, with 46% pastures and 22% forests and wood. The rest is harsh, rocky and dry.1 Namibia has a 1,572 km Atlantic Ocean coastline along its western edge on which a number of harbours and ports have been established; these include Oranjemund, Ludertiz, Walvis Bay and Swakopmund. While the country lacks vegetation and is hilly and sparse, it contains a generous range of minerals from diamonds, copper, uranium and gold, to lead, tin, lithium, zinc, salt, vanadium, natural gas, suspected oil deposits, coal and iron. The area first witnessed European interest from Portuguese explorers in the late 15th century, followed by Afrikaner traders during the 17th century, and German missionaries and traders dealing in ivory and cattle at the turn of the 19th century. Their presence was later followed by a 199 Evolutions10a.qxd 2005/09/28 12:08 PM Page 200 200 Evolutions & Revolutions growing trade in diamonds and copper.
    [Show full text]
  • The Paradox of Gendarmeries: Between Expansion, Demilitarization and Dissolution
    0088 CCOUVERTUREOUVERTURE pp1X.ai1X.ai 1 229-10-139-10-13 33:49:51:49:51 PPMM SSR PAPER 8 C M Y CM MY CY CMY K The Paradox of Gendarmeries: Between Expansion, Demilitarization and Dissolution Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 8 The Paradox of Gendarmeries: Between Expansion, Demilitarization and Dissolution Derek Lutterbeck DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to security sector reform (SSR) in the broader context of security sector governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐286‐4 © 2013 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Heiner Hänggi & Albrecht Schnabel PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGES © ‘Gendarmerie Line’ by Mike Baker, ‘French Gendarmerie being trained by Belgian Soldiers in IEDs in Afghanistan’ by unidentified government source, ‘Guardia Civil’ by Joaquim Pol, ‘Carabinieri’ by hhchalle The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or represented within this paper.
    [Show full text]
  • Tyranny Has a Witness Human Rights Watch Annual Report 2012 Human Rights Watch 2012 Annualreport
    TYRANNY HAS A WITNESS HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH ANNUAL REPORT 2012 HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH ANNUAL REPORT ANNUAL 2012 WATCH RIGHTS HUMAN JUSTICE HRW.org HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH ANNUAL REPORT | 2012 Inclusive of the organization’s work and reflective of its supporters from July 1, 2011 to December 31, 2012. This year’s annual report is dedicated to Cynthia Brown: colleague, friend and mentor at Human Rights Watch for more than 30 years, who passed away in 2013. At Human Rights Watch, Cynthia was our first program director, our Chile-based researcher, a talented writer and editor, a visionary in creating the Women’s Rights Division, and above all else, a passionate advocate for human rights. For Cynthia, human rights violations were not abstract; she never lost sight of the actual human beings who were suffering. We are grateful to her for pioneering rights reporting, advocacy and justice strategies we use every single day. Michael J. Burlingame, Project Director Zoe Maddox, Copy Writer/Editor Ivan Cheung, Copy Coordinator Women, widowed by the 2006-2008 clashes between insurgent Ivy Shen, Creative Coordinator forces and the Kenyan government, bond in the aftermath of Damiano Design Inc., Graphic Design their husbands’ forced disappearances and deaths. Human Rights Watch successfully pressed the United States Senate to condition US military assistance to Kenya upon investigations into alleged Kenyan military crimes. © 2011 Brent Stirton/Reportage by Getty Images for Human Rights Watch 350 FIFTH AVENUE, 34TH FLOOR New YOrk, NY 10118-3299 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA WELCOME | LETTER 01 DEAR FRIENDS, 2012 was a watershed year for victims seeking justice.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria Country Assessment
    NIGERIA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT COUNTRY INFORMATION AND POLICY UNIT, ASYLUM AND APPEALS POLICY DIRECTORATE IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE VERSION APRIL 2000 I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom. 1.5 The assessment has been placed on the Internet (http:www.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/cipu1.htm). An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to: Amnesty International UK Immigration Advisory Service Immigration Appellate Authority Immigration Law Practitioners' Association Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants JUSTICE 1 Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture Refugee Council Refugee Legal Centre UN High Commissioner for Refugees CONTENTS I. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II. GEOGRAPHY 2.1 III. ECONOMY 3.1 - 3.3 IV.
    [Show full text]