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Studia Orientalia 114 TRAVELLING THROUGH TIME Essays in honour of Kaj Öhrnberg EDITED BY SYLVIA AKAR, JAAKKO HÄMEEN-ANTTILA & INKA NOKSO-KOIVISTO Helsinki 2013 Travelling through Time: Essays in honour of Kaj Öhrnberg Edited by Sylvia Akar, Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila & Inka Nokso-Koivisto Studia Orientalia, vol. 114, 2013 Copyright © 2013 by the Finnish Oriental Society Societas Orientalis Fennica c/o Department of World Cultures P.O. Box 59 (Unioninkatu 38 B) FI-00014 University of Helsinki FINLAND Editor Lotta Aunio Co-editors Patricia Berg Sari Nieminen Advisory Editorial Board Axel Fleisch (African Studies) Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila (Arabic and Islamic Studies) Tapani Harviainen (Semitic Studies) Arvi Hurskainen (African Studies) Juha Janhunen (Altaic and East Asian Studies) Hannu Juusola (Middle Eastern and Semitic Studies) Klaus Karttunen (South Asian Studies) Kaj Öhrnberg (Librarian of the Society) Heikki Palva (Arabic Linguistics) Asko Parpola (South Asian Studies) Simo Parpola (Assyriology) Rein Raud (Japanese Studies) Saana Svärd (Assyriology) Jaana Toivari-Viitala (Egyptology) Typesetting Lotta Aunio ISSN 0039-3282 ISBN 978-951-9380-84-1 Picaset Oy Helsinki 2013 CONTENTS Foreword .................................................................................................................... xi Kaj Öhrnberg: A Biographical sketch ..........................................................................1 HARRY HALÉN Bibliography of the Publications of Kaj Öhrnberg ..................................................... 9 An Enchanted Wanderer ............................................................................................21 MARTTI ANHAVA Like-Minded Scholars Through the Centuries: Mission Georg August Wallin ..... 31 PATRICIA BERG I HISTORY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY The Transmission of al-Madāʾinī’s Historical Material to al-Balādhurī and al-Ṭabarī: A Comparison and analysis of two khabars ..............................................41 ILKKA LINDSTEDT Al-Kisrawī and the Arabic Translations of the Khwadāynāmag ...............................65 JAAKKO HÄMEEN-ANTTILA The Saracen Raid of Rome in 846: An Example of maritime ghazw .......................93 TOMMI P. LANKILA Between East and West: The Many uses of the life of St Symeon of Trier .......... 121 TUOMAS HEIKKILÄ Ibn Taghrībirdī’s Voice ............................................................................................. 135 IRMELI PERHO Bronces de al-Andalus y epigrafía: el caso del hallazgo de Denia (siglo XI) ........... 147 VIRGILIO MARTÍNEZ ENAMORADO De nuevo sobre el cadiazgo de al-Ándalus almorávide: reflexiones acerca del cadiazgo de Almuñécar ............................................................................................. 167 RACHID EL HOUR La derrota granadina en las Lomas de Diego Díaz (1483) ....................................... 179 JUAN ABELLÁN PÉREZ vi Noticias sobre el cadi Rodrigo Aben Chapela de Aldeire y su familia ...................189 MANUEL ESPINAR MORENO Modern Conveyances, Traditional Destinations: Khvāja Ḥasan Niz̤āmī’s 1911 tour of the Middle East ............................................. 213 MIKKO VIITAMÄKI „Katastrophen Sind Prüfungen Allahs“: Alltagserfahrungen Muslimischer Gelehrter in Nord-Ghana .................................233 HOLGER WEISS From Terrorists to Celebrities: Deportation as a political opportunity for Palestinian Islamic Hamas .................. 257 MINNA SAARNIVAARA II FOOD FOR THOUGHT The Microcosm-Macrocosm Analogy in Mesopotamian and Mediaeval Islamic Contexts .....................................................................................279 INKA NOKSO-KOIVISTO & SAANA SVÄRD Suhrawardī’s Knowledge as Presence in Context .................................................. 309 JARI KAUKUA The Philosophical Lives of Ibn al-Haytham and Ibn Riḍwān: Autobiography as an expression of the philosophical way of life ........................... 325 JANNE MATTILA On Adding to the Names: The Camel’s smile ........................................................341 TANELI KUKKONEN Polish-Lithuanian Karaite Hebrew Zemirot: Imitation only? A Review on a marginal genre .................................................................................359 RIIKKA TUORI Mediaeval Arabs Ate Sandwiches, Too: Bazmāward and awsāṭ for the record ..... 373 NAWAL NASRALLAH Palmiers-Dattiers et Dattes dans l’Occident Musulman dʼaprès la ʿUmdat al-ṭabīb fī maʿrifat al-nabāt li-kull labīb d’Abū l-Khayr al-Ishbīlī (6e/XIIe siècle) ......................393 MOHAMED MEOUAK vii Nourritures Médiévales: L’alimentation au Maghreb d’après les Sources Ibadites (XIe–XIIIe siècle) .............. 401 VIRGINIE PREVOST III ARABICS AND ACADEMICS A Journey to St Petersburg: On the fate of the manuscript Kitāb riḥlat al-shitāʾ wa-l-ṣaif by Muḥammad al-Ḥusainī ........................................421 MILANA ILIUSHINA The Outset of Arabic Studies in Finland with Notes on Finnish: Carolus Clewberg and Michael Avellan ..................................................................427 TAPANI HARVIAINEN & KLAUS KARTTUNEN Haik Bek-Arakelov: An Armenian officer and Islamic poet ...................................457 HARRY HALÉN Johan David Åkerblad: Orientalist, traveller, and manuscript collector .................463 FREDRIK THOMASSON Illustrations to Thomasson’s and Vasilyeva’s Articles .............................................479 Åkerblad’s Collection in Suchtelen’s Orientalia: From Sweden to Russia .............493 OLGA V. VASILYEVA G.A. Wallin’s Contributions to the Study of Arabic Dialects..................................511 HEIKKI PALVA Dos cuentos en árabe del norte de Marruecos: ‘El porqué el murciélago no tiene plumas’ y ‘¿Quién arma más lío?’ ....................... 531 FRANCISCO MOSCOSO GARCÍA Notes on the Orientalism Debate and Orientalism in Finland ..............................547 HANNU JUUSOLA Teaching Arabic as a Foreign Language: From grammar-translation method to the audio-lingual approach .........................559 SYLVIA AKAR A Note from the Editor ........................................................................................... 573 ibn Taghrībirdī’s Voice Irmeli Perho University of Helsinki In recent years, the scholarly work on Mamluk period historiography has shown a growing interest in the social and intellectual context in which the various chronicles and biographies were written. The texts are no longer studied solely as repositories of historical facts, but also as expressions of the personalities and interests of their authors. The texts are seen as narratives that reflect the authors’ choices in presenting and describing various events. Historical writing was a popular genre in the Mamluk period and a wealth of texts has survived to the present day. Edited texts have opened up the possibility of comparing texts with each other. For a long time, the purpose of comparison was to establish inter- relationships between texts, in order to better determine the authors’ sources. The underlying goal was still to establish the reliability of historical informa- tion reported in the texts. However, focus is increasingly shifting from facts to extracting and analysing the individual voices of the historians. These voices are influenced not only by the authors’ identities and backgrounds, but also by their audiences and the wider social context that they were addressing with their literary products. Ibn Taghrībirdī (c.812/1409-1410–874/1470) was an interesting figure among the Muslim scholars, because he was one the very few sons of the Mamluks who managed to gain a high scholarly standing. His father was Taghrībirdī (d. 815/1412), a high-ranking Mamluk who attained the position of Nāʾib of Damascus. Ibn Taghrībirdī wrote about his father and told that he was a rūmī,1 which indicates that he may have been Greek. His true ethnicity was irrelevant in Mamluk society, however, where the Arab population, both scholars and commoners, generally labelled all Mamluks as “Turks”, regardless of their actual ethnic origins. As a son of a Mamluk, Ibn Taghrībirdī was barred from entering the elite military corps, which was only open for slave soldiers. The father’s high rank in the Mamluk hierarchy secured his children good connections with both the civilian and military circles. Due to the early death of his father, Ibn Taghrībirdī 1 Ibn Taghrībirdī XIV: 115. Studia Orientalia 114 (2013), pp. 135–145 136 Irmeli Perho was brought up by his sister, who was married to the chief Hanafī qāḍī and later to the chief Shāfiʿī qāḍī. His relations with the most powerful Mamluks were also close: another of his sisters was married to Sultan Faraj, and he was himself a close companion to various other sultans.2 Ibn Taghrībirdī’s connections with the elite, as well as his knowledge of the Turkish language and Mamluk customs, gave him an opportunity to write his reports as a kind of “insider”, a companion of sultans and amīrs. Earlier I studied Ibn Taghrībirdī’s presentation of some contemporary events and his chronicle, al-Nujūm al-zāhira fī mulūk Miṣr al-qāhira, as a source for information on the living conditions of the civilian ʿāmma, the broad group of commoners who formed the majority of the Cairene population.3 Al-Nujūm proved to be a meagre source of information on the lives of commoners, clearly revealing that the author’s focus was on the sultans and power struggles among the Mamluk elite. He did report on riots and other disturbances caused by dissat- isfied commoners, but he tended to view them from a distance,
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  • Mamluk Legitimacy and the Mongols: the Reign of Baybars and Qalawun

    Mamluk Legitimacy and the Mongols: the Reign of Baybars and Qalawun

    ANNE F. BROADBRIDGE THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO Mamluk Legitimacy and the Mongols: The Reigns of Baybars and Qala≠wu≠n To date scholars have established that the early Mamluk sultans legitimized their rule through the conscious use of Islamic themes.1 As yet however, one crucial issue that has not been routinely addressed, but should be, is audience. Much of the scholarship on Mamluk legitimacy assumes that this legitimacy was asserted in relation to an internal audience, by which is meant either the military elite, the non-military populace, or both. But Mamluk legitimacy must also be examined in light of various external audiences. The most significant of these, and the one discussed here, was those Mongol sovereigns with whom the Mamluks were in the closest contact, namely, the rulers of the Golden Horde and the Ilkhanids. Mamluk assertions of legitimacy can be detected in the diplomatic letters and embassies Baybars and Qala≠wu≠n exchanged with each Mongol power. Furthermore, although scholars have already discussed the Islamic foundation on which Mamluk legitimacy rested, as yet no one has asked, "Why this particular Middle East Documentation Center. The University of Chicago 1Only Stefan Heidemann ventures into a discussion of the external Mongol audience; the remaining scholars (mentioned below) focus fairly exclusively on the internal audience. This focus itself is quite clear, but rarely made explicit. See Stefan Heidemann, Das allepiner Kalifat (A.D. 1261): Vom Ende des Kalifates in Baghdad über Aleppo zu den Restaurationen in Kairo, Islamic History and Civilization, 6 (Leiden, 1994); also P. M. Holt, "The Structure of Government in the Mamluk Sultanate" in The Eastern Mediterranean Lands in the Period of the Crusades, ed.