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Media Propaganda Vs Public Dialogue: the Spatial Memorialisation of Conflict in Belgrade After the 1999 NATO Bombing

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Media Propaganda Vs Public Dialogue: the Spatial Memorialisation of Conflict in Belgrade After the 1999 NATO Bombing Delft University of Technology Media propaganda vs public dialogue: the spatial memorialisation of conflict in Belgrade after the 1999 NATO bombing Staničić, Aleksandar DOI 10.1080/13602365.2021.1897645 Publication date 2021 Document Version Final published version Published in The Journal of Architecture Citation (APA) Staničić, A. (2021). Media propaganda vs public dialogue: the spatial memorialisation of conflict in Belgrade after the 1999 NATO bombing. The Journal of Architecture, 26(3), 371-393. https://doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2021.1897645 Important note To cite this publication, please use the final published version (if applicable). Please check the document version above. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download, forward or distribute the text or part of it, without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license such as Creative Commons. Takedown policy Please contact us and provide details if you believe this document breaches copyrights. We will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. This work is downloaded from Delft University of Technology. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to a maximum of 10. The Journal of Architecture ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjar20 Media propaganda vs public dialogue: the spatial memorialisation of conflict in Belgrade after the 1999 NATO bombing Aleksandar Staničić To cite this article: Aleksandar Staničić (2021) Media propaganda vs public dialogue: the spatial memorialisation of conflict in Belgrade after the 1999 NATO bombing, The Journal of Architecture, 26:3, 371-393, DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2021.1897645 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2021.1897645 © 2021 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 18 Mar 2021. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 361 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rjar20 371 The Journal of Architecture Volume 26 Number 3 Media propaganda vs public dialogue: the spatial memorialisation of conflict in Belgrade after the 1999 NATO bombing Two events marked the turn of the millennium in what remained of Aleksandar Stanicič́ former Socialist Yugoslavia: the NATO bombing of Serbia, and to a smaller extent Montenegro, in 1999, and the fall of Slobodan Miloševic’́s Faculty of Architecture and the Built regime in 2000. This was the infamous epilogue of the turbulent 1990s, a Environment decade of successive violent conflicts that tore the federal state apart, TU Delft destroyed its heterogeneous culture, divided its territory along ethnic The Netherlands borders, and definitively rejected socialism to embrace an unhinged [email protected] variant of neoliberal capitalism. Serbia played a complex role in those events, both as an aggressor accused and convicted for war crimes, ORCID 0000-0001-8208-9595 and as the target of an asymmetric conflict with NATO that led to the separation of its southern province of Kosovo and left deep scars in its urban environment. The effort to reconstruct these damaged buildings, therefore, poses deeper questions about understanding the past, facing unpleasant truths, and setting the course for an uncertain future. This article will illuminate those multifarious processes by examining the role of media propaganda and public dialogue in the reconstruction of two structures in Belgrade that were damaged during the 1999 NATO bombing. Both buildings, the Avala Tower and the television headquarters on Aberdareva Street, were in use by the Radio Television of Serbia (RTS). In a fragmented society that is still struggling to make sense of these difficult issues, I argue that state-controlled media has a decisive influence on steering public debate, creating the false image of social consensus, and weighing in on architectural design, while downplaying the role of architects. Introduction There is no immediate ontological division between construction and destruction. We’re speaking about the political plastic […] the way in which political forces slow into form.1 # 2021 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis GroupThis is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommer- cial-NoDerivatives License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non- commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is prop- erly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. 1360-2365 https://doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2021.1897645 372 Media propaganda vs public dialogue: the spatial memorialisation of conflict in Belgrade after the 1999 NATO bombing Aleksandar Staničić The collapse of Socialist Yugoslavia after the successive armed conflicts of the 1990s and early 2000s was marked by the systematic and politicised destruc- tion of its art and architecture.2 The resulting ‘Balkanisation’ of its territory revealed, or rather confirmed, the role of architecture and shared spaces as a medium through which collective identities are formed.3 The key process for creating an ethnically homogeneous territory in an inherently heterogeneous society, as that of former Yugoslavia, involved destroying architectures of diver- sity, or as Martin Coward has put it, buildings that sustain ‘the condition of possibility of being-with-others’.4 The process of building a monocultural future went hand in hand with the process of destroying evidence of the multi- cultural past, including the eradication of unwelcome representational art and architecture, as documented by Robert Bevan and András Riedlmayer, among others.5 This practice effectively reaffirmed Maurice Halbwachs’s theory about the essential role of shared spaces in the formation of collective memory. But it also showed the power of (destroying) places as symbols and representations, a practice that was repeatedly adopted later in planned attacks on architecture, from 9/11 to Palmyra.6 The postwar reconstruction of damaged buildings with elements of memor- ial architecture is both an opportunity to re-establish the values under attack, and to form a basis for the development of a post-violence national and cultural identity. Andrew Herscher has argued that there is no real difference between creative and destructive processes when it comes to the task of shaping the built environment; both serve as a tool for self-discovery and self-identifi- cation.7 In former Yugoslavia, urban reconstruction unfolded as the theory and practice of continuing the conflict by other means, even when this was financed by international organisations. For example, Emily Gunzburger Makaš has shown how insisting on the reconstruction of cultural heritage that could be easily attributed to different, and still belligerent, ethnicities revived national divides in Mostar. Arta Basha-Jakupi and Violeta Nushi have also demonstrated that international involvement in the reconstruction of Priš- tina only enhanced its social stratification.8 These practices went so far that the dissociation from others, or from a mutual past, actually became the new iden- tity. In this sense, current politics of memorialisation of the 1990s wars in ex- Yugoslav republics seek to exploit the ‘frozen conflict’ narrative, ‘in an effort to master the past in order to control the future’.9 In what follows, I build on these theories that see architecture as a mediator and active participant in political processes. As architecture alters and is altered by violence, and urban memorialisation becomes a building block of postwar identities, this article contributes to these debates by discussing mnemonic practices in Belgrade after the 1999 NATO bombing. Postwar reconstruction of damaged architecture in Belgrade is generally characterised by the absence of clear strategies in the urban memorialisation of the war. The palp- able difference between governmental and private/local mnemonic practices, caused by the constant political balancing between two opposing (pro- and anti-EU) sides, the absence of open public dialogue, and the (often purposeful) misinterpreting of the city’s own past add to this bigger picture. This 373 The Journal of Architecture Volume 26 Number 3 socio-political climate favours media propaganda which has used its powerful influence to step in and act as a substitute for public consensus. This becomes especially evident in the case of reconstruction of two structures that are closely related to Radio Television of Serbia (RTS), the Avala Tower and the RTS Build- ing (soon to be Memorial) on Aberdareva Street. Although both projects were promoted by the national broadcasting service, the architectural competition for the RTS Memorial clearly showed the benefits of engaging with the public. Conducting an architectural dialogue about the memorialisation of a violent past was notably missing from the reconstructed Avala Tower. Both the RTS Building on Aberdareva Street and the Avala Tower, a 202 m high TV transmitter on the eponymous mountain at the outskirts of Belgrade, were regarded as extended arms of the regime by NATO. As such, they became targeted in the war against Milošević’s propaganda machinery. Their destruc- tion was highly symbolic; since it was first
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