Memory of the City

MEMORY OF THE CITY

Izložba BLUEPRINT umetnice Dušice Dražić Kulturni centar Beograda The exhibition BLUEPRINT by Dušice Dražić Cultural Centre of Belgrade 17. 08 - 01. 09. 2011.

Međunarodni simpozijum SEĆANJE GRADA Kulturni centar Beograda International Symposium MEMORY OF THE CITY Cultural Centre of Belgrade 12. 09 - 13. 09. 2011.

Radionice WORKSHOPS septembar september 2011 / januar january 2012. Hvala Thanks

Učesnicima i učesnicama radionica Participants in the Workshops David Brbaklić, Ivan Đikanović, Andrej Josifovski, Nikola Jovanović, Milan Kulić, Milica Macanović, Milica Pavlović, Marko Pejčić, Marko Samardžić, Milica Simić, Hristina Tošić, Stefan Vasić, Nevena Vuksanović

Učesnicima i učesnicama međunarodnog simpozijuma Participants of the International Symposium Mrđan Bajić, Katharina Blaas Pratscher, Milena Dragićević Šešić, Zoran Erić, Aleksandra Fulgosi, Aleksandar Ignjatović, Bertrand Levy, Olga Manojlović Pintar, Milorad Mladenović, Mustafa Musić, Ljiljana Radonić, Rena Raedle, Nenad Žarković

Pojedincima i institucijama Individuals and Institutions Radоš Antonijević, Aleksandra Estela Bjelica Mladenović, Mia David, Milutin i Dragana Dražić, Miroslav Karić, Zoran Kuzmanović, Goran Micevski, Monika Mokre, Ana Nedeljković, Aleksandar Stanojlović, Boba Mirjana Stojadinović, Miloš Tomić, Dejan Vasović, Arhitektonski fakultet u Beogradu Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade, JKP Zelenilo- Beograd, Kulturni centar Beograda Cultural Centre of Belgrade, Sekretarijat za saobraćaj Grada Beograda - Direkcija za puteve Secreteriat for Transport of the City of Belgrade

Organizacijama i fondacijama na podršci Organizations and foundations for the support Austrijski kulturni forum Beograd Austrian Cultural Forum Belgrade | ERSTE Fondacija ERSTE Foundation | Fond za otvoreno društvo - Srbija Fund for an Open Society - Serbia | GO Vračar Municipality of Vračar | Ministarstvo kulture, informisanja i informacionog društva Republike Srbije Ministry of Culture, Media and Information Society of the Republic of Serbia | Švajcarski savet za umetnost The Swiss Arts Council Pro Helvetia

2 O publikaciji About the publication

Publication Memory of the City is a result Publikacija Sećanje grada predstavlja of the eponymous project and in the same istovremeno jedan od rezultata istoime- time the dossier on the activities that were nog projekta i dosije o aktivnostima reali- realized within the project. zovanim u okviru njega. Envisaged as a means of documenting the Zamišljena kao sredstvo dokumentovanja whole process of the project realization and procesa realizacije projekta i diseminaci- disseminating the knowledge and experiences je saznanja i iskustava stečenih u toku gained through its implementation, the struc- njegove implementacije, publikacija svo- ture of the publication is based on following jom strukturom prati tok i hronologiju the chronology and flow of the project. Its projekta. Sadržaj je organizovan u tri za- content is organized in three parts, each one sebne celine od kojih je svaka posvećena dedicated to the particular project activity. određenoj projektnoj aktivnosti. The project Memory of the City is initi- Projekat Sećanje grada inicirale su Dušica ated by Dušica Dražić, Slavica Radišić and Dražić, Slavica Radišić i Marijana Simu. Marijana Simu.

Projekat su realizovali Kulturklammer The project is organized by Kulturklammer i Brunch u saradnji sa Kulturnim cen- and Brunch, in partnership with the Cul- trom Beograda. tural Centre of Belgrade.

3 Sadržaj Content

O projektu “Sećanje grada” ...... 6 About the Project “Memory of the City” Marijana Simu

Blueprint ...... 14

Blueprint ...... 16 Slavica Radišić

Radionica Ane Nedeljković ...... 26 Workshop by Ana Nedeljković

Umetnik kao publika ...... 30 An Artist as the Audience Boba Mirjana Stojadinović

Politike i prakse očuvanja ...... 50 i uključivanja sećanja u razvoj grada Policies and practices of the memory preservation and integration in the city’s development

Međunarodni simpozijum “Sećanje grada” ...... 52 International Symposium “Memory of the City” Marijana Simu

4 Politike sećanja i izgradnja spomenika u Jugoistočnoj Evropi ...... 70 Memory Policies and Monument Building in Southeastern Europe Milena Dragićević Šešić

Sećanje kao polje političkog delovanja u kontekstu ...... 96 “evropeizacije sećanja” Memory as a Political Field of Action in the Context of the “Europeanization of Memory” Ljiljana Radonić

Preobražaji trga Slavija u Beogradu: istorija, sećanje i ...... 120 konstrukcija identiteta Transformations of the Slavija Square in Belgrade: History, Memory and Construction of Identity Aleksandar Ignjatović, Olga Manojlović Pintar

Gradski trg kao mesto istorije, sećanja i identiteta ...... 156 Urban Square as the Place of History, Memory, Identity Bertrand Levy

Umetnost pamćenja prošlosti ...... 174 Art to Remember the Past Katharina Blaas Pratscher

Skrivene ekonomije oko Trga Slavija ...... 190 Hidden Economies Around Slavija Square Zoran Erić

Radionice workshops ...... 204

Kurs Sećanje grada, Arhitektonski fakultet Beograd ...... 206 Course Memory of the city, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade Milorad Mladenović, Slavica Radišić

Studentski radovi Students’ projects ...... 216

Biografije Biographies ...... 242

Indeks fotografija Photo index ...... 250

Impresum Impressum ...... 254 O projektu “Sećanje grada” About the Project “Memory of the City”

Marijana Simu ispred autorskog tima projekta in front of the authors team

Prevela sa srpskog Translated from Serbian by Marijana Simu

Kontekst Context Tokom poslednjih nekoliko decenija ve- During the last few decades a large number liki broj gradova je svoj razvoj zasnovao of cities based their urban development on na kulturi kao osnovnom pokretaču ur- the culture as the main driving force of their bane i društveno-ekonomske regeneraci- urban and socio-economic regeneration. je. Uspešni primeri ovakve prakse ukazu- Successful examples of this practice show ju na značajnu ulogu kolektivnog sećanja the importance of the role that collective u formiranju identiteta grada, očuvanju memory plays in the city’s identity forma- njegove autentičnosti i izgradnji pozi- tion, as well as in safeguarding its authen- tivne slike kako kod svojih stanovnika ticity and building the positive image of the tako i kod posetilaca. city among its inhabitants and visitors.

Pored uloge definišućeg elementa kada Beside this, collective memory has great je u pitanju identitet grada, kolektivno potential in achieving coherence among sećanje ima veliki potencijal za ost- the city’s inhabitants. Collective memory varivanje povezanosti među njegovim enables citizens to identify with history, stanovnicima. Budući da omogućava as well as with the tangible and intangi- građanima da se identifikuju sa istorijom, ble heritage of their city. Thus, collective materijalnim i nematerijalnim nasleđem memory contributes to strengthening of grada u kome žive, kolektivno sećanje do- the feeling of belonging to the local com- prinosi jačanju osećaja pripadnosti, većoj munity and incites citizens’ participation

6 odgovornosti i angažovanju građana u in the development of the city. Therefore, zajednici. Stoga je jedan od glavnih za- one of the main tasks of public cultural podataka javnih kulturnih politika i praksi lices and practices, is to find the way for pronalaženje načina za aktivaciju sećanja the activation of memory in the city’s iden- kako u konstrukciji identiteta grada i ne- tity construction and nurturing its authen- govanju njegove prepoznatljivosti, tako i ticity. Preservation and revival of memory kao instrumenta u funkciji urbanističkog could also contribute to quality urban planiranja, rekonstrukcije i revitalizacije planning, reconstruction and revitalization javnih gradskih prostora i kulturno-is- of public spaces, cultural heritage and his- torijskih celina, a posebno, podsticanja torical sites, as well as to participation of učešća građana u razvoju grada. citizens in the city’s development.

Posmatran u datom kontekstu, Beograd Considering Belgrade in the given context, kao grad koji se trenutno nalazi u fazi re- as the city which is currently undergoing definisanja identiteta i repozicioniranja redefinition of its identity and the process na regionalnom, evropskom i globalnom of its repositioning at regional, European nivou, predstavlja primer grada čije bi and global level, it might be expected that sećanje, i ono u javnoj i ono u privatnoj the memory (collective and individual) be- sferi, moglo da postane važan faktor kako comes one of the key generators of its iden- u određivanju ključnih odrednica njego- tity. Activation of the memory in the city’s vog identiteta i revitalizaciji kulturnog development could become driving force nasleđa kao jednog od stubova njegovog for the revitalization of its tangible and in- kontinuiteta, tako i u snaženju urbanog tangible heritage and it could contribute to kolektiviteta i uključenosti građana u maintaining continuity of the city’s urban planiranje budućnosti grada. development, as well as to strengthening of urban collectivity and involvement of Motivi citizens in planning and directing the fu- U kontekstu projekta Beograd se pos- ture of the city. matra kao grad u kome ne postoje jasno definisane politike sećanja, komemo- Motives racije i memorijalizacije i u kome su ma- The project sees Belgrade as the city with terijalni tragovi prošlosti u velikoj meri the lack of the well-defined memory, com- uništeni. Takvo stanje je delimično rezul- memoration and memorialization poli- tat brojnih razaranja koje je grad preživeo cies and the city in which the material u svojoj daljoj i bližoj prošlosti, ali i traces of the past are mainly devastated. nekoherentnih javnih politika nasleđa i This is partly result of often destructions nedostatka odgovornosti i angažovanja of its urban landscape during the recent građana na njegovom očuvanju i razvoju, and earlier past, but also of the incoher- što je posledica nepoznavanja načina ali ent heritage polices and the lack of en- i ograničenih mogućnosti učestvovanja u gagement of citizens in the preservation tim procesima. and revitalization of the cultural heritage, which, among other reasons, can be seen

7 Osim toga, projekat se zasniva na pre- as a consequence of limited possibilities poznavanju nepostojanja kontinuiteta u to participate in those processes. urbanom razvoju Beograda koje je ma- terijalizovano čestim promenama grad- Apart from this, the project is based on the skog pejzaža i tkiva, bez očuvanja memo- recognition of discontinuity in the urban de- rije i tragova prošlosti, kao i transfor- velopment of Belgrade which is materialized macijom javnih prostora u funkciji mani- by frequent changes of its urban landscape festacije ideoloških i vrednosnih sistema and fabric. Transformations that the city un- vladajućih političkih režima. Dodatno, derwent were not based on the preservation usled nedovoljno sistematičnog pristupa of memory and layers of the past, but often očuvanju i revitalizaciji nematerijalnog on the manifestation of the ideological and nasleđa, istraživanju i beleženju usmenih value systems of the dominant political re- istorija i sećanja grada i njihovom ne- gimes. In addition, due to the inconsistent dovoljnom komuniciranju u javnoj sferi, and unsystematic approach in the preserva- potencijal ovih kulturnih resursa nije na tion and revitalization of intangible heritage, adekvatan način integrisan u razvojne research and recollection of the oral histories politike grada. and memory and their communication in the public sphere, the potential of these cultural Konačno, ubrzani razvoj grada i intenzi- resources is not adequately integrated in the viranje njegove izgradnje i modernizaci- city’s development policies. je tokom poslednjih decenija, procesa koji se, na žalost, najčešće ne zasnivaju Finally, accelerated development of the city na očuvanju kontinuiteta njegovog ur- during the last decades, which implies en- banog i socio-kulturnog razvoja, kao ni largement, building and modernization, prona očuvanju sećanja i kulturnog nasleđa, cesses that are unfortunately rarely in line Beogradu preti novo brisanje slojeva isto- with safeguarding the continuity of its ur- rije, narativnosti i memorije. Pored toga ban and socio-cultural development, faced što narušava identitet i specifičnu atmos- Belgrade with the new erasure of the layers feru pojedinih gradskih prostora i celina, of its history, narrativity and memory. i vodi ka vizuelnoj uniformnosti i gubitku autentičnosti, ovakav pristup utiče na Beside the fact that these processes harm kvalitet života grada vodeći ka sve većoj identity and specific atmosphere of the otuđenosti stanovnika kako u odnosu certain urban spaces and parts of the city, jednih na druge tako i u odnosu na grad and lead to the visual uniformity and lost u kome žive. of authenticity, it also affects the quality of the life in the city because it causes alien- Ideja i realizacija ation both among inhabitants themselves Projekat istražuje sećanje Beograda i and toward the city they live in. nastoji da identifikuje različite modele uključivanja i očuvanja sećanja u razvo- Idea and realization jne politike grada, od onih koji spadaju u The project explores memories of Belgrade domen javnih kulturnih politika, zatim and seeks to identify different models and

8 delovanja nadležnih institucija kulture ways of preservation and integration of the i civilnog sektora u kulturi, do onih u memory in the development of the city, rang- domenu umetničkih i kulturnih praksi ing from those which are in the domain of grupa i pojedinaca. public policies, relevant institutions and civil sector in the field of culture, to those which Preispitujući i promišljajući specifičan are in the domain of art and culture practices značaj i potencijal sećanja za urbanu i of different groups and individuals. socio-kulturnu regeneraciju Beograda projekat zagovara politike i prakse usme- The project examines the importance and rene na očuvanje i uključivanje sećanja potential of the memory for the urban and u urbanističkom planiranju i revitalizaciji socio-cultural regeneration of Belgrade and javnih prostora i kulturno-istorijskih ce- advocates policies and practices aimed at lina od značaja za istoriju i prošlost grada. preservation and integration of the memory in the urban planning, reconstruction Realizacija projekta je obuhvatila and revitalization of the public spaces and sledeće aktivnosti: historical places of the great importance for the past of the city. I Realizacija umetničkog rada i izložbe BLUEPRINT umetnice The project implementation encom- Dušice Dražić (Kulturni centar Beo- passed following activities: grada, 17. avgust – 01. septembar 2011.) I Realization of the artwork Blue- II Međunarodni simpozijum print and the exhibition by Dušica „SEĆANJE GRADA - Politike i prakse Dražić (Cultural Centre of Belgrade, 17 očuvanja i uključivanja sećanja u August – 1 September 2011) razvoj grada“ (Kulturni centar Beo- grada, 12-13. septembar 2011.) II International Symposium MEM- ORY OF THE CITY - Policies and III Radionice i realizacija site-spe- Practices of the Memory Preserva- cific intervencija u javnom pros- tion and Integration in the City’s toru Trga Slavija (septembar 2011 / Development (Cultural Centre of Bel- januar 2012.) grade, 12-13th September 2011)

IV Objavljivanje štampane pub- III Workshops and realization of likacije o rezultatima projekta the site specific interventions and (januar 2012.) installations in the public space of the Slavija Square (September 2011 / January 2012)

IV Publishing of the project results (January 2012)

9 Predmet istraživanja Scope of the research Istraživanjem sećanja grada projekat se The project explored the memory of the city bavio na individualnom i kolektivnom nivou. at both levels - individual and collective.

Individualno sećanje je predmet Individual memory was the field of the istraživanja umetnice Dušice Dražić čija research of artist Dušica Dražić. Her art in- se umetnička instalacija Blueprint, bavi stallation Blueprint deals with the histories istorijama i sećanjima stanara privatne and memories of inhabitants of a private kuće na periferiji Beograda na čijem mes- house located at the periphery of Belgrade, tu je predviđena gradnja nove stambene in whose place should be built a new build- zgrade koja se ni dimenzijama ni izgle- ing that probably will not be in tune with dom ne uklapa u postojeće okruženje. its surroundings, neither by its dimensions Tematizujući mesto individualnog nor by its look. By thematizing the place of sećanja, rad ilustruje značaj beleženja us- individual memory, the artwork emphasizes menih istorija i ličnih sećanja stanovnika the importance of recollecting oral histories grada za očuvanje autentičnosti i iden- and personal memories of the city’s inhabit- titeta urbanih celina van centralnog ants for safeguarding the authenticity and gradskog jezgra, a koje su uobličene i identity of urban spaces which are outside definisane intimnim/privatnim sećanjem the central nucleus of the city and which i istorijama svojih stanovnika. are shaped by intimate/private memories and narratives of their inhabitants. Kolektivno sećanje bilo je predmet istraživanja međunarodnog simpozijuma Collective memory was in the focus of „Sećanje grada-politike i prakse očuvanja the international symposium MEMORY i uključivanja sećanja u razvoj grada“ i OF THE CITY - Policies and Practices of the radionica sa studentima Arhitektonskog Memory Preservation and Integration in the fakulteta i Fakulteta likovnih umetnosti City’s Development and the workshops with u Beogradu koje su održane u periodu students of the Faculty of Architecture and septembar-decembar 2011. the Faculty of Fine Arts in Belgrade that took place during the period September- Svojim programskim konceptom sim- December 2011. pozijum je omogućio sagledavanje oblasti kolektivnog sećanja iz perspektive The concept of the Symposium enabled različitih oblasti istraživanja. Između consideration of the collective memory ostalog, simpozijum je proizveo naučno- from the perspective of different fields of teorijski okvir za bavljenje temom mesta research. In that way the Symposium pro- kolektivnog sećanja, ali i za promišljanje duced scientific and theoretical framework mogućih načina oživljavanja i očuvanja for dealing with the topic of the place of sećanja u javnom prostoru i urbanom collective memory, but also for reflecting tkivu grada, što je poslužilo kao polazna possible ways of the revival and preser- osnova za dalje bavljenje ovom temom u vation of the memory in the public space okviru radionica. Poseban segment sim- and urban fabric of the city. Consequently,

10 pozijuma bio je posvećen upoznavanju the Symposium generated basis for further sa istorijom, narativima i kolektivnim examination of these questions within the sećanjem vezanim za Trg Slavija, kao i sa Workshops. One segment of the Sympo- pojedinim inicijativama usmerenim na sium was focused on the history, narra- istraživanje istorije mesta, njegovu revi- tives and memory of the Slavija Square talizaciju i reinterpretaciju za njega vein Belgrade, as well as on presenting the zanih narativa. Ovaj segment programa initiatives aimed at exploring the history trebalo je da proizvede kontekst za dalje of the place, its revitalization and reinter- razmatranje Trga Slavija kao važnog iden- pretation of the narratives related to the titetskog repera Beograda i promišljanje place. This part of the Symposium provided mogućih načina za oživljavanje ovog context for reflection of the Slavija Square gradskog prostora i ukazivanje na njegov as the significant landmark of Belgrade socio-kulturni značaj. and different approaches for reviving this urban space and raising the public aware- U okviru radionica istraživano je kolektiv- ness on its socio-cultural significance. no sećanje vezano za Trg Slavija kao javni prostor sa izraženim kolektivnim identite- Workshops explored the collective memory tom i mesto od opšteg značaja za istoriju of the Slavija Square as a public space with i sećanje Beograda. Trg Slavija je u okviru strong collective identity and a place of radionica razmatran i promišljan kao great importance for the history and mem- primer gradskog prostora koji odražava ory of Belgrade. Within the Workshops the istorijski i urbani diskontinuitet Beograda Slavija Square was considered as an ex- i čiji pejzaž beleži grube promene nastale ample of the urban space that reflects his- kao posledica procesa brisanja memorije i torical and urban discontinuity of Belgrade materijalnih tragova prošlosti, čak i devas- and the place whose urban landscape rec- tacije kulturnog nasleđa. ollects rude transformations as a consequence of erasure of memory and material Konkretan rezultat radionica predstav- traces of the past which sometimes meant ljaju projekti učesnika/ca za spomenike devastation of the cultural heritage. i site specific intervencije i instalacije u javnom prostoru na temu sećanja i iden- Concrete results of the Workshops are proj- titeta Trga Slavija. Javna prezentacija re- ects designed by participants for monu- zultata radionica realizovana je kroz niz ments and site specific interventions and intervencija u javnom prostoru Slavije installations in the public space dealing i imala je za cilj oživljavanje sećanja with the collective memory and identity of na pojedine periode prošlosti ovog dela the Slavija Square. Public presentation of grada, kao i senzibilizaciju javnosti the Workshops’ results is realized through o mogućnosti i potrebi revitalizacije a series of interventions in the public space prostorno-arhitektonsko-spomeničke of the Slavija Square and it was aimed at celine od izuzetne društvene i kulturno- reviving the memory on certain periods istorijske vrednosti koja ima sve karak- of the square’s history, as well as at rais- teristike mesta kolektivnog sećanja. ing awareness of the community on the

11 *** need and possibility for revitalization of this spatial-architectural-memorial whole U cilju što sveobuhvatnijeg sagledavanja of the great social, cultural and historical problema koji je u fokusu projekta – ne- value which shares all the characteristics postojanje jasnih i doslednih politika i of the place of collective memory. praksi sećanja i memorijalizacije – kao i obraćanja različitim ciljnim grupama – *** stručna javnost, donosioci odluka, najšira javnost – projekat je zasnovan na primeni With the aim of applying comprehensive principa interdisciplinarnosti i realizovan approach in the consideration of the prob- je kroz istraživačko-edukativno-kreativni lem that is in the focus of the project – the proces čiji krajnji rezultat predstavljaju lack of clear and coherent policies and prac- jedan umetnički rad koji se bavi mestom tices of remembrance and memorialization sećanja, simpozijum za stručnu javnost, – as well as reaching different target groups radionice sa mladima, site specific inter- – experts, decision makers, general public – vencije u javnom prostoru i dvojezična the project implementation was based on publikacija o rezultatima projekta. Kom- the interdisciplinary approach and it was binovanjem različitih metoda sam proces realized through a research-educative-cre- implementacije projekta je bio usmeren ative process which ended in following out- na omogućavanje novog čitanja i sagleda- comes: an artwork dealing with the place of vanja pravog značenja i značaja pojedinih memory, a symposium for experts, a set of gradskih prostora, kao i na pružanje do- workshops with students, site specificinter - prinosa identifikovanju modela mogućeg ventions in the public space and a bilingual delovanja zajednice u cilju građenja i ne- publication on the project results. Through govanja kulture sećanja. combining different methods the very process of the project implementation was directed towards enabling new reading and interpretation of the true meaning and importance of certain urban spaces and places, as well as toward contributing to identification of models for community engagement aimed at building and nurturing the culture of memory.

Blueprint Izložba Dušice Dražić The exhibition by Dušica Dražić

17 | 08 - 01 | 09 | 2011 Kulturni centar Beograda Cultural Centre of Belgrade 17 | 08 - 01 | 09 | 2011 Kulturni centar Beograda Cultural Centre of Belgrade Blueprint Blueprint slavica radišić

Prevela sa srpskog Translated from Serbian by Vesna Strika

U maju 2010. godine ministar prostor- In May 2010, Serbia’s Minister of Spatial nog planiranja Oliver Dulić potpisao je Planning Oliver Dulić passed a series of novi pravilnik o etapnoj gradnji kojim je new regulations on phased building, in or- pokušano da se omogući brže i efikas- der to facilitate the issuing of construction nije izdavanje građevinskih dozvola za permits for residential developments with stambene objekte čija površina premašuje more than 800 m2 of floor space. Accord- 800m2. Novi pravilnik omogućava da ing to these new regulations, work can now gradnja započne već u roku od 90 dana od start as early as 90 days from the date the podnošenja prvog zahteva investitora za iz- investor submits the first request for get- davanje informacija o lokaciji. Uvođenjem ting information on the site. By introduc- fazne gradnje država je omogućila da ing this form of phased building, the state gradnja započne i bez kompletne doku- enabled construction work to commence mentacije i na taj način u neku ruku legal- without all the necessary documents, thus izovala princip divlje gradnje. effectively legalizing the principle of illegal residential development. Pored toga novim načinom izdavanja dozvola briga o urbanističkom uređenju As a result of this new permit system, grada i potreba da se prilikom izgrad- town planning and the need to consider the nje vodi računa o lepoti i skladnosti beauty and harmony of houses and streets zgrada i ulica, i postojećem identitetu and the existing identity of places, has of- naselja je zvanično stavljena u drugi ficially been pushed into the background.

16 plan. Promenom urbanističkih uslova i By changing the conditions in urban plan- omogućavanjem povećanja kvadrature i ning and simplifying the process by which spratnosti na lokacijama na kojima to nije larger houses are constructed at locations predviđeno urbanističkim planom legal- in which this had not been envisaged in izovana je praksa brisanja i džentrifikacije zoning plans, the practice of neighborhood pojedinih stambenih naselja na teritoriji erasure – one that has been present in Bel- Beograda, prisutna već 20 godina, a in- grade for 20 years but that has intensified tenzivirana u periodu posle 2000. godine. since 2000, has been legalized and the road to unbridled gentrification paved. Većina tih naselja, koja se nalaze u opštinama Zemun, Zvezdara i Voždovac, Most of the neighborhoods situated in the su nekada predstavljala ruralnu peri- municipalities of Zemun, Zvezdara and feriju grada ali su procesom urban- Voždovac used to be rural outskirts. Howev- izacije tokom poslednjih pet decenija er, over the past five decades, they have been postepeno integrisana u grad. Pa ipak, gradually integrated into the city. These ova naselja su do danas uspela da os- suburbs have however, managed to retain tanu oaze provincijalnog načina života the provincial feel that was characteristic karakterističnog za predratni Beograd of prewar Belgrade, preserving a warm at- sačuvavši specifičnu toplu atmosferu i mosphere coupled with a slow pace of life. usporen način života. Njihova osnovna Until recently, their defining features were karakteristika do nedavno je bila mala low population density and typical single- gustina naseljenosti i tipične prizemne story houses with large backyards and small kuće sa velikim zadnjim i malim pred- front yards. These suburbs had kept their njim dvorištima. Svoj specifičan karakter specific character in a frozen state until the ova naselja su zadržala sve do početka beginning of the nineties when, due to an in- devedesetih kada usled povećanog prili- creased influx of people into Belgrade, their va stanovništva u Beograd i skoro zamrle transformation was begun. Small, single- državne stambene gradnje, započinje nji- story houses were thus replaced by apart- hova transformacija i male prizemne kuće ment blocks that covered entire plots, elimi- bivaju zamenjene stambenim zgradama, nating yards that had hitherto proved so im- koje u potpunosti prekrivaju postojeće portant for the lives of people in these parts parcele proterujući tako dvorišta nekada of the city. The development of these new tako važna u životu stanovnika tih de- dwellings, led to a change in the structure of lova grada. Izgradnja novog tipa stam- the inhabitants and consequently, to a grad- benih objekata dovela je i do promene ual shift in the identity of the suburbs. New strukture stanovništva, a samim tim i inhabitants brought new habits and a new do postepene promene identiteta nas- way of life.The way things are proceeding, it elja. Novi stanovnici donose nove navike would appear that in the not-too-distant fu- i način života, a vremenom će skoro u ture every trace of the past will be removed potpunosti izbrisati tragove prošlog vre- from the above-mentioned neighborhoods mena a specifičan karakter ovih naselja and the unique character of the suburbs will će nestati. inevitably disappear.

Početkom 20. veka Walter Benjamin i At the beginning of the 20th century, writing Siegried Kracauer su, pišući o ubrzanim about the rapid changes that Berlin was un- promenama kroz koje je tada prolazio dergoing at that time, Walter Benjamin and Berlin, definisali grad i kao proces i kao Siegfried Kracauer defined the city as both događaj koji se odvija istovremeno i u a process and an occurrence, running simul- vremenu i u prostoru. U tekstu “Ulice bez taneously in space and time. In his article sećanja” Kracauer govori o pomahnitaloj “Streets Without Memory”, Kracauer wrote potrebi za novim, izazvanoj ubrzanim about what he interpreted as a burning need razvojem kapitalizma koji polako ali sig- for newness caused by an accelerated devel- urno briše sve tragove prošlosti grada.1 opment of capitalism that was slowly but Zgrade koje se ruše nisu samo zamenjene surely removing all the traces of the town’s novim već su i u potpunosti izbrisane kao history.1 Buildings that were pulled down da nikad nisu ni postojale. were not only replaced by new ones but were deleted - as if they had never existed. Slične opservacije mogu se primeniti i na Beograd, jer je i ovde svaka urbana Similar observations can also be applied transformacija donosila skoro potpuno to Belgrade, where every urban transfor- brisanje sećanja na ono što je bilo pre. mation has brought about an almost com- Neretko se o Beogradu govori kao o plete elimination of the memory of what gradu čija se istorija teško može iščitati iz was there before. It has often been said njegove arhitekture, o gradu bez temelja that Belgrade is a city whose history is dif- i vidljivih tragova sećanja. Savremene ficult to read from its architecture, a city urbane promene i stalni protok kapitala, without foundations and visible traces of ljudi i robe nastavljaju ovu tendenciju memory. Modern urban changes and the potpunog brisanja posebnosti mesta i do- constant flow of capital, people and goods, prinose urušavanju i rasparčavanju iona- have perpetuated this tendency to entirely ko krhke zajednice. eliminate the specificities of places and contributed to the collapse and breakdown Rad Dušice Dražić Blueprint problemati- of what was already a fragile community. zuje ove savremene promene u urbanom tkivu grada, istovremeno u kontekstu Dušica Dražić’s artwork Blueprint problema- kolektivnog i individulanog sećanja i tizes the contemporary changes in the urban uloge mesta u definisanju identiteta po- body of the city, in the context of collective jedinca i lokalnih zajednica. Instalacijom and individual memory. At the same time, Blueprint Dražić pokušava da problem she puts into discussion the role of place in transformacije i nestajanja starih beo- defining the identity of the individual and gradskih naselja ne stavi samo u kon- the community. Through her installation, tekst savremenih društveno-ekonomskih the artist tries not only to tackle the issue of promena već i da ukaže na koji način the transformation and disappearance of old

1 Henrik Reeh, Ornaments of the Metropolis, MIT Press, Cam- 1 Henrik Reeh, Ornaments of the Metropolis, MIT Press, Cam- bridge 1996. bridge, 1996.

20 promene u urbanom tkivu grada utiču Belgrade’s suburbs within the context of cur- na pojedinca i njegovu vezu sa gradom u rent social and economic changes but also, to kojem živi. point to the way these changes in the urban body of the city affect individuals and their Rekonstruišući u galeriji trenutak nes- connection to the space they live in. tanka/rušenja jedne tipične porodične kuće u jednom od beogradskih naselja, By reconstructing in an art gallery the spe- Dražić pokušava da u vremenu i prostoru cific instant of the disapperance/destruction uhvati trenutak promene, trenutak kad of a typical family house in a Belgrade sub- stara kuća nestaje a na njenom mestu urb, Dražić attempted to catch a moment of ostaje samo prazno mesto. Prenoseći u change in space and time; the short period galeriju šut, ostatke porušene kuće, ko- when the old is disappearing to make way jim prekriva celi prostor galerije, ona for an empty space. The rubble of a demol- primorava posetioce da hodaju po os- ished house was thus transported to the tacima nekadašnjeg privatnog, ličnog gallery and spread over its entire floor, forc- prostora. Na taj način konstruiše privre- ing visitors walk over the remains of what meno “arheološko” nalazište, u kojem used to be a private, personal space. In this možemo naći, iskopati ostatke i tragove way, a temporary ‘archaeological’ site was života nekadašnjih “ukućana”. Dajući created, in which visitors could find and dig mogućnost posmatraču da u galerijskom out the remains and traces of the life of the prostoru hoda, prebire, kopa po ostacima former ‘household members’. The visitors kuće i na taj način uspostavi kontakt sa were encouraged to walk around the gallery senzualnim, emocionalnim i materijalnim space, pick out things, search through the svakodnevnim ostacima predmeta, zi- remains of the house and come into contact dova, zvukova, snova, umetnica pokušava with the sensual, emotional and material da probudi našu svest o tome što je ta remains of everyday objects, walls, sounds kuća nekad predstavljala za njene stan- and dreams; becoming as a result aware of are ali i za druge stanovnike koji su re- what that house used to represent for its dovno prolazili pored nje, posećivali je. inhabitants and for other residents who Iscrtavajući na zidu, po sećanju, osnovu regularly passed by or visited it. By draw- srušene kuće ona pokušava da zaustavi ing from memory the blueprint of the house vreme i da obeleži nekada postojeću on the gallery wall, Dražić attempted to stop topografiju kao istorijsku, locirajući je time and to mark the former topography as u vremenu i priznajući joj njenu kom- historic, locating it in time and recognizing pleksnu emocionalnu i društvenu vezu its complex emotional and social connection sa prošlošću. Pa ipak, sve ove akcije ne with the past. Still, all these actions do not govore samo o prošlosti ovog sada praz- simply speak about the past of this empty nog mesta već na neki način govore i o place but also about its future potential. njegovom potencijalu u budućnosti. As pointed out earlier, the installation Kao što je već naglašeno, instalacija Blueprint does not only deal with the so- Blueprint se ne bavi samo društvenim cial and economic consequences brought

21 i ekonomskim posledicama koje don- about by changes in urban-planning. Like ose urbanističke promene. Kao i većina the majority of artworks dealing with the umetničkih radova koji se bave gradom city, this one has a specific autobiographi- ovaj rad poseduje i specifičnu autobio- cal note and in part speaks about the im- grafsku notu, i jednim delom govori o portance of place in the construction of važnosti mesta u izgradnji ličnog iden- personal identity. By mapping out empty titeta. Mapiranjem praznih mesta koja places that are testimonies of changes in svedoče o promenama u urbanoj struk- the urban structure of the city, Dražić not turi grada, Dražić ne oživljava samo only brings back memories of life as it used sećanje na nekadašnji način života već to be but at the same time, tries to revive istovremeno pokušava i da probudi lično her personal memory of that part of her life sećanje na deo života proveden u sličnoj which she spent in a similar house and to kući i na taj način uspostavi kontakt sa establish contact with her former identity. svojim nekadašnjim identitetom. When any person comes back to the lo- Vraćanjem na mesto nekadašnjeg života, cus of their former life, especially if the pogotovo ako je prekid bio dugačak a period of absence has been long and the promene velike, svako od nas postaje bol- subsequent changes massive, they become no svestan proticanja vremena. Svojom painfully aware of the flow of time. By its promenjivom strukturom grad uspeva da changeable structure, the city manages to proces prolaznosti fiksira na način koji fix the process of ephemerality in an actual je u isto vreme konkretan i tajanstven. and mysterious way at the same time. The Sećanje na nekadašnji grad i njegove pros- memory of the former city and its spaces tore nije samo puka čežnja za prošlošću i is not a mere longing for the past and a re- odbijanje promena. Svako ko živi u gradu jection of the changes that have occurred. imao je prilike da se suoči sa čudnim Whoever lives in a city, has had a chance to osećajem kada nešto staro i poznato, experience that same, strange feeling when nešto što postoji još samo u pamćenju something old and familiar, something biva obdareno lepotom i značajem koju u that only exists in our memory, gains some realnosti nikad nije imalo. Ovakava nos- beauty and significance that it never had talgija se posebno vezuje za neke skraj- in reality. Such nostalgia is particularly as- nute, siromašne, zapuštene delove grada sociated with marginal, poor and neglected kao što su beogradska naselja o kojima parts of the city, such as the Belgrade sub- smo govorili. urbs referred to in this text.

Nostalgija za ovim izgubljenim grad- Nostalgia for lost urban spaces, places that skim prostorima i mestima u kojima might not at the time have been the best život možda nije bio najbolji i najsretnij, and happiest to live in, creates a unique u sećanju dobijaju posebnu melanholičnu melancholic beauty in our memory and lepotu i govore o razdaljini koja je pređena tells us about the distance that has been od tada, ne u smislu napretka već u smis- covered since our departure, not only in lu proživljavanja promena i prolaska vre- terms of progress but also of life and its

23 mena. Tek sa suočavanjem sa neumitnim transformation due to the passing of time. promenama u strukturi grada i prihvata- Only by confronting the inevitable changes njem promena istovremeno i kao gubitka in the structure of the city and accepting i kao bogastva, možemo adekvatno pristu- these changes as both a loss and a treasure, piti iskustvu života u urbanom prostoru. we can adequately approach the experience of life in the urban space. Prihvatanjem i prošlosti i budućnosti Beograda, može se ispuniti njegov po- By accepting the past and the future of Bel- tencijal u sadašnjosti a sećanje nam grade, its potential in the present can be omogućava da ga prihvatimo i da se ak- fulfilled and memory enables us to accept it tivno uključimo u njegovu promenu. and become actively involved in its change.

Radionica Ane Nedeljković tokom izložbe BLUEPRINT Workshop by Ana Nedeljković During the Exhibition BLUEPRINT

20. 09. 2011.

Umetnik kao publika An Artist as the Audience Forum: publika o radovima vizuelne umetnosti Otvoreni razgovor među publikom o aktuelnoj izložbi BLUEPRINT umetnice Dušice Dražić. Diskusija je realizovana 20. avgusta 2011. godine u Galeriji Kulturnog centra Beograda. Forum: The Audience on Visual Art Works An open discussion among the audience members about the current exhibition BLUEPRINT by the artist Dušica Dražić. The discussion was conducted on 20th August 2011 at the Gallery of the Cultural Centre of Belgrade.

Priredila Edited by Dušica Dražić Transkript Transcribed by Boba Mirjana Stojadinović Fotografije Photographs Boba Mirjana Stojadinović

Preveo sa srpskog Translated from Serbian by Novica Petrović

Boba Mirjana STojadinović Da li ste ikada prisustvovali rušenju kuće Have you ever witnessed the demolition of koja vam je bila draga i značila vam je? a house that was dear to you and meant a Da li biste to iskustvo mogli da podelite lot to you? Could you share that experience sa nama? with us?

Gordana Belić Rušila sam kuću moje babe i to sa I participated in the demolition of my nekih dvanaest – trinaest godina. Oku- grandmother’s house when I was twelve or pili su nas u selu, sve unuke, potomke, thirteen years old. They gathered us in her i napravili su akciju rušenja stare, žute village, all her grandchildren, offspring, and kuće koja je stajala u dvorištu. Za nas organised a campaign to demolish her old klince to je bilo fenomenalno iskustvo, yellow house which stood in her yard. For us nešto što stvarno ne može da se zabo- kids, it was a phenomenal experience, some- ravi – rušiti kuću u kojoj su živeli i baba thing you just can’t forget – demolishing the i deda i u kojoj smo se igrali. house where my grandmother and grandfather used to live and that we used to play in.

Boba Mirjana STojadinović Ti si tada imala dvanaest godina. Da li je You were twelve at the time. Was there an postojao emotivni naboj? emotional charge to it?

30 Gordana Belić Istovremeno se gradila nova kuća. Ne bi A new house was being built at the same se pristupilo rušenju stare, da nova nije time. They wouldn’t have embarked on već bila u funkciji. To je rušenje nečeg demolishing the old house if the new one što treba da se sruši... U tome ima nečeg had not already been functional. What was ritualnog, što nadilazi lično, veličinu i demolished was meant to be demolished... značaj toga osećaš bez obzira što si mali. There is something ritual about it, some- Kad rušiš nešto što mora da se ruši, bez thing that transcends the personal, you obzira što je puno emocija, puno sećanja feel the magnitude and the importance of na baku, koja više nije živa, na naše igra- that even though you’re just a kid. When nje u toj kući, oko kuće, na neku lozu, da you demolish something that has to be sad ne pominjem toliko ličnih i privatnih demolished, regardless of the fact that it’s stvari, taj ritual rušenja jeste i svečani i charged with emotions, that the place is značajan i težak. full of memories of my grandmother, who is no longer alive, of our playing in that Ima nečeg veličanstvenog u tome da kao house, around the house, of some vine, let dete dobijete priliku da srušite kuću. Nije me not mention so many personal and pri- bilo bolno. To je tako intenzivna fizička vate things, this ritual of demolition is sol- aktivnost, da prosto ne može da bude emn, significant and difficult. ništa negativno u tome. There is something magnificent about getting an opportunity to demolish a house while you’re still a child. It wasn’t painful. It was such an intense physical activity that, quite simply, there could be nothing negative about it.

Zora Čavić-Ilić Imam ponovljena iskustva. Ja sam Zora I have déjà vu experiences. My name is Zora Čavić-Ilić, prevodilac i sasvim slučajno Čavić-Ilić, I’m a translator, and on the day nisam, tog dana kada je gađana tele- when the [Serbian] television building was vizija, bila tamo, jer sam morala da bu- targeted, it happened quite by accident that dem svakog dana kao šef prevodilačke I wasn’t there, normally, I had to be there službe. To je strašno – kuća, zgrada, zda- every day as the head of the Translation nje kome ste dali najbolje godine svoga Department. It was terrible – the house, the života, ono je samo po sebi nedužno. Ono edifice to which you gave the best years of je, sticajem okolnosti, politike, bezobra- your life, in itself it was quite innocent. Due zlukom, itd, gađano. Ljudi su upozoreni to a particular set of circumstances, poli- i oni su namešteni da poginu. Ja to vrlo tics combined with callousness and what dobro znam, ali to je sada druga priča, not, the building was targeted. Some peo- jer je klan Milošević mislio da će to još ple were warned and others were left there pojačati neku ljubav prema njima. I to to get killed. I know that only too well, but vas boli prosto fizički, tako da me boli i that’s another story, for the Milošević clan

31 kad idem Nemanjinom ulicom i vidim believed that people would love them even besmisleno ostavljena dva zdanja levo more after that. And it hurts you, in real i desno, Zlokovićeva, koja nemaju ni- physical terms, when I go down Nemanjina kakvu lepotu više. Mi svi imamo i svoje Street and see those two edifices that have i kolektivno pamćenje, ali ja pamtim i been left there quite thoughtlessly, they kad je, pošto smo tu stanovali odvajkada, were designed by [the famous architect] gađano porodilište u Krunskoj ulici. Bila Zloković, and are now entirely devoid of sam negde, mislim da je bio Uskrs i bila beauty. We all have our own individual and sam sa tatom da čestita on Uskrs drugu collective memory, but I do remember, as svom dalje, blizu Beogradske ulice i onda we’ve always lived there, when the mater- je on mene poneo... Ali ne želim da vas nity ward in Krunska Street was targeted. It opterećujem, zato što kad se ruši kuća u was Easter, I think, and I was in the compa- kojoj ima bića, onda njihovi udovi postaju ny of my father, we were going to a friend of deo atmosfere, hoću da kažem lete okolo. his, he wanted to wish him a happy Easter, Isto se sećam, onda sam bila možda dve we were near Beogradska Street, and then godine, kad je bilo nemačko bombardo- he took me in his arms and carried me... vanje, prvo, i onda je... Bežali su ljudi pre- But I don’t want to burden you with this, ma Pašinom brdu (to se sada zove Lekino for when a house is demolished and there brdo, ne znam zašto) i ja samo pamtim are living beings in it, then their limbs be- da je tako strašno vređalo moje detinje come part of the atmosphere, what I mean osećanje da sve treba da bude na svom to say is, they fly in all directions. I also re- mestu, a čitavi zidovi su bili nestali. member, perhaps I was two years old then, the first German bombing of Belgrade, and Vrlo sam zahvalna autorki1 za njen ogro- then... People were fleeing towards Pašino man trud, zato što još jednom izložba brdo (now it’s called Lekino brdo, I don’t ponavlja ideju da je strašno rušiti kad se know why), and I remember that it terribly ne mora. Kad se mora, to je druga stvar. offended my child-like sense of everything Ljudi se iseljavaju, sređuju na drugoj needing to be in its proper place, and entire strani, naravno zgrade koje imaju značaj walls were missing already. – čuvaju se. Gde je konstruktivan duh jak, onda dođe do prave obnove. I am very grateful to the authoress1 for the great effort she put into this, because ...I pitam se zašto nije Narodna bibliote- her exhibition reiterates the idea that it is ka, pošto postoje planovi i njene slike terrible to demolish when there’s no need i divna fasada, obnovljena tamo gde je for demolition. If it has to be done, that’s bila? Zašto? Da li mi pravimo groblja a different matter. People move to a differ- nekadašnjih zgrada? To ne vodi ničemu. ent place, and naturally, buildings that are of public importance are preserved. Where there exists a strong constructive spirit, then there is a real renewal.

1 Dušici Dražić, autorki izložbe Blueprint 1 Dušica Dražić, the authoress of the Blueprint exhibition.

32 ...And I wonder, why wasn’t the National Library, since the plans have been preserved and there exist photographs of it, why wasn’t it rebuilt in its former place? Why? Are we making cemeteries of former buildings in this way? That leads nowhere.

Boba Mirjana Na koje druge načine možemo da pristu- In what other ways can we approach STojadinović pimo Dušicinom radu? Da li je za ovaj rad Dušica’s work? Is it necessary to know the neophodno znati kontekst... ? context of this work...?

Gordana Belić Iznenadila sam sebe da sam doživela I was surprised to feel relief at the sight of olakšanje videći ovaj rad, da dugo po this work, for quite a long time I haven’t beogradskim galerijama ne vidim ni seen in Belgrade’s galleries an art work that jedan umetnički rad koji je živ i deis alive and affects you directly. This is that luje direktno. Ovaj je to uradio. Pošto je kind of work. Since a ruin is very clear and ruševina vrlo jasna i svoje značenje od- yields its meaning straight away, this did mah daje, nije kod mene proizvela osećaj not produce in me a feeling of nausea, of neke mučnine ili nečeg tegobnog ili neke something difficult to bear, or of some kind destrukcije, nego naprotiv – olakšanje da of destruction, quite the opposite – a feeling je nešto što se srušilo moralo da se sruši. of relief that something that was demol- Jer posle svakog ovakvog temeljnog ished had to be demolished. For, after every rušenja ide neko novo micanje, građenje such act of thorough demolition, something ili nešto novo. new occurs, building or something new.

Boba Mirjana Koje su bile vaše asocijacije, neka reak- What were your associations in connec- STojadinović cija? Da li ste primetili nešto u gomili što tion with this work, your reactions to it? vam je bilo zanimljivo? Neko mi je rekao Did you notice anything in this pile of na otvaranju: „A, unutra ima eksera! To je rubble that was of interest to you? Some- opasno!“ one told me during the opening of the exhibition: “Why, there are nails there! That’s dangerous!”

Zora Čavić-Ilić Rušenje nekada dá nešto novo, ali nekada ne. Demolition sometimes produces something I izgovor je često, naročito kad su politička new, other times it does not. And it is often pitanja, da se nešto ne obnovi, namerno. used as an excuse, especially when it comes Nisam uopšte paranoična, ali sam stari Beo- to political issues, not to renew something, grad, i ja nisam mlada, tako da znam. quite deliberately. I am not at all paranoid,

but I’m an old Belgrader, I’m no longer young, so that I know about these things.

Miroslav Karić Meni su bile zanimljive reakcije ljudi koji What was interesting to me were the reac- su dolazili na samo otvaranje, dok smo tions of the people arriving for the open- stajali tu ispred galerije... Mislim da ih je ing ceremony, while we were standing prizor i neobičan prostor iznenadio i is- in front of the gallery... I think that the provocirao. Zanimalo ih je da li se srušilo sight of it and the unusual space surprised nešto u galeriji. Prvo veče, osim nas koji and provoked them. What they wanted to poznajemo Dušicin rad, mnogi su post- know was whether anything in the gal- avili granicu ispitivanja terena i nisu lery had collapsed. On that first evening, šetali po prostoru (šutu). Ne znam da li with the exception of those of us who are su se posle osmelili i počeli da koračaju familiar with Dušica’s work, many people po šutu. Mislim da nisu navikli da vide drew the line when it came to exploring ovakvu izložbu i da je za njih bio priličan... the space of the gallery and did not walk neću reći šok, ali iznenađenje, a opet s about on the rubble. I don’t know whether druge strane i provokacija. they plucked up enough courage to do so later on. I don’t think that they’re used to seeing this kind of exhibition and that, to them, it was quite a... I’m not going to say shock, but surprise, and on the other hand, it was a provocation as well.

Saša Tkačenko Živim sad na mestu gde je srušena takva I live now in a place where such a house kuća. Živim u toj novoj gradnji. Ne slažem was demolished. I live in a new block of se sa tim što se dešava, ali prosto situacija flats. I do not agree with this policy, but nameće takve uslove da ti sad moraš da that’s quite simply what the situation is ulaziš u te nove zgrade. Meni je intere- like, it makes you obligated to enter these santno menjanje arhitektonskog izgleda new buildings. What I find interesting is određenih krajeva, bilo da je Zemun ili dru- the changing of the architectural outlook of gi deo grada. Da li se to nama dopada ili ne some parts of the city, be it Zemun or some je na kraju nebitno – to se dešava. A opet ja other part of the city. Whether we like it or živim u nečemu s čime se ne slažem. not is immaterial in the final analysis – it is happening. And then again, I am living in something that I don’t agree with.

Boba Mirjana STojadinović Da li si razmišljao o tome pre ove izložbe? Did you think about it before this exhibition?

36 Saša Tkačenko Jesam, znao sam u šta sam se uselio i kad I did, I knew what I had moved into, and prolazim i drugim delovima grada opet when I go through other parts of the city, uvek kažem: „Vidi ovo, vidi ovo!“. Nisam I always say: “Look at this, look at this!” imao drugi izbor i uselio sam se. Ovaj rad I had no other choice, so I moved in. This mi sad to predočava. A opet mi predočava work makes it clear to me. And what it also i nemoć, da ja kao pojedinac ne mogu makes clear to me is that, as an individual, ništa da promenim. I am powerless to change anything.

Boba Mirjana Sad si otvorio veliku temu: šta je to što Now you have raised the big question: what STojadinović treba ili ne treba menjati? is it that should or should not be changed?

Saša Tkačenko Ne znam šta je to, ali ja vidim i osećam tu I don’t know what it is, but I see and feel nemoć pojedinca koji je prodao tu zemlju i the powerlessness of the individual who on je isto prinuđen da je proda. Ja nemam sold that plot of land, he was forced to do rešenje, niti ga vidim. Iskreno. so. I have no solution to that, nor do I see one. Honestly. Ja samo mogu, isto kao i Dušica, da pos- matram. Ona ima direktan stav, a ja sam All I can do, just like Dušica, is watch. She posle njenog stava, evo sada ovde, izneo has a direct attitude, and after hers, I’ve svoj stav. Ne vidim način kako bi se to outlined mine here and now. I don’t see any rešilo. Postoji istorijski tok, ruši se, diže way of solving this. There is a historical de- se... Pitanje je ko određuje šta se ruši i velopment there, things are demolished, kada. I naravno na koji način. built... The question is, who decides what is to be demolished and when. And, naturally, how it is to be done.

Nikola Meni se jako dopada kontrast koji postoji I quite like the contrast that exists between Radić Lucati između ove gotovo kniferofske skice pros- this almost Knifer-like sketch of space, ar- tora, arhitekture, samoga šuta, ventilato- chitecture, the actual rubble, the ventila- ra koji bi trebalo da pročišćavaju vazduh, tors that are supposed to be purifying the klime koja i dalje radi, prostora koji i air, the air-conditioning that’s still work- dalje postoji, kamera koje i dalje nadgle- ing, the space that still exists, the cameras daju. Galerija je definitivno defunkciona- that are still functioning for the purpose lizovana kao takva, jedan lep korak, pa of surveillance. The gallery has definitely može se reći, nazad ka Smitsonu, napred been defunctionalised as such, a nice step, u arte-poveru. Imam nekoliko pitanja. one might say, back towards Smithson, on- Prvo bi bila provinijencija šuta, da li po- ward to arte povera. I have a few questions, stoji teror, da li postoji izbor, da li se zna though. To begin with, what is the prove- šta je ovde bilo? nance of this pile of rubble, is it a case of

37 terror, was there a choice, is it known what happened here?

Dušica Dražić Ova kuća je srušena tačno pre nedelju This house was demolished exactly one dana i skoro kompletan šut te srušene week ago, and almost all the resultant kuće je prebačen u galeriju, preciznije rubble was transferred to the gallery, onoliko koliko je galerija mogla fizički that is to say, as much of it as the gallery da primi. could accommodate.

U pitanju je porodična kuća koja je stara. It was an old family house. Its former own- Nekadašnji vlasnik mi je rekao da kuća er said to me that the house was between ima između devedeset i sto godina. To se ninety and one hundred years old. You vidi i po materijalu, tu su još uvek čerpići can see that by the material, it was made – slama i zemlja koje su mešane i od toga of adobe – straw and earth were mixed su pravljene cigle. Sama kuća je mala, and bricks were made of that. The actual možda ima oko pedeset kvadrata, zaista house was rather small, occupying perhaps simpatična, stara kuća. Međutim ova around fifty square metres of space, a re- kuća je morala da se sruši, ona se raspala ally nice-looking old house. However, it had i to je bila njena neminovna budućnost. to be demolished, it was falling apart and Kratko sam pričala sa vlasnikom. Nje- demolition was inevitable. gova baka je podigla ovu kuću. Prodali su je, ustvari zemljište, da bi se industrijski I spoke briefly with the owner. The house magacin proširio. Pitali su me otvoreno had been built by his grandmother. They’d šta će mi šut. Objasnila sam o čemu se sold the house, in fact, the plot of land it tačno radi i na žalost, videlo se da sam was on, so that an industrial warehouse isprovocirala osećanja koja je on po- could be expanded. They asked me quite tiskivao. Saslušao je, gledao je u tu kuću openly what I needed the rubble for. I ex- još minut-dva, a zatim je otišao i više nije plained exactly what I had in mind, and prisustvovao rušenju kuće. Verujem da se sadly, it became evident soon that my vratilo na površinu to što je potiskivao. words provoked emotions that he had been Žena koja ima kuću pored je rekla da je njoj trying to suppress. He heard me out, stood ipak žao što se ruši. Volela je ujutru kada se there looking at the house for a minute of probudi, da sedne na stepenište svoje kuće two longer, and then he left and never re- i da pije kafu. Tada je jedino tiho i tada bi turned to watch the actual demolition. I gledala u tu staru kuću koja je ranije bila believe that the emotions he had been try- obrasla u travu. Smirivalo ju je. ing to suppress emerged to the surface.

To su priče koje sam čula za tih sat vre- The woman who owns a house right next mena, koliko je trebalo da se kuća sruši i to it said to me that she was sorry it was šut utovari u kamion. being demolished. She enjoyed drinking coffee on the stairs of her house every

38 morning. That was the only quiet time of the day, and while drinking coffee, she would watch that old house, overgrown with grass. It calmed her down.

Those were the stories that I heard during the hour that it took to demolish the house and load the rubble onto a truck.

Zora Čavić-Ilić Kuća ima dušu, ima uspomene, nešto se A house has a soul, it has memories, some- tu volelo i zaključilo... one loved something there and made some decisions there...

Nikola I šut i ruševine imaju dušu... Even rubble and ruins have a soul... Radić Lucati

Zora Čavić-Ilić Gde je ta tradicija velika, onda se kaže: ima Where there is a lot of tradition, then they duhova u toj kući, ne mora da bude zamak. say: that house is haunted, it doesn’t have to be a castle.

Gordana Belić To je ono što ostaje, sećanje, uspomene, That is what remains, memories, recollec- nešto u duhu što živi... tions, something that lives on in the spirit...

Boba Mirjana U kom trenutku nešto što je privatan When does something that is a privately STojadinović prostor, kao što je privatna kuća, posta- owned space, such a private house, become je javno? Ovo je privatna kuća koja sad public? This is a private house which, all of odjednom postaje potpuno javna stvar. a sudden, becomes an entirely public thing. Mi ne bismo znali za kuću u Bariču, We would never get to know about this malu, zaraslu travom, da nije bilo ove small house in Barič, overgrown with grass, izložbe. To sad postaje zajedničko, što if it weren’t for this exhibition. It now be- mi svi delimo, svi koji uđu u galeriju, svi comes common property, something we koji se dotaknu toga... all share, whoever enters the gallery and touches it...

Gordana Belić Kuća je uvek i javna. Ona je u nekoj ulici, A house is always public as well. It is lo- u nekom gradu, uvek je i privatna i javna. cated in some street, in some city, it is A ovaj rad menja značenje kuće. Prome- always both private and public. And this

39 njen je kontekst i ovo je znak za nešto što work changes the meaning of that house. živi na drugi način. The context is changed, and this is a sign for something that lives in another way.

Zora Čavić-Ilić Nije kuća javna, ako nije „javna“, nego je A house is not public, if it isn’t “public” but privatna, ona je vidna. Nije javni prostor vaša private, it is visible. Your personal house, kuća, vaša lična kuća, od vašeg dede, nije ja- the house of your grandfather, is no public vni prostor. Ona je privatno vlasništvo. space. It is private property.

Boba Mirjana Stojadinović Ali šta je onda tu privatno? But what is it that is private there?

Zora Čavić-Ilić Privatno je da vi to onda možete da otuđite, What is private there is the fact that you da vi možete tu da živite, da vam to niko can sell it, that you can live there, that no ne može uzurpirati ako vi plaćate porez i one can usurp it if you pay taxes and take vodite računa o toj zgradi, to ne može da care of the building, that cannot be expro- bude eksproprisano i nacionalizovano. priated or nationalised.

Gordana Belić I privatan je život koji se vodi i u kući i And the life being led inside and around oko kuće. the house is private.

Nikola Radić Lucati Jednom kad je zgrada pretvorena u šut, Once a building has been turned into rub- šut postaje politički materijal, pogotovu ble, that rubble becomes political material, na Balkanu. Vi ne možete od izvrnutih especially in the Balkans. After the 1990’s, in creva zgrade ili srušene zgrade na Balka- the Balkans, you cannot say, referring to the nu posle devedesetih reći da niste pravili gutted entrails of a building or a demolished politički rad. Vi ne možete staviti korov u house, that you haven’t been engaged in polit- koji je zarastao srušeni Generalštab pro- ical work. You cannot refer to the weeds cover- pale vojske, zapravo u deo koji je ta vojska ing the ruined building of the Yugoslav Army kao svoj nus-proizvod ostavila kulturi i Headquarters [in Belgrade, after the NATO reći da niste uradili politički rad. bombing], actually, to the by-product that the Army bequeathed to its culture, and say that you haven’t been engaged in political work.

Boba Mirjana Stojadinović Na koji način upliva to političko u privatni In what way, then, does the political enter život – tvoj, Dušicin, moj, bilo koga ovde? private lives – yours, Dušica’s, mine, of any- one who happens to be here?

40 Nikola Pepeo sarajevske biblioteke koji pada on- The ashes of the Sarajevo Library falling Radić Lucati ako zajedno sa snegom, fino. I naricanje down along with the snow, in a fine mist. nad beogradskom bibliotekom, na primer. And mourning over the Belgrade Library, Onda imate nestanke džamija i građenje for example. Then you have the removal novokomponovanih crkava. Onda imate of mosques and the building of new-wave ljude koji nisu bili religiozni pre nego što churches. Then you have people who were su srušili nekome kuću. Tačno momenat not religious before they demolished some- u kome društvo u kome je osamdeset one’s house. The actual moment when posto stanovništva sekularno, u društvo a society wherein eighty per cent of the koje je osamdeset posto religiozno, je population are secular turns into a society momenat kada to društvo počinje da ruši wherein eighty per cent of the people are jednu ovakvu kuću. religious, that is the moment when such a society starts demolishing a house like this. Znači, šut u galeriji nije samo rad koji je smitsonovski lendart sedamdesetih, Therefore, the rubble in the gallery is not ovde i danas, posle devedesetih više ne merely an example of Smithsonian land ide, i generacijama je više neće biti. I to art of the 1970’s, here and now, after the je dobro što je tako. Ta virusna struktura 1990’s, this just won’t do, and it will be vraćanja ruševine koja uvek dođe da nas so for generations to come. And it’s good poseti, dođe taj šut, dođe miris mem- that it is so. That viral structure of bring- le, dođe nešto što je nekome oduzeto, ing back ruins that always come to visit uništeno, prodato, raspadnuto... us, this rubble comes, the smell of dank- ness, there comes something that has been taken away from someone, destroyed, sold, or has fallen apart...

Gordana Belić Možda je ovo prilika da ja kažem javno Maybe this is an opportunity for me to say nešto što nikada možda ne bih ni rekla. publicly something that perhaps I’d never say otherwise. Moji baba i deda su posle rata, kao previše bogata porodica u to vreme, seljačko After the war my grandparents, being con- domaćinstvo, bili pod uticajem politike sidered to be too rich, a rural household, fell kada im je oduzeto bukvalno sve što su under the sway of politics when literally imali. Ono što nije moglo da se odnese, everything they had was taken away from to se porušilo. Skoro sva imovina... Jedna them. Whatever couldn’t be taken away kućica je ostala i ne znam da li bilo šta was destroyed. Almost all their property... drugo. Stoka pobijena, odvedena... Znači, One small house remained, and I don’t jedna pustoš je ostavljena. Ljudi koji su know if there was anything else. Their cat- pre toga živeli vrlo imućno su ostali bez tle was taken away or slaughtered... That sredstava za život. To je obeležilo život is to say, they wreaked total havoc on the mog oca i njegove dve sestre. Možda family estate. These people, who used to be

41 manje ta nemaština i to rušenje, koliko very well off, were left without any means sramota kojoj su bili izloženi. Eto, to je of support. That state of affairs marked moj primer uticaja politike. the life of my father and his two sisters. Perhaps it was less the poverty and the destruction than the shame they were ex- posed to. Well, that’s my example of how politics can influence our lives.

Milutin Dražić Dozvolite mi, čovek koji je van struke ove, Do allow me, I’m a man from another iz struke šumarske da odgovorim na vaše profession, that of forest engineering, to pitanje – javno ili privatno. Kada sam prvi answer your question – public or private. put došao ovde, osetio se miris nečega što When I first arrived here, I felt the smell of umire ili je umrlo. Kuća koja je stara, koja something that was dying or had already je srušena, koja je u sebi sadržala vonj died. An old house, a house that has been starosti koji je odživeo svoj život. demolished, which contained the smell of old age, of something that had lived its life. Emocija ima svoju istoriju i ima svoj kontinuitet u novoj kući, koja daje novi An emotion has its history and continuity život, nove sadržaje. Ona ne zadovoljava in a new house, which gives a new life, new više stanovnike, u komforu, u onome contents. It no longer satisfies its inhabitants što novo društvo pruža. Nova kuća daje in terms of comfort, of what the new society nove vrednosti i ova se kuća zanemaru- has to offer. A new house provides new val- je sa gledišta njenog korišćenja. Ali ono ues and this house is ignored from the point što je u njoj proživljeno sigurno ostaje u of view of its use. But that which was lived sećanju večno onoga ko je tu živeo. through inside it certainly remains forever in the memory of someone who lived there. To je, mislim, najveći kvalitet razmišljanja o ovakvom prikazu jednog objekta koji je That, I think, is the highest quality of think- bio životni prostor, života jedne porodice ing about such a presentation of an object ili više porodica ili više generacija. Onda that used to be a living space, to a family or mora čovek da razmišlja da je to nemi- a number of families or a number of genera- novno, jer evolucija u svemu napreduje, tions. Then one must think in terms of its pa evolucija u traženju komfora života, inevitability, for evolution goes on in every boljega načina korišćenja i prostora i oko- sphere of life, when it comes to searching line i svega oko sebe, i sve nove tehnologi- for comfort, a better way of using space and je i novih saznanja, ovo ne zadovoljava i one’s surroundings, all these new technolo- ono je svoje odradilo. gies and new knowledge, and this no longer satisfies and has come to an end. Ta kuća je odradila svoj život sa životom njenih stanara i ona nema više funk- That house lived its life through the life ciju koju je imala. Da je ostala, pa da of its inhabitants, and it no longer has the

42 je posle vekova negde iskopana, ona bi function that it used to have. If it remained bila istorijski značajna. Danas, u ovom intact and was archeologically excavated svetu, u ovom momentu ove starosti after many centuries, it would be histori- ona nije značajna kao objekat, ali je cally important. značajna kao sredina u kojoj se život odvijao i gde se život završio u perimetru Today, in this world, at this moment, njenog prostiranja. To je više filozofsko this old, it is not important as an object, razmišljanje i više filozofska opservacija but it is important as an environment in ljudi kada pokušaju da shvate objekat i which life unfolded and where life ended one koji su u tom objektu živeli i sa tim within the perimeter of its scope. That živeli i morali su da praktično raskinu is philosophical thinking and a philo- taj suživot. Ali sigurno nisu raskinuli sophical observation of people trying sećanja, emocije i ono sve što su doživeli to understand an object and those who u tom periodu dok je ta kuća postojala. used to live in it and with it, and were Ona ostaje kao sećanje, nema je više kao practically forced to bring that cohabita- objekta i to je možda jedan kvalitet koji tion to an end. But they certainly didn’t treba da se neguje. break with their memories, emotions and whatever they experienced during the period of that house’s existence. It remains as a memory, it is no longer there as an object, and that is perhaps a quality that should be cultivated.

Zora Čavić-Ilić Vi, Dušice, ste prave emocije pobudili u You, Dušica, have stirred genuine emotions ljudima. Bar što se mene tiče, i vrlo je in people. At least as far as I’m concerned, važno imati ovakvu izložbu. it is very important to have an exhibition like this.

Dušica Dražić Meni je žao što Snežana Stamenković I’m sorry that Snežana Stamenković is nije tu, jer sam nedavno imala razgovor not here right now, for a short while ago sa njom kada je spomenula nešto za- I talked to her, and she mentioned some- nimljivo, da ovakav rad predstavlja novi thing interesting, namely, that this work savremeni realizam. represents a new contemporary realism.

Gordana Belić Ustvari, snaga kojom deluje ovaj rad je taj In fact, the power with which your work brutalni realizam, ovo jeste realno. affects one amounts to brutal realism, this is real.

43 Dušica Popović Pre bi se reklo da ova izložba, kao i ona One might rather say that this exhibition, prethodna „Mesto događaja“ koja je just like the preceding one, entitled “The održana u Domu omladine, spada u es- Place Where It Happened”, held at [Bel- tetsku kategoriju pod nazivom kultura grade’s] Cultural Centre “Dom omladine”, sećanja. Termin kultura sećanja označava belongs to the aesthetic category referred to specifičan metod pomoću koga se sećanje as the culture of memory. The term culture danas (i)racionalizuje. Tako se aktuelna of memory designates a specific method sećanja ne prepoznaju (prozivaju) po through which memory is (ir)rationalised kvalitetu ili važnosti upamćenog – sadržaj today. Thus current memories are not rec- pamćenja često može podrazumevati sas- ognised (invoked) on the basis of the quality vim efemerne ljude, događaje ili entitete or importance of that which is memorised koji zapravo predstavljaju tek gorivo za – the contents of memory may often pre- čin sećanja. To znači da se memoriji pris- suppose entirely ephemeral people, events tupa više kao medijumu, a manje kao or entities that actually represent mere odredištu/ishodištu. fuel for the act of memory. This means that memory is approached as a medium rather Više nije relevantan identitet ljudi i (ne) than as a destination/outcome. sličnih pojava, već pokušaj da se dokaže da se savremeni život odigrava izvan What is relevant is no longer the identity of domašaja identiteta, u odsustvu vlasnika. people and (un)related phenomena, but the Radi se o izvesnoj mekoj artikulaciji, kom- attempt to prove that contemporary life promisu između postajanja i nestajanja. unfolds beyond the reach of identity, in the

44 Kada govorimo o umetnosti, ali i gen- absence of the owner. It is a soft articula- eralno, postoji mogućnost da se stvari tion of sorts, a compromise between exist- rađaju i umiru, a da nikada ne uđu u taj, ence and disappearance. donedavno povlašćen a danas neoprav- dano obeščašćen proces samodefinisan- Speaking of art, but also more generally, ja u jakom smislu. Meni se čini kao da there is a possibility that things are born se ova izložba nalazi u jednom takvom and die without ever entering that proc- među-statusu u kome očigledno ima ess of self-definition in strong terms, privi- prostora za bitisanje. leged until recently and unwarrantedly dishonoured today. It would appear to me that this exhibition possesses such an in- between status wherein there is obviously a space for being.

Ana Bogdanović Mislim da je kvalitet ovog rada u tome I think that the quality of this work is due što izaziva iskustvo sećanja, bez obzira to the fact that it elicits the experience na bilo kakve vremenske, političke ili of memory, irrespective of any temporal, društvene reference. Bilo ko ko uđe u political or social references. Whoever en- galeriju, bez obzira na njegovo predzna- ters the gallery, no matter what his or her nje, moći će da se zaustavi i bez obzira previous knowledge may be, will be able da li zna koja je ovo kuća, kada je srušena to stop and, regardless of whether he or itd., moći da doživi bar na kratko osećanje she knows which house this is, when it koje je vezano za sećanje i za kulturu was demolished and so on, he or she will sećanja. Mislim da je to najveći kvalitet be able to experience, even if only brief- ovog rada, što će estetika ruševine pod- ly, a feeling connected with memory and setiti svakog prolaznika na nešto. the culture of memory. I think that the greatest quality of this work is that the Možda bi malo manje trebalo da se bavi- aesthetics of ruins will remind each and mo politizacijom i kontekstualizacijom every passer-by of something. ovog rada, koji zaista mislim da izlazi iz tih stega kontekstualnog. Perhaps we should deal to a lesser degree with the politicising and contextualisation of this work, which, I really do believe, goes beyond the vise of the contextual.

Dušica Popović Da bi neko razumeo ovaj rad kao If someone is to understand this work as umetničku intervenciju, mislim da ipak an artistic intervention, I think he or she treba da bude upoznat sa ,,uzrocima ought to be acquainted with the “causes i posledicama” moderne i savremene and consequences” of modern and contem- umetnosti. U suprotnom, rad može da porary art, after all. Otherwise, this work

45 se percipira, kako je već primećeno, kao may be perceived, as has already been običan odron. Naravno, svaka reakcija je pointed out, as a mere landslide. Naturally, legitimna ali, da bi neko profilisao prvobi- any reaction is legitimate, but in order to tnu impresiju i time stvorio sopstvene us- profile one’s initial impression and thereby love pod kojima će neko delo posmatrati, create one’s own conditions for viewing a on mora da ima neko predznanje. certain work, one would have to have some previous knowledge.

Ana Bogdanović Htela sam da se nadovežem da je različito I would like to add that different readings čitanje rada upravo njegov kvalitet, ipak of the work actually testify to its quality, it deluje na jedan univerzalan način. does affect one in a universal way, after all.

Boba Mirjana Stojadinović Kakva je odgovornost umetnika? I kakva What is the responsibility of the artist? je odgovornost publike? Kakav je odnos And what is the responsibility of the au- publike i umetnosti? dience? What is the relationship between audience and art?

Nikola Radić Lucati Ja bih jako voleo da kažem – izuzetno I would very much like to say – it is great to velika, mada primeri radova koji su izašli an exceptional degree, even though examples zadnjih godina zapravo govore o tome da of works produced over the past few years nije. Odgovornost je nešto od čega se ak- actually testify otherwise. Responsibility is tivno beži. Svaka interpretacija rada au- something that we actively flee from. Any tomatski mora da počne iz tela konstruk- interpretation of a work must automatically cije umetnosti, istorije umetnosti, a ne proceed from the body of art construction, art zapravo iz proživljenog iskustva mesta, history, and not really from the lived experi- ljudi, nacije. ence of a place, people, nation.

Zora Čavić-Ilić Obostrana, značajna, svakako. It is mutual, certainly significant.

Nikola Radić Lucati Bilo bi lepo da je tako. It would be nice if it were so.

Zora Čavić-Ilić I ovoliko koliko nas ima, mi nešto However many of us are here, we mean značimo. Po istoj logici po kojoj kad bi se something. Following the same logic, if razgovaralo koliko je ljudi ubijeno, da li one were to discuss how many people were jedan ili desetoro, to je uvek ubistvo. killed, one or ten, it’s always murder.

46 Ovo pokazuje i koliko je jedna nacija This also shows the extent to which a na- zrela i kako se odnosi prema prošlosti tion is mature to deal with the past, and it i zahvaljujući tome recimo nikome is owing to this, for example, that no one nije palo na pamet da uruši ili da po- has thought of demolishing or flattening ravna tlo gde su Herkulanum i Pompei the ground where Herculaneum and Pom- i zahvaljujući tome što se to nije nikad peii lie, and so such a thing has never been učinilo i nije bilo takve svesti, ni kolek- done, there has been no such conscious- tivne ni pojedinačne, to postoji. Prema ness, be it collective or individual, and they tome, i ovakve izložbe vrlo neobične i in- still exist. Consequently, exhibitions such trigantne, da upotrebim stranu reč, jesu as this one, very unusual and intriguing as značajne – hvala vam! it is, are significant – thank you!

Boba Mirjana Dušica citira Jeff Wall-a koji opisuje foto- Dušica quotes Jeff Wall, who describes a Stojadinović grafiju „The Crooked Path“ (Krivudava photograph entitled “The Crooked Path” staza) : „Ovo je mala staza koju su bez pla- thus: “This is a small path made by its us- na napravili njeni korisnici, a da bi uradili ers without anything in the way of a plan, nešto što uobičajena administracija nija and for them to do something that the or- mogla ili nije htela da uradi – to je blagi dinary administration could not or would trag neposlušnosti ili nezavisnosti – lju- not do – there was a slight element of diso- di čine stvari koje mi ne možemo ni da bedience or independence to it – people do predvidimo.“ things that we cannot even foresee.”

U tom smislu, koji model funkcionisanja In that sense, which model of functioning možda možete da identifikujete kao sop- could you perhaps identify as your own? stveni? Dušica nudi opcije: neposlušnost, Dušica offers the following options: diso- nezavisnost, rad sa kolektivom ili sa za- bedience, independence, working with a jednicom, ili neki sasvim drugačiji? collective or a community, or maybe something entirely different?

Zora Čavić-Ilić Nezavisnost, ali zavisi od situacije. Ako Independence, but that depends on the situ- sto nezavisnih ljudi izađu, kao što smo ation. If one hundred independent people činili, da lupaju u šerpe, ogroman je zvuk. come out, the way we did a while ago, and Prema tome - nezavisnost. start banging on their pots and pans, a huge sound is created. Therefore - independence. Neposlušnost je nekada vrlo loša za zajednicu i za samu individuu i završiće iza Disobedience is sometimes very bad for the rešetaka, recimo. Ali nezavisnost, neza- community and for the individual as well, visan duh, to je vrlo bitno da se ima, da who’ll end up behind bars, say. But inde- se sačuva. pendence, an independent spirit, it is very important to possess, to preserve it.

47 Milutin Dražić Ja mislim da je čovek kompleksna ličnost I think that man is a complex personality pod uticajem raznih, i sopstvenih nazora under the influence of various views and i emocija i uticaja sa strane. Prema tome, emotions, be it his own or those of others. nemoguće je biti jedno, ali je nezavisnost Consequently, it is impossible to be one, but ono primarno. Uz nezavisnost, sloboda independence is of primary importance. odlučivanja koja ga upućuje da njegova Along with independence, freedom of deci- nezavisnost ne bude na štetu društva, na sion directs him so that his independence štetu drugoga ili samo za zadovoljenje should not be to the detriment of society, to svojih poriva ili svojih vrednosti. A slo- the detriment of another, or merely serve boda je da odlučuje da li će se priklon- for the gratification of his own urges or val- iti nečemu što mu neko nudi ili neće, ues. And freedom is manifested in deciding razmatrajući to sa gledišta svojih nazora whether he’ll opt for what someone is of- i svojih ubeđenja. Prema tome, ja bih fering to him or not, considering it from the spojio nezavisnost i slobodu odlučivanja, point of view of his views and convictions. nešto što je bilo suštinski važno za ličnost, Therefore, I would join independence and njeno delovanje i njen razvoj. freedom of decision, something that is of essential importance for a person, his activities and development.

Projekat UMETNIK KAO PUBLIKA pred- The project AN ARTIST AS THE AUDIENCE stavlja javni forum koji je započet u aprilu represents a public forum initiated in April 2010. godine i do kraja 2011. godine je re- 2010; by the end of 2011, it will have realised alizovao preko dvadeset diskusija o radovi- over twenty discussions about the works of ma umetnika: Zoran Todorović, Nikoleta the following artists: Zoran Todorović, Niko- Marković, Bik Van der Pol (Holandija), Milo- leta Marković, Bik van der Pol (Holland), Mi- rad Mladenović, Dragana Žarevac, Jelica lorad Mladenović, Dragana Žarevac, Jelica Radovanović i Dejan Anđelković, Nataša Radovanović and Dejan Anđelković, Nataša Teofilović, Vahida Ramujkić i drugih. Teofilović, Vahida Ramujkić and others.

U diskusijama publika, heterogena gru- Within the framework of these discussions, pa ljudi svedena na najmanji zajednički the audience, a heterogeneous group of peo- činilac u odnosu na umetničko delo, da- ple reduced to the lowest common denomina- kle – svi mi, uz pomoć moderatora, iznosi tor in relation to a work of art, that is – all i međusobno preispituje mišljenja o odab- of us, with the help of a moderator, present ranim radovima savremene vizuelne and mutually examine opinions on selected umetnosti. Diskusije daju mogućnost da works of contemporary visual art. These dis- se „razmišlja naglas”, da se ove misli su- cussions make it possible to “think aloud”, to protstave bez pretenzija da postoji samo confront these thoughts without pretending

48 jedan pravi odgovor, odnosno jedinstveno that there exists only one correct answer, viđenje umetnosti i aktuelnog trenutka u that is, a common view of art and the current kome se živi i stvara. moment, in which one lives and creates.

Autor koncepcije i realizacije projekta, The author of the concept and the realisation kao i moderator diskusija je Mg Boba of the project, as well as the moderator of these Mirjana Stojadinović. Projekat se radi u discussions is Boba Mirjana Stojadinović, MA. produkciji Udruženja umetnika DEZ ORG, The project is realised by the Artists’ Associa- u saradnji sa Kulturnim centrom REX i uz tion DEZ ORG, in cooperation with the REX velikodušnu podršku Fonda za otvoreno Cultural Centre, with the generous support of društvo, Srbija. the Fund for Open Society, Serbia.

www.razgovori.wordpress.com Politike i prakse očuvanja i uključivanja sećanja u razvoj grada

12 | 09 - 13 | 09 | 2011 Kulturni centar Beograda Cultural Centre of Belgrade Policies and Practices of the Memory Preservation and Integration in the City’s Development

12 | 09 - 13 | 09 | 2011 Kulturni centar Beograda Cultural Centre of Belgrade Međunarodni simpozijum “Sećanje grada - P0litike i prakse očuvanja i uključivanja sećanja u razvoj grada” International Symposium “Memory of the City – Policies and Practices of the Memory Preservation and Integration in the City’s Development”

Marijana Simu , kulturklammer Prevela sa srpskog Translated from Serbian by Marijana Simu

Kao jedna od aktivnosti u okviru projekta As one of the main activities within the „Sećanje grada“, 12. i 13. septembra 2011. project Memory of the City, the interna- u Kulturnom centru Beograda održan tional symposium MEMORY OF THE CITY je međunarodni simpozijum „SEĆANJE - Policies and Practices of the Memory Pres- GRADA - Politike i prakse očuvanja i uklju- ervation and Integration in the City’s Devel- čivanja sećanja u razvoj grada“. Osnovno opment was held at the Cultural Centre of polazište za pokretanje simpozijuma pred- Belgrade on September 12th and 13th, 2011. stavljalo je uverenje da je preispitivanje i The Symposium is based on the premise kritičko sagledavanje prošlosti nužan pre- that critical approach and examining of duslov kvalitetnog razvoja svake zajednice. the past is basic precondition for the qual- Simpozijum je iniciran sa ciljem da ukaže ity development/future of a community. na značaj istraživanja i beleženja usmenih It was initiated with the aim to stress the istorija, očuvanja i komuniciranja mesta importance of exploration and recollection kolektivnog sećanja i kulturnog nasleđa, of the oral histories, as well as of the pres- kao i da doprinese identifikovanju za- ervation and communication of the cul- dataka javnih politika i svih predstavnika tural heritage and the places of collective zajednice u stvaranju uslova za očuvanje i memory. The Symposium should also urge uključivanje sećanja u razvoj grada. all relevant institutions and community members to take responsibility and engage Okupivši istaknute stručnjake različitih in the preservation and integration of the profila iz zemlje i inostranstva, među ko- memory in the city’s development.

52 jima su kulturolozi, politikolozi, istoričari The Symposium gathered prominent ex- i istoričari umetnosti, geografi, umetnici, perts in different scientific fields from the arhitekte (prof. dr Milena Dragićević-Šešić, country and abroad, among whom were dr Ljiljana Radonić, dr Olga Manojlović culturologists, politicologists, historians Pintar, prof. dr Aleksandar Ignjatović, and art historians, geographers, artists, ar- umetnica/aktivistkinja Rena Raedle, mr chitects (Prof. Dr Milena Dragićević-Šešić, Aleksandra Fulgosi, prof. dr Bertrand Dr Ljiljana Radonić, Dr Olga Manojlović Levy, dr Katharina Blaas-Pratscher, dr Pintar, Prof. Dr Aleksandar Ignjatović, art- Zoran Erić, istoričar Nenad Žarković, arhi- ist/activist Rena Raedle, MA Aleksandra tekta Mustafa Musić, vajar Mrđan Bajić, Fulgosi, Prof. Dr Bertrand Levy, Dr Kathari- umetnik Milorad Mladenović), simpozi- na Blaas-Pratscher, artist Dušica Dražić, Dr jum je otvorio prostor za razmatranje i Zoran Erić, historian Nenad Žarković, archi- sagledavanje sećanja iz perspektive tect Mustafa Musić, sculptor Mrđan Bajić, različitih oblasti istraživanja, naučnih i artist Milorad Mladenović). In that way the društvenih disciplina. Symposium opened the space for consideration of different aspects of the memory. Simpozijum je realizovan kroz dve programske celine, od kojih je jedna The Symposium has been realized through bila posvećena temi Politike i prakse two thematic units one of which was dedi- sećanja i komemoracije, dok je u okviru cated to the topic Policies and Practices of druge obrađivana tema Javni prostori Memory and Commemoration, while the i sećanje. Svaka od pomenutih pro- other examined the field of Public Space gramskih celina se sastojala iz uvod- and Memory. Each unit consisted of an in- nog dela koncipiranog tako da omogući troductory part designed to provide theo- teorijski okvir i uvid u relevantne studi- retical framework of the topic in issue and je slučaja, i zasebnih tematskih sesija presentations on relevant case studies. od kojih je jedna bila posvećena Starom Apart from this, special part of the program Sajmištu, a druga Trgu Slavija. Izbor consisted of two thematic sessions dedi- ovih mesta kao predmeta razmatranja i cated to the Staro Sajmište and the Slavija analize zasnivao se na pretpostavci da, Square in Belgrade. Choice of these places kao mesta istorije i sećanja Beograda, as the subjects of examination and analy- i Staro Sajmište i Trg Slavija, očitavaju sis within the Symposium is based on the diskontinuitet u urbanom i kulturno- presumption that both represent Belgrade’s istorijskom razvoju grada, neposto- historical and memory places which reflect janje jasno definisanih javnih poli- discontinuity in the urban development tika sećanja i kulturnog nasleđa, kao of the city, lack of clearly defined memory i nemogućnost postizanja saglasnosti and heritage policies, as well as inability of unutar zajednice o njihovoj budućnosti. the community to agree upon the future of Ovakvo polazište simpozijuma počiva these places. This premise comes from the na uverenju da analiza stanja u kom se belief that analysis of the current state of trenutno nalaze ova mesta, kao i za njih these two places, as well as the memory vezanih politika i praksi sećanja, može polices and practices related to them, could

53 doprineti prepoznavanju i određivanju contribute to identification and selection mogućih modela njihove revitalizacije, of possible solutions and models of their kao i modela revalorizacije, memori- revitalization, but also the approach that jalizacije i revitalizacije drugih mesta i could be applied in the revalorization, me- gradskih prostora od značaja za prošlost morialization and revitalization of other i sećanje Beograda. places and urban spaces of significance for the Belgrade’s past and collective memory. Politike i prakse sećanja i komemoracije Ova programska celina koncipirana je Policies and Practices tako da omogući preispitivanje različitih of the Memory and Commemoration aspekata oblasti sećanja, od onih koji se This thematic unit was aimed at examina- odnose na ulogu sećanja u konstrukciji tion and discussion of different aspects of identiteta zajednice, zatim sećanja kao the field of memory, ranging from those polja i instrumenta u funkciji političkog/ concerning the role of the memory in the ideološkog delovanja u lokalnom, re- identity construction, memory as the field gionalnom i evropskom kontekstu, do and instrument in service of political/ideo- pozitivnih efekata očuvanja i oživljavanja logical action in the local, regional and sećanja koji se ogledaju u podstica- European context, to the positive effects of nju revitalizacije kulturnog nasleđa i memory preservation and reviving which uključivanja građana u razvoj zajednice. reflect in inciting revitalization of the cultural heritage and citizens’ participation in Uvodni deo je obuhvatio predavanja prof. the community development. dr Milene Dragićević Šešić (Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu) „Spomenici, ja- The introductory part encompassed lec- vne politike i umetničke intervencije - tures of Prof. Dr Milena Dragićević Šešić top-down i bottom-up politike sećanja“, (University of Arts in Belgrade) - Monu- „Sećanje kao polje političkog delovanja u ments, Public Policies and Artistic Interven- kontekstu Evropeizacije sećanja“ dr Ljil- tions - Top-down and Bottom-up Memory jane Radonić (Univerzitet u Beču) i „Javni Politics, Dr Ljiljana Radonić (University of prostori Beograda: istorija, memorija i kon- Vienna) - Memory as a Political Field of Ac- strukcija identiteta“ dr Olge Manojlović tion in the Context of “Europeanization of Pintar (Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije) i Memory” and Dr Olga Manojlović Pintar prof. dr Aleksandra Ignjatovića (Arhitek- (Institute for Recent History of Serbia, Bel- tonski fakultet u Beogradu).1 grade) and Prof. Dr Aleksandar Ignjatović (Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade) - Pub- lic Spaces of Belgrade: History, Memory and Identity Construction.1

1 Texts of the authors who held lectures within the introduc- 1 Tekstovi koji prate predavanja održana u okviru uvodnih sesija tory sessions of the Symposium are published within this simpozijuma objavljeni su u ovoj publikaciji. volume.

54 Projekti i inicijative usmereni na revitalizaciju i Presentations on the Projects and Initiatives memorijalizaciju mesta na kome se u toku II svetskog Aimed at Revitalization and Memorialization of rata nalazio koncentracioni logor Sajmište the Place of the Concentration Camp Sajmište in Poseban segment programa predstav- Belgrade During the WWII ljala je sesija posvećena aktuelnim inici- Special segment of the Symposium was jativama usmerenim na revitalizaciju i the thematic session dedicated to the on- memorijalizaciju Starog Sajmišta, mesta going initiatives aimed at revitalization na kome se tokom Drugog svetskog rata and memorialization of the Staro Sajmište nalazio koncentracioni logor. Cilj sesije - the place of the concentration camp dur- bilo je predstavljanje različitih pristupa ing the WWII. The aim of the session was i inicijativa u obeležavanju, komemo- to provide an insight into different ap- raciji i komuniciranju mesta kolektivnog proaches and initiatives aimed at mark- sećanja i stradanja ljudi, koje stanjem ing, commemoration and communication zapuštenosti u kom se nalazi odražava of this place of collective memory, whose potiskivanje i zaborav zajednice usled current state of negligence reflects oblivion nemogućnosti da se suoči s neželjenom and suppression by the community caused prošlošću i istorijskim narativima koji se by its inability to face the unwilling past za to mesto vezuju. U okviru sesije umet- and narratives related to the place. Artist nica i aktivistkinja Rena Raedle održala and activist Rena Raedle held the presenta- je prezentaciju „Poseta Starom Sajmištu tion A Visit to Staro Sajmište – Memory as - Sećanje kao dijalog i participativna Dialogue and Participative Practice: staro- praksa: starosajmiste.info“, dok je mr sajmiste.info, while Aleksandra Fulgosi, MA Aleksandra Fulgosi iz Zavoda za zaštitu (Cultural Heritage Preservation Institute of spomenika kulture grada Beograda pred- Belgrade) presented the project Initiative stavila projekat „Inicijativa za formiranje for Establishing the Memorial Complex of Memorijalnog kompleksa Staro Sajmište Staro Sajmište – Program/Spatial Concept. - programsko-prostorni koncept“. The project A Visit to Staro Sajmište repre- Projekat „Poseta Starom Sajmištu“ pred- sents an example of participative memory stavlja primer participativne prakse practice that engages the community and sećanja koja angažuje zajednicu i podstiče incites responsibility in dealing with the je na odgovoran odnos prema prošlosti. past. The project opens space for initiating Projekat otvara prostor za pokretanje ja- the public dialogue and discussion on the vnog dijaloga i diskusije na temu prošlosti, topic of the past, the present and the fu- sadašnjosti i budućnosti ovog mesta ture of this place of memory. Dealing with sećanja. Bavljenje Starim Sajmištem, Staro Sajmište, in the words of Rena Raedle, prema rečima Rene Raedle, podrazume- means to deal not only with its past but also va ne samo bavljenje prošlošću samog to research and examine wider historical mesta već i istraživanje šireg istorijskog context – causes and consequences of the konteksta - uzroka i posledica nastanka Fascism – contributing in that way to the fašizma - doprinoseći tako prepoznavanju recognition and prevention of their present i sprečavanju njihove pojave i razvoja u and future appearance. In this way the proj-

55 sadašnjosti i budućnosti. Na ovaj način, ect represents example of memory activa- projekat predstavlja primer aktivacije po- tion in the development of the community. tencijala sećanja u razvoju zajednice. Implementation of the project so far en- Dosadašnja realizacija projekta omogućila abled recognition of one of the main reasons je da se ustanovi jedan od glavnih uzroka of the current state of the place, which can trenutnog stanja Starog Sajmišta, koje be described, in the words of the author, as se prema rečima autorke može opisati “a forgotten concentration camp”. The same kao „zaboravljeni koncentracioni logor“, i reason is also the key obstacle to the change ključna prepreka skoroj promeni takvog of that state and that is unavailability of ba- stanja, a to je nedostupnost osnovnih is- sic historical facts and data about the past torijskih činjenica i podataka o njegovoj of the Staro Sajmište and the widespread prošlosti i nepoznavanje istih od strane lack of information about the place. Au- većine građana. Moguće rešenje i način thor’s opinion is that the possible solution za prevazilaženje ovog problema, prema for overcoming this problem may be found rečima autorke, predstavlja omogućavanje in “enabling everyone to participate in the „svakome da se uključi u javnu upotre- public use of the history”. Apart from this, bu istorije“, kao i edukacija građana i there is a need for education of citizens and uključivanje svih grupa i zajednica u javni inclusion of all the groups and communities dijalog o budućnosti mesta, što imple- related to the Staro Sajmište in the public mentacija projekta i podrazumeva. debate about the future of the place, which is implied by the project implementation. Projekat „Inicijativa za formiranje Memo- rijalnog kompleksa Staro Sajmište“ pred- The project Initiative for Establishing Memo- stavljen od strane Aleksande Fulgosi je re- rial Complex of Staro Sajmište – Program/ zultat istraživanja koje je tim stručnjaka Spatial Concept, presented by Aleksandra Zavoda za zaštitu spomenika kulture gra- Fulgosi, is a result of the research conduct- da Beograda sproveo u cilju utvđivanja ed by the team of experts from the Cultural smernica delovanja i modela memorijal- Heritage Preservation Institute of Belgrade izacije koji bi bio najadekvatniji kada je u with the aim to identify and define guide- pitanju ovo mesto. U okviru prezentacije lines and the model for memorialization predstavljen je koncept memorijalnog which would be the most adequate consid- kompleksa koji bi prema mišljenju tima ering the complexity of the Staro Sajmište. Zavoda trebalo osnovati, a koji bi imao za The presentation provided an insight in the cilj memorijalizaciju i revitalizaciju mes- concept of the memorial complex which, in ta i komuniciranje istorijskih narativa, the opinion of the project team, should be kako onih vezanih za period izgradnje i established and which should aim to revital- postojanja kompleksa prvog privrednog ize the place and to communicate its narra- sajma u Srbiji, tako i onih iz perioda kada tives, both those from the period of the first je kompleks prilagođen potrebama kon- commercial fair in Serbia and those dating centracionog logora i kada postaje mesto from the period when the fair complex was stradanja velikog broja ljudi. Prezentacija transformed and adjusted for the concen-

56 je obuhvatila sve rezultate sprovedenog tration camp and when it became the place istraživanja i omogućila uvid u istorijski of suffering and death of many people. The tok, osnovne kriterijume vrednovanja sa presentation encompassed results of the stanovišta zaštite kulturnog nasleđa, kao research and provided an insight into the i predlog/skicu prostornog i programsk- historical course, basic criteria for valoriza- og koncepta memorijalnog kompleksa. tion of the site in terms of cultural heritage Predstavljeni programsko-prostorni kon- preservation, as well as into the proposal cept zasniva se, prema rečima autorke, na for the spatial and program concept of the prethodno utvrđenim vrednostima samog memorial complex. According to the author, mesta sećanja, na osnovu kojih su definisa- the presented concept is designed after the na četiri osnovna elementa na kojima bi se previously defined values of this place of bazirala misija nove institucije: komemo- memory, upon which four elements of the racija, dokumentovanje, istraživanje i obra- future mission of the new institution were zovanje. Prema rečima Aleksandre Fulgosi, based: commemoration, documenting, re- projekat je direktno zavisan od političke search and education. According to Fulgosi, volje i spremnosti najvišeg državnog vrha the project is directly dependant on political da ga podrži, i finansijski i adekvatnom za- will and readiness of the state authorities to konskom regulativom. support its realization both financially and through adequate legislation. Uzimajući u obzir sve karakteristike i aspekte projekata predstavljenih u ok- Taking into consideration all the charac- viru sesije posvećene Starom Sajmištu, teristics and aspects of the presented proj- predlog stručnjaka Zavoda za zaštitu ects, the proposal made by the team of the spomenika kulture grada Beograda Cultural Heritage Preservation Institute of može se odrediti kao primer top-bottom Belgrade may be defined as an example of politike sećanja, one koja je direktno za- top-bottom memory policy, the one that visna od državnih politika i institucio- directly depends on the state politics and nalnog okvira. S druge strane, projekat institutions. On the other hand, the proj- „Poseta Starom Sajmištu“ koji je zas- ect A Visit to Staro Sajmište, which is based novan na uključivanju što šireg kruga on inclusion of wide circle of citizens in građana u sam proces implementacije, the very process of the project implemen- može se odrediti kao primer bottom-up tation, can be defined as an example of politike sećanja, one koja je definisana bottom-up memory policy, the one that is kroz organizovano delovanje različitih designed through organized action of dif- grupa i pojedinaca. ferent groups and individuals.

Iako različiti u pristupu i metodologiji However, despite their different overall ap- oba projekta ističu važnost zastupljenosti proach both projects stress the importance svih grupa i zajednica koje se vezuju za of participation of all the groups and com- Staro Sajmište u procesu javnog dijaloga munities which are related to the Staro koji bi doveo do određivanja budućnosti Sajmište in the public dialogue that will ovog mesta. determine the future of the place.

57 Javni prostor i sećanje Public Space and Memory Programska celina simpozijuma posve- This thematic unit of the program was ćena temi „Javni prostor i sećanje” kon- conceived as a response to the lack of cipirana je kao odgovor na nepostojanje coherent policies in the fields of public determinisanih politika javnih spomenika monuments and public art, which is in- i umetnosti u javnom prostoru na koje dicated by the inconsistent procedures of između ostalog ukazuju način i procedure building the monuments and realization postavljanja spomenika i malobrojnost of the art in public space projects dedi- umetničkih projekata i instalacija u ja- cated to commemoration, and reviving vnim prostorima Beograda usmerenih na and preservation of the memory in Bel- komemoraciju i oživljavanje i očuvanje grade. Introductory part of this thematic sećanja zajednice. U uvodnom delu pred- unit encompassed different examples of stavljeni su i razmatrani različiti primeri memorialization and building the monu- memorijalizacije i izgradnje javnih spo- ments, as well as the public art projects menika, kao i projekti umetnosti u javnom dealing with memory. Apart from this, prostoru na temu sećanja. Pored toga, u program included certain examples of cilju prenosa iskustava i primene uspešnih urban squares that were renovated and modela i praksi sećanja i komemoracije u revived through realization of art instal- javnom prostoru, predstavljeni su primeri lations with emphasis on preservation pojedinih gradskih trgova koji su obnov- of memory, and an example of the pub- ljeni i oživljeni umetničkim radovima uz lic art program functioning at regional očuvanje sećanja, kao i jedan od mogućih level. With the aim of experience transfer načina funkcionisanja programa umetnosti and introduction of good practices, Prof. u javnom prostoru na regionalnom nivou. Dr Bertrand Levy (University of Geneva) Tako je u okviru ovog segmenta programa held the lecture Urban Square as the predavanje na temu „Gradski trg kao mesto Place of History, Memory and Identity, istorije, sećanja i identiteta“ održao prof. while Dr Katharina Blaas-Pratscher (Pub- dr Bertrand Levy (Univerzitet u Ženevi), lic Art Program Lower Austria) delivered dok je predavanje „Programi umetnosti u presentation on Lower Austrian Model javnom prostoru – načini organizovanja and the examples of projects concerning i finansiranja – Primer Donje Austrije i the theme “Memory”.2 As an example of predstavljanje projekata na temu sećanja“ the art practice in the field of memory, održala dr Katharina Blaas-Pratscher (Pub- Dr Zoran Erić (Museum of contemporary lic Art Program Lower Austria).2 Kao primer art, Belgrade) presented several relevant prostorno-specifične umetničke prakse projects of the artist Dušica Dražić in- na temu sećanja, dr Zoran Erić (Muzej cluding her artwork Blueprint. savremene umetnosti, Beograd) je predstavio rad Dušice Dražić Blueprint i druge relevantne projekte ove umetnice.

2 Tekstovi koji prate predavanja održana u okviru uvodnih sesija 2 Texts of the authors who held lectures within the introductory simpozijuma objavljeni su u ovoj publikaciji. sessions of the Symposium are published within this volume.

58 Slavija – mesto izgubljenog sećanja i identiteta The Slavija Square – Poseban segment u okviru ove pro- Place of the Lost Memory and Identity gramske celine činila je panel diskusija The session thematized the Slavija Square „Slavija – mesto izgubljenog sećanja i as a public space with strong collective identiteta“. Sesija je tematizovala Trg identity and the place of memory of Bel- Slaviju kao javni prostor sa izraženim grade, but also as an urban fragment which kolektivnim identitetom i mestom reflects historical and urban discontinuity sećanja Beograda, ali i kao urbani frag- of the city and a part of Belgrade whose ment koji odražava istorijski i urbani urban landscape recollects rough changes diskontinuitet Beograda i deo grada čiji that ensued erasure of memory and mate- pejzaž beleži grube promene nastale kao rial traces of the past, including even dev- posledica procesa brisanja memorije i astation of cultural heritage. materijalnih tragova prošlosti, čak i deva- stacije kulturnog nasleđa. Introduction to the session was made by Zoran Erić, who presented different mod- U uvodnom delu sesije Zoran Erić je els and concepts of the public monuments predstavio različite modele i koncepte and the public art projects in the context izgradnje javnih spomenika i projekata of the modern city. By presenting relevant umetnosti u javnom prostoru u kon- examples he illustrated changes in the per- tekstu modernog grada. Predstavlja- ception of the public art/art in public space, njem relevantnih primera ilustrovao je but also those in the very concept of the promene do kojih je došlo u poimanju public monument, such as the one that javne umetnosti/umetnosti u javnom implies participation of people – interac- prostoru, ali i u samom konceptu ja- tive monument or the concept of counter- vnog spomenika, poput onog koji podra- monument. In his lecture Erić stressed the zumeva uključivanje ljudi – interaktivan importance of dialogue about the public spomenik ili koncept protiv-spomenika monument and its possible effects on the (counter-monument). U svom izlaganju decision-making procedures. He made a ré- Erić je istakao važnost dijaloga o javnom sumé on the issue in question stating that spomeniku i mogućnost njegovog uticaja sometimes the dialogue is more important na procese odlučivanja, rezimirajući da je than building the monument itself. Beside značaj javne diskusije o spomeniku često this, the author spoke about the socio-spa- veći od njegove izgradnje. tial concept that enables interpretation of the certain space as a product of certain so- Pored toga, autor je govorio o društveno- ciety while forms of the space can be under- prostornom konceptu prema kom se stood as social processes and structures. By određeni prostor može tumačiti kao analyzing those processes and structures it proizvod određenog društva a prostorne is possible to unveil and interpret different forme se mogu posmatrati kao društveni layers of the past and memory in order to procesi i strukture. Analizom tih procesa understand the way in which certain ur- i struktura mogu se otkriti i interpreti- ban space was generated. In accordance rati različiti slojevi prošlosti i memorije, with that and speaking about the Slavija

59 i tako razumeti način na koji se gener- Square, the author considered possibility to isao određeni gradski prostor. U skladu perceive it in the same way – “as generated s tim, govoreći o Slaviji, razmatrana je i space of the city that represents place of mogućnost da se ona sagleda na taj način the social, political and economic struggle, - „kao proizvedeni prostor grada koji but also the place of urban transformations predstavlja mesto društvene, političke and possibilities for interventions through i ekonomske borbe, ali i mesto urbanih art projects”. Through presentation of An- transformacija i mogućnosti da se na nette Weisser’s and Ingo Vetter’s artwork njemu interveniše umetničkim projek- that was realized at the Slavija Square as tima“. Predstavljanjem rada umetničkog a part of the project “Dysfunctional places / para Annette Weisser i Ingo Vettera koji Displaced functionalities” organized within je realizovan 2001. na Slaviji kao deo pro- the Belgrade Summer Festival in 2001, Erić jekta „Nefunkcionalna mesta / Izmeštene pointed possibility of analyzing, investi- funkcionalnosti“ u okviru Beogradskog gating and interpreting the public space letnjeg festivala 2001, Erić je ukazao na through artistic interventions which in the mogućnost analize, istraživanja i inter- end can provide an insight in different so- pretacije javnog prostora kroz umetničke cial and economic processes that formed intervencije, čime se ostvaruje uvid u that urban space. različite društvene i ekonomske procese koji su taj gradski prostor oblikovali. Beside introduction, the same session encompassed presentations on diverse ini- U okviru iste sesije, pored uvodnog izla- tiatives and projects dealing with Slavija ganja, prezentacije različitih inicijativa i held by historian Nenad Žarković, architect projekata koji se bave Slavijom održali su: Mustafa Musić, sculptor Mrđan Bajić, artist istoričar Nenad Žarković, arhitekta Mus- Milorad Mladenović. tafa Musić, vajar Mrđan Bajić, umetnik Milorad Mladenović. The presentation Hall of Peace, Hall of Struggle, Socialist People’s Hall, Workers’ U svojoj prezentaciji „Sala mira, Sala Hall, People’s Hall, Workers’ Cultural Center, borbe, Socijalistički narodni dom, Radnički Slavija cinema, parking lot…, held by Nenad dom, Narodni dom, Radnički dom kul- Žarković, was focused on the Hall of Peace, ture, bioskop Slavija, parking...“ Nenad the building of great socio/cultural signifi- Žarković je govorio o Sali mira, građevini cance and the monument of culture whose od izuzetnog socio-kulturnog značaja i history and life-cycle reflect development spomeniku kulture čija istorija i razvoj u of the whole Slavija Square to a large ex- velikoj meri reflektuju razvoj Trga Slavija tent, enabling in that way better under- i tako omogućavaju bolje razumevanje standing of the whole environment of the okruženja u kome se i sama nalazila. Sala square on which the building used to be lo- mira, prvobitno sagrađena kao verski hram cated. The Hall of Peace was originally built i centar okupljanja zajednice, menjala je as a religious temple and gathering place of više puta tokom svoje istorije namenu i the community, but the building changed vlasnike. Godine 1981. proglašena je za its purpose and owners for several times

60 kulturno dobro, da bi 1991. bila srušena, during its history. In the 1981 the building i da bi se danas na njenom mestu nalazio was proclaimed the monument of culture javni parking, a ona, prema rečima autora, while in 1991 it was destroyed. Today, big postala primer spomenika kulture koji parking lot is built at the place where the postoji samo kao sećanje. Prateći dinami- building was located, while, according to ku promena naziva, namene, vlasništva i the author, the Hall of Peace became ex- same arhitekture zgrade Sale mira, Nenad ample of monument of culture that exists Žarković je ukazao na diskontinuitet raz- only as a memory. Following the dynamics voja jedne tačke na Slaviji - „mesta sećanja of the changes of its name, purpose, owner- na vrlo dinamičan život arhitekture“. Uko- ship and the architecture of the building it- liko se ovaj primer posmatra kao deo šire self, Nenad Žarković indicated discontinu- celine Slavije i kao predmet društveno- ity in the development of one specific point prostorne analize o kojoj je na simpoziju- on the Slavija Square – “memory of very mu govorio Zoran Erić, može se zaključiti dynamic life of architecture”. If we consid- da i Trg Slavija i Sala mira odražavaju dis- er this example as a part of a wider whole kontinuitet društveno-političkog kontek- of the Slavija Square and as a subject of sta čiji su proizvodi. spatioanalysis presented by Zoran Erić at the Symposium, it might be concluded that Različito od prethodno opisanih prim- the Hall of Peace and the Slavija Square re- era koji se bave širom socio-kulturnom flect discontinuity of socio-political context analizom prostora i kulturnog nasleđa that produced these places. Slavije, Mustafa Musić je u prezentaciji „Slavija sa mog prozora - ispitivanje men- Differently from the previously described talne slike trga Slavija“, predstavljajući examples that dealt with the wider socio- svoj crtež „Slavija sa mog prozora“ koji je cultural analysis of the space and cul- nastao 1980. godine, izneo lični doživljaj tural heritage of the Slavija Square, Mus- i viđenje koje prema njegovim rečima tafa Musić delivered presentation entitled predstavlja „lični zapis, otisak mentalne Slavija Square from my Window - Examin- slike prostora.....neku vrstu aksonometri- ing the Mental Picture of the Slavija Square. jskog prikaza kakofonije trga“. Iako zasno- By focusing on his drawing Slavija from van na iskustvenom poznavanju prostora my Window from 1980, he provided a more i ličnim sećanjima vezanim za različite personal impression and perception of the periode prošlosti i života na Slaviji, ana- square. The author explained it in the fol- liza crteža i šireg konteksta u kom je nas- lowing way: “personal record, imprint of tao omogućava da se sagledaju značajni the mental picture of the space….a kind društveno-politički, kulturni i ekonom- of axonometric display of the cacophony ski procesi i pojave koji su Slaviju učinili of the square”. Even though it is based on važnim mestom za identitet Beograda. U experiential knowing of the space and per- tom smislu, prezentacija Mustafe Musića sonal memories related to different periods ukazuje na značaj ličnih istorija i sećanja of the past and life on the Slavija Square, za konstrukciju kolektivnih identiteta i the analysis of the drawing and the wider očuvanje kontinuiteta razvoja grada. context in which it was created enables

61 Predstavljajući svoj višegodišnji projekat perception and understanding of impor- „Yugomuzej“ (započet 1998. godine, veći tant socio-political, cultural and economic deo kolekcije oformljen do 2002), Mrđan processes and phenomena that made the Bajić je ukazao na značaj memorije u Slavija Square an important place for Bel- prevazilaženju lične i kolektivne dezor- grade’s identity. In that sense, Musić point- ijentisanosti nastale kao posledica raspa- ed out the importance of private/personal da zemlje i gubitka značenja mnogih histories and memories for construction of elemenata koji su činili kolektivni i in- collective identities and preservation of the dividualni identitet njenih stanovnika. continuity of the city’s development. Od samog početka realizacije projekta, umetnik ga je vezivao za Slaviju, tačnije By presenting his project Yugomuseum prostor ispod površine trga, „kao prostor (initiated in 1998, majority of the col- koji bi istovremeno bio muzej i sklonište“. lection formed until 2002), Mrđan Bajić Izbor Slavije za postavljanje nepostojećeg indicated the importance of memory in muzeja umetnik je argumentovao njen- overcoming personal and collective disori- im karakterom „mesta koje svojom entation caused by the dissolution of the složenošću označava vreme iz koga je country and the lost of meaning of numer- nastajalo i na kom može da se zamisli ous elements that formed collective and nešto što ne postoji“. U kontekstu sim- individual identity of its inhabitants. From pozijuma, Bajić je predstavljanjem pro- the very beginning of the project, the art- jekta kojim nastoji da očuva fragmente ist connected it to the Slavija Square, or to izgubljenog identiteta i obrazlaganjem be more precise, to the underground space njegovog vezivanja za dati prostor ukazao of the square as “the space that could be a na još jedan značajan aspekt Slavije, a to museum and a shelter at the same time”. je njena priroda arhiva sećanja, koji beleži Choice of Slavija as a location for the mu- i upija slojeve i poruke različitih perioda seum that doesn’t really exist is argued prošlosti, i koji predstavlja materijalizaci- by its character of “the place which by its ju neodrživosti društveno-političkih okol- complexity marks the time from which it nosti koje su uticale na njegovo strukturi- emerged and on which one can imagine sanje i razvoj. something that doesn’t exist”. In the context of the Symposium, Bajić presented U svom izlaganju Milorad Mladenović the project with which he intends to keep je predstavio grupu konkursnih projeka- fragments of the lost identity and gave the ta koje je radio u saradnji s različitim reasons why he connected it with Slavija. timovima, a koji se prema njegovim In that way he indicated important aspect rečima bave „sećanjem ili nekom vrstom of the square – its role of the archive of the vizije budućnosti“. Od nekoliko predstav- memory that recollects and absorbs layers ljenih, Mladenović je na primeru dva koji and messages of various periods of time. su se bavili Slavijom i koji predstavljaju Seen in this way, Slavija represents ma- pokušaj da se odgovori i reaguje na za- terialization of the unsustainability of the date okolnosti, obrazložio svoja polazišta socio-political circumstances that affected prilikom koncipiranja ovog tipa projekata. its structure and development.

62 Prezentacija je bila usmerena na analizu Milorad Mladenović presented a group of odabranih konkursnih projekata (od kojih projects designed for the public commis- su pojedini bili i prvonagrađena rešenja),3 sions, which he realized in cooperation reakcije na rezultate javnih konkursa i with different teams and which, according polemike koje su tim povodom vođene to him, deal with „memory or some kind u stručnoj i široj javnosti, kao i kraj- of vision of the future“. Among several pre- nje ishode pojedinih konkursa, koji su sented projects two were dedicated to the umesto do realizacije izabranih projekata Slavija Square and Mladenović used them doveli do poništavanja i potrebe za raspi- as a basis for elaborating his approach sivanjem novih. Na primeru predstav- while working on this kind of projects. In ljenih radova i konkursa, autor je učinio his words, those projects represent an at- jasnijim procedure i instrumente javnih tempt of the author to react and provide institucija i politika u datoj oblasti, uticaj an answer for the given circumstances. The društveno-političkih okolnosti na samo presentation was focused on the analysis formulisanje konkursnih zahteva i real- of the chosen projects (some of which were izaciju nagrađenih rešenja, kao i način awarded),3 reactions on results of the com- na koji „tekst konkursa u političkom, petitions and debates among experts pro- ideološkom i ekonomskom smislu us- voked by these results, as well as the final merava rad“. outcomes of the certain commissions that led to cancellation and the need for annun- Prezentacije održane u okviru sesije ciation of new open calls instead of realiza- „Slavija – mesto izgubljenog sećanja i tion of the awarded projects. By present- identiteta“ istakle su mnogobrojne kara- ing those projects, the author illustrated kteristike ovog gradskog prostora zbog and clarified procedures and instruments kojih se on može smatrati značajnim of public institutions and policies in the identitetskim reperom, kulturno-istor- given field, and also the influence of socio- ijskim nasleđem i mestom sećanja Beo- political circumstances on formulation of grada. Istovremeno, iako različite po the requirements of the public commis- svom sadržaju, prezentacije su ukazale sions and on realization of awarded proj- na neke od faktora koji su uticali na to da ects. Also, he stressed and clarified the way se Slavija danas može opisati kao mesto in which „text of the open call directs the izgubljenog sećanja i identiteta, od kojih work in the political, ideological and eco- su neki: nomic way“. – prostorni, urbanistički, arhitektonski, istorijski, politički i socio-kulturni Presentations held within the session The diskontinuiteti čiji je Slavija u svom Slavija Square – Place of the Lost Memory današnjem obliku proizvod; and Identity emphasized numerous char- – neodređenost osnovne funkcije - acteristics of this urban space for which gradski trg ili saobraćajno čvorište;

3 Proposal that won the first prize for the Monument of mod- 3 Prvonagrađeni konkursni rad za Spomenik modernoj Srbiji ern Serbia (2003) that was meant to be built on the Slavija (2003) koji je trebalo da bude izgrađen na Trgu Slavija povodom Square for the ocassion of marking two hundred years of the obeležavanja dva veka od Prvog srpskog ustanka First Serbian Uprising

63 – nepostojanje političke volje i vizije kod it can be recognized as an important land- donosilaca odluka o budućnosti mesta; mark, the cultural and historical heritage – nepostojanje jasno definisanih ja- site and the place of memory of Belgrade. vnih politika i institucionalnog okvira At the same time, despite the difference of koji bi omogućili revitalizaciju mesta, their contents, presentations indicated cer- istraživanje i komuniciranje različitih tain factors that influenced the processes slojeva prošlosti koje Slavija čuva; that caused the current state of the Slavija – nedovoljna uključenost relevant- Square, which can be described as the place nih stručnjaka, umetnika i građana of the lost memory and identity: u razmatranje mogućih rešenja za – spatial, architectural, historical, po- rekonstrukciju identiteta mesta i nje- litical and socio-cultural discontinuities govu revitalizaciju. which caused the current state of the Slavija Square; *** – undefined primary function – urban square or traffic hub; Svojim programskim konceptom simpoz- – lack of political will and vision ijum je nastojao da otvori prostor za pre- among decision makers about the fu- ispitivanje aktuelne politike sećanja kao ture of the place; jednog od elemenata politike identiteta – lack of well-defined public policies and pre svega kroz analizu njenih važnih institutional framework that would en- aspekata - politike javnih spomenika i able revitalization of the place, research memorijalizacije i politike umetnosti u and communication of different layers javnom prostoru – ali i kroz analizu poje- of the past that Slavija recollects; dinih mera i instrumenata kulturne poli- – insufficient participation of relevant tike i umetničkih praksi koji doprinose experts, artists and citizens in consider- stvaranju uslova za građenje i negovanje ation of possible solutions for the redefi- kulture sećanja. nition of the identity and revitalization of the place. Program simpozijuma koncipiran je kao odgovor na nepostojanje jasno definisa- *** nih javnih politika sećanja i komemoracije, institucionalnog okvira koji bi omogućio The Symposium is envisaged to provide adekvatno konzerviranje i obeležavanje space for examination of actual memory mesta sećanja u Beogradu, kao i na ne- policies considered as a part of the broader postojanje kontinuiteta i sistematičnosti identity policy, mainly through analysis of u očuvanju i razvoju materijalnog i nema- its important aspects – public monuments, terijalnog kulturnog nasleđa. Pored toga, memorialization and public art policies – iniciran kao reakcija na neutemeljenost but also through analysis of certain mea- politika i praksi u oblasti umetnosti u sures and instruments of cultural policy javnom prostoru kao jednog od mogućih and art practices that contribute to the vidova komemoracije, oživljavanja i nurturing and strengthening of the culture očuvanja sećanja zajednice, simpozijum of memory.

64 je zamišljen kao kontekst za razmatranje The program of the Symposium was con- ovog važnog aspekta politike sećanja. U ceived as a response to the lack of clearly skladu s tim, program simpozijuma je defined memory and commemoration poli- bio usmeren na identifikovanje modela i cies, institutional framework that would instrumenata javnih politika i mapiranje enable adequate conservation and mark- umetničkih i kulturnih praksi u funkciji ing of the places of memory in Belgrade, as aktivacije sećanja u razvoju grada. Izla- well as on the discontinuity and the lack ganja i stavovi izneti u okviru predavanja i of systematic approach in preservation and prezentacija, kao i diskusije vođene tokom development of the material and immate- simpozijuma, doprineli su kako rasvetlja- rial cultural heritage. Apart from this, it vanju nekih od razloga za datu situaciju was initiated as a reaction to not-yet-es- tako i prepoznavanju nužnih koraka u tablished policies and practices in the field cilju jačanja kulture sećanja i odgovornog of art in public space as one possible way odnosa prema prošlosti. of commemoration and reviving and preservation of the memory of the community. Nepostojanje definisane i koherentne poli- According to this, the Symposium should tike memorijalizacije i javnih spomenika generate the context for consideration of argumentovano je kroz analizu primera these important aspects of the memory Starog Sajmišta i Trga Slavija, mesta koja policy and facilitate identifying the mod- su pretrpela grubo brisanje slojeva memo- els and instruments of public policies and rije i materijalnih tragova prošlosti, čija mapping the art and culture practices that sadašnjost odražava nemar i nemogućnost are in service of the memory activation in društva da se suoči sa svojom prošlošću, the city’s development. Conclusions and ar- i mesta o čijoj budućnosti ne postoji sa- guments made within the lectures and dis- glasnost unutar zajednice. Tako je Sta- cussions during the Symposium contribut- ro Sajmište, mesto stradanja i sećanja, ed to identification of some of the reasons usled kontinuiranog potiskivanja iz ja- for the current situation in the thematized vne sfere postalo predmet zaborava, čak field as well as to recognition of the neces- i opšteprisutnog nepoznavanja osnovnih sary steps in strengthening the culture of činjenica o prošlosti mesta. S druge strane, memory and dealing with the past. može se reći da Slavija svojim sadašnjim stanjem i javnim diskursima formiranim The lack of well-defined and coherent me- oko ideje o rekonstrukciji i revitalizaciji ovog morialization and public monuments poli- gradskog prostora, reflektuje slabosti zajed- cies has been argued through analysis of nice, pre svega nemogućnost donošenja two examples, the Staro Sajmište and the odluka, velikim delom uzrokovane dis- Slavija Square, as the places which un- kontinuitetom društveno-političkog kon- derwent rude transformations as a conse- teksta pod čijim je uticajem kao prostor quence of erasure of the layers of memory oblikovana. Stoga se nepokretanje javnog and the material traces of the past, the dijaloga o revitalizaciji i memorijalizaciji places whose present reflects negligence Starog Sajmišta koji bi uključivao sve in- and inability of the society to face its teresne grupe i zajednice, rušenje Sale mira past, and the places without the com-

65 1991. godine kao zakonom zaštićenog spo- munity consent about their future. Thus menika kulture,4 kao i neuspele inicijative Staro Sajmište, the place of suffering and i nerealizovani projekti revalorizacije, rein- memory, which fell into oblivion due to the terpretacije i rekonstrukcije Slavije,5 mogu continuous suppression from the public razumeti i kao pokazatelj nedoslednosti i sphere. On the other hand, it can be said neodređenosti javne politike sećanja i ne- that the current state of the Slavija Square, postojanja neophodnog institucionalnog together with the public discourses formed aparata i okvira. around the idea of reconstruction and revitalization of this urban space, reflect weak- Kada je reč o projektima umetnosti u ja- nesses of the community, above all inabil- vnom prostoru, kao osnovni razlog nedo- ity of decision making. Those weaknesses voljne zastupljenosti ovog vida umetničkih are mainly caused by the discontinuity of i kulturnih praksi u istraživanju, revalo- the socio-political context which also influ- rizaciji i artikulaciji javnih prostora i in- enced shaping of the square. Therefore, the terpretaciji različitih slojeva i narativa absence of the public dialogue about the prošlosti grada, prepoznato je neposto- revitalization and memorialization of the janje adekvatnih mera i instrumenata Staro Sajmište, demolition of the Hall of javne kulturne politike i institucionalnog Peace in 1991 despite the fact that it was okvira koji bi podstakli i omogućili inten- a monument of culture protected by law,4 zivniji razvoj ove oblasti. Uprkos posto- together with unsuccessful initiatives and janju inicijativa od kojih su neke pokre- non-realized projects aimed at revaloriza- nute od strane najviših struktura gradskih tion, reinterpretation and reconstruction vlasti,6 nedoslednost i diskontinuitet u of the Slavija Square,5 might be perceived sprovođenju kulturne politike grada i ne- as an indicator of the inconsistency and vagueness of the memory policy, as well as the lack of adequate institutional appara- 4 Nenad Žarković, Sala mira, Sala borbe, Socijalistički narodni dom, Radnički dom, Narodni dom, Radnički dom kulture, bioskop tus and framework. Slavija, parking... prezentacija održana u okviru međunarodnog simpozijuma „SEĆANJE GRADA – Politike i prakse očuvanja i uključivanja sećanja u razvoj grada“. When it comes to the art in public space 5 Prvonagrađeno rešenje izabrano na konkursu koji su gradske projects, the lack of adequate measures and vlasti raspisale 2003. godine za Spomenik modernoj Srbiji koji je trebalo da bude izgrađen na Trgu Slavija povodom obeležavanja instruments of cultural policy and proper dva veka od Prvog srpskog ustanka još uvek nije realizovan, kao ni prvonagrađeno rešenje na urbanističko-arhitektonskom konkursu za Slaviju iz 2005. – Milorad Mladenović, prezentacija održana u okviru međunarodnog simpozijuma „SEĆANJE GRADA 4 Nenad Žarković, Hall of Peace, Hall of Struggle, Socialist - Politike i prakse očuvanja i uključivanja sećanja u razvoj grada“. People’s Hall, Workers’ Hall, People’s Hall, Workers’ Cultural Center, Slavija cinema, parking lot… presentation delivered 6 „Grad Beograd je započeo projekat postavljanja skulptura u slo- within the International Symposium “MEMORY OF THE bodnom prostoru, rečeno je na današnjoj konferenciji za novin- CITY - Policies and Practices of the Memory Preservation are u Starom dvoru. U prvoj fazi projekta biće postavljene skulp- and Integration in the City’s Development”. ture na petnaest gradskih lokacija, a putem ankete i na predlog posebne komisije već je izabrano 10 umetnika čije će skulpture 5 The award-winning proposal of the public comission of Bel- biti postavljene.....Poziv na učestvovanje u anketi dostavljen je na grade’s city authorities in 2003 for the Monument to modern 107 adresa umetnika, istoričara umetnosti i novinara. Na poziv Serbia that was meant to be built on the Slavija Square is je odgovorilo 48 anketiranih, koji su predložili do 10 umetnika still not built, same as the award-winning proposal for ar- za čija dela su smatrali da zaslužuju da se nađu u javnim grads- chitectural public comission for Slavija in 2005 – Milorad kim prostorima. Tako će u slobodnim prostorima biti postavljene Mladenović, presentation delivered within within the Inter- skulpture pet najviše rangiranih umetnika.“ Preuzeto sa: http:// national Symposium “MEMORY OF THE CITY - Policies and www.beograd.rs/cms/view.php?id=1315468 (stranici pristu- Practices of the Memory Preservation and Integration in the pljeno 21.12.2011.) City’s Development”.

66 postojanje dugoročnih sistemskih rešenja institutional framework which would in- koja bi omogućila uključivanje relevan- cite development of this field are recog- tnih stručnjaka i građana u kreiranje nized as the main reasons for rare and in- razvojnih politika i strategija uzrokovali coherent art and culture practices aimed at su da one budu ugašene i da ostanu bez research, revalorization and articulation of konkretnih rezultata. the public space and the interpretation of different layers and narratives of the past Jedan od najopštijih zaključaka izvedenih of the city. Even though there were cer- tokom simpozijuma jeste neophodnost tain initiatives of the city’s authorities in javne diskusije i dijaloga koji bi uključio this field,6 inconsistency and discontinuity stručnjake, donosioce odluka, ali i sve in implementing cultural policy together zainteresovane građane sa ciljem for- with the lack of the long-term systematic mulisanja koherentne i jasne politike solutions that would enable participation sećanja koja bi obezbedila okvir za ade- of relevant experts and citizens in the pro- kvatno vrednovanje i memorijalizaciju cess of creation of city’s development poli- prošlosti, kvalitetnu konzervaciju i re- cies and strategies have caused that those vitalizaciju kada su u pitanju postojeći initiatives remain without concrete results. spomenici, memorijalno i nasleđe uopšte, Overall conclusion of the Symposium was kao i za unapređenje oblasti umetnosti u that it is necessary to introduce public dis- javnom prostoru. U cilju kreiranja takve cussion and dialogue that would be opened politike sećanja neophodno je imple- for experts, decision makers, but also for mentirati kulturnu politiku koja podstiče all interested citizens and which would be i omogućava očuvanje i uključivanje aimed at formulation of coherent and well sećanja u razvoj grada i paralelno s njom defined memory policies that would pro- sprovoditi obrazovnu politiku koja bi vide framework for adequate valorization takođe bila u funkciji građenja i nego- and memorialization of the past, quality vanja kulture sećanja. conservation and revitalization of existing monuments, memorial heritage and heri- Razgovor i diskusija unutar zajednice i tage in general, as well as for upgrading the uključivanje u dijalog svih relevantnih field of public art. With the aim of formu- aktera, interesnih grupa, stručnjaka i lating such a memory policy, it is necessary građana nužan su preduslov ne samo to implement cultural policy conducive to kada je u pitanju izgradnja javnih spomenika i memorijala koji predstavljaju 6 „The City of Belgade has initiated the project of install- izraz sećanja zajednice, već i kada je u ing the sculptures in the public space – it was said today at the press conference held in Stari dvor. During the first pitanju realizacija projekata umetnosti phase of the project sculptures will be installed on fifteen u javnom prostoru koji doprinose artiku- locations in the city. The selection of sculptures that will be installed has already been made after the survey and laciji gradskih prostora, interpretaciji kul- proposal of the special commission.... Call to participate in the survey was distributed on addresses of 107 artists, art turnog nasleđa i sećanja i identifikovanju historians and journalists. 48 of them responded, and they građana sa javnim prostorom i preuzi- suggested up to 10 artists whose work they considered valu- able to find the place in the public space of the city. This manju odgovornosti za njegov razvoj. way, sculptures of five best ranked artists will be placed in the public space.“ Taken from: http://www.beograd.rs/cms/ Javno razmatranje i diskutovanje ovih view.php?id=1315468 (accessed on 21st of December 2011)

67 pitanja vodi ka postizanju saglasnosti u preservation and integration of memory in zajednici i, što je još važnije, omogućava the city’s development. Along with this, it da se utiče na procese donošenja odluka would be of utmost importance to estab- i dominantne politike sećanja.7 Politika lish adequate education policy that would sećanja do koje se došlo kroz participati- be in service of building and nurturing the van proces i dijalog unutar zajednice ne culture of memory. samo da omogućava kritičko sagledavanje i vrednovanje prošlosti, već može da Dialogue and debate within the commu- stavi u dejstvo potencijal koji sećanje ima nity and inclusion of all relevant actors, in- za razvoj zajednice u budućnosti. terest groups, experts and citizens are pre- requisites not only when speaking about building the public monuments and memorials which express the way community remembers, but also for realization of the public art projects which contribute to articulation of the urban spaces, to interpretation of the cultural heritage and memory and to personal identification of citizens with the public space that can result in accepting the responsibility for its development. Public process of examination and discussion of this questions leads to achieving consent within the community and, what is the more important, it enables influencing the decision making processes and dominant memory policies.7 Memory policy that is created through participative process and dialogue within the community not only that enables critical examining and valorization of the past, but it can also activate potential of the memory in the future community development.

7 This statement is confirmed in practice by activities of the 7 Iznet stav je potvrđen delovanjem umetničko-teorijske Grupe art-theory group Grupa Spomenik/Monument Group - Spomenik - http://grupaspomenik.wordpress.com/ (stranici pris- http://grupaspomenik.wordpress.com/ (accessed on 5th of tupljeno 05.12.2011) December 2011)

Politike sećanja i izgradnja spomenika u Jugoistočnoj Evropi* Memory Policies and Monument Building in Southeastern Europe*

Prof. DR Milena Dragićević Šešić Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu University of Arts in Belgrade

Prevela sa engleskog Translated from English by Milica Šešić

* Ovaj tekst je nastao u okviru rada na projektu br. 178012 „Identitet i sećanje: transkulturalni tekstovi dramskih umetnosti i medija (Srbija 1989-2014)” (FDU) pod okriljem Ministarstva za prosvetu i nauku Republike Srbije. Duža verzija teksta na engleskom jeziku objavljena je u knjizi “Cultural Identity Politics in the Post-Transitional Societies”, Milohnić A. i Švob-Đokić N. (ur.), IMO, Zagreb, 2011. This text is a result of the work in the framework of the project No. 178012 “Identity and Memory: Transcultural Texts of Drama and Media (Serbia 1989-2014)” (FDU) under the auspices of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Serbia. Larger version of this text in English was published within the book: Cultural Identity Politics in the Post-Transitional Societies, eds. Milohnić A. and Švob-Đokić N., IMO, Zagreb, 2011.

U jugoistočnoj Evropi, na teritoriji gde su In Southeastern Europe, as a territory stvorene nove države, gde su i manjinske where new states have been created and i većinske etničke grupe mobilisane u both majority and minority ethnic groups potrazi za identitetom,1 pitanja vezana have been mobilized in search of identity,1 za kolektivno sećanje kao i javna poli- issues relating to memories are of major tika sećanja, od velikog su značaja. U concern. In humanities and social sciences, društvenim i humanističkim naukama, the culture of memory2 has been explored kultura sećanja2 istraživala se sa različitih from different perspectives, from forms stanovišta, od formi memorijalizacije of memorialization of social practices to društvenih praksi do formi izgradnje forms of construction of social, political društvenih, političkih i kulturnih identi- and cultural identities. The proliferation of teta. Brojna istraživanja u okviru savre- research within contemporary social and menih društvenih nauka i studija kulture cultural studies focused attention on the pažnju su usmerila na mesta sećanja, places of memories, methods of remem- metode pamćenja (medijska konstruk- brance (media construction of memories) cija sećanja) i, u manjoj meri, na politike and, to a far lesser extent, policies of mem- sećanja i zaborava kao deo politike iden- ory and oblivion as part of identity policies titeta u društvima u tranziciji. in transitional societies.

1 Apaduraj, A. (2008) Strah od malih brojeva, Beograd : Biblioteka 1 Appadurai, A. (2006) Fear of small numbers, Duke Univer- XX vek. sity Press. 2 Kuljić T. (2006) Kultura sećanja, Čigoja, Beograd. 2 Kuljić, T. (2006) Kultura sećanja, Čigoja, Belgrade.

70 Ipak, u društvima traumatizovanim However, in societies traumatized by long- dugoročnim politikama zaborava i is- term politics of oblivion and historical torijskih tabua, gde privatna sećanja, taboos, where private memories, collec- kolektivno pamćenje i zabeležena, nor- tive memories and recorded, normative mativna sećanja nisu bila u skladu, memories were not coherent, social con- društveni konflikti i ratovi, etnički zas- flicts and wars, ethnic hatred and differ- novana mržnja i razlike između javnog i ences between public and official opinion zvaničnog mnjenja, doveli su do poseb- brought a specific interest to memory stud- nog interesovanja za studije sećanja. ies. Memory was studied as a key element Sećanje je proučavano kao glavni ele- in the construction of national, ethnic ment u konstruisanju nacionalnog, or any other group identity which is op- etničkog ili bilo kog drugog grupnog posed to other group identities sharing the identiteta koji se suprotstavljao dru- same cultural, political, geographical and gim grupnim identitetima koji dele isti historical space. In Southeastern Europe, kulturni, politički, geografski i istorijski construction and representation of the prostor. U Jugoistočnoj Evropi, konstruk- past and reinterpretation of historical facts cija i reprezentacija prošlosti i reinter- (events, historical figures, notions) within pretacija istorijskih činjenica (događaja, different group identities were quite stud- istorijskih ličnosti, pojmova) u okviru ied phenomena, in the educational system različitih grupnih identiteta bili su u and in the media,3 but not documented and većoj meri proučavani fenomeni u obra- researched within public cultural policies. zovnom sistemu i u medijima,3 ali nisu dokumentovani i istraživani u okviru ja- Cultural policies of countries in transition4 vnih kulturnih politika. have not dared to touch on issues of memory politics directly. Even when reinforcing Kulturne politike zemalja u tranziciji4 national cultural identity was proclaimed nisu se usudile da direktno pokrenu pi- as a main aim, this part of national cul- tanja politike sećanja. Čak i kada je pods- tural strategy was defined neither in law ticanje nacionalnog kulturnog identi- nor through instruments. Sometimes it teta proglašeno glavnim ciljem, ovaj deo meant the destruction and removal of the nacionalne kulturne strategije nije bio “memory of the other”, neglect or heritage definisan ni zakonima (sem pitanja je- conservation, but without making it “alive”. zika), niti strategijama i instrumentima These are three extremely different strat- određene politike. Ponekad je to značilo egies regarding “dissonant heritage”5 and, uništavanje i brisanje „sećanja drugog“, when applied, they could provoke fear and zanemarivanje ili konzervaciju nasleđa 3 Đerić, G. (ed.) (2008) Intima javnosti, Belgrade: Fabrika knjiga, Belgrade: Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju; Stojanović, D. (2008) Konstrukcija prošlosti – slučaj srp- 3 Đerić, G. (ur.), (2008) Intima javnosti, Beograd: Fabrika knjiga, skih udžbenika istorije, http://www.cpi.hr/download/links/ Beograd, Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju; Stojanović, D. hr/7008.pdf, accessed 20 April 2010. (2008) Konstrukcija prošlosti – slučaj srpskih udžbenika istorije, http://www.cpi.hr/download/links/hr/7008.pdf, pristupljeno 4 Đukić,V. (2003) “Sedam uzroka tranzicione konfuzije”, 20.04.2010. Zbornik Fakulteta dramskih umetnosti, No. 6-7, Belgrade. 4 Đukić, V. (2003) Sedam uzroka tranzicione konfuzije, Zbornik 5 Tunbridge, J.E. and Ashworth, G.J. (1996) Dissonant heritage, the Fakulteta dramskih umetnosti, n. 6-7, Beogad. management of the past as a resource in conflict,New York: J. Wiley.

71 drugog vršenu sa ciljem da se ne do- further exodus (as in the case of Bosnia and zvoli da ono „oživi“. Ovo su tri ekstremno Herzegovina, where throughout the territo- različite strategije u pogledu „diso- ries monuments representing the culture nantnog nasleđa“5 i, kada se primene, of “the other” were destroyed). mogu da izazovu strah i dalji egzodus (kao u slučaju Bosne i Hercegovine, gde Major instruments of memory policy as su spomenici koji predstavljaju kulturu part of a national cultural policy intend- „drugog“ sistematski uništavani). ing to re-shape collective identity (through changing collective memories) are: Glavni instrumenti politike sećanja kao – the creation or representation of dela nacionalne kulturne politike s na- certain types of narrative (financing merom da preoblikuje kolektivni identitet of film production, repertory theatres, (kroz menjanje kolektivnog sećanja) su: translations, museum collections, etc.); – Stvaranje ili reprezentacija odre- – the renaming of institutions, streets đenih vrsta narativa (finansiranje TV i and squares, parks and bridges, etc; filmske produkcije, pozorišnih projeka- – the creation of new types of festivi- ta, prevoda, muzejskih kolekcija, itd.); ties, awards, celebrations, “homage” poli- – Preimenovanje institucija, ulica i cies, etc; trgova, parkova i mostova, itd.; – the re-appropriation of institutions, – Stvaranje novih tipova svečanosti, sites or even the destruction of “danger- nagrada, proslava – politika „davanja ous” memories; počasti“, itd.; – a policy towards memory spaces, – Ponovno prisvajanje institucija, burial sites (mausoleums, graveyards, oblasti, ili čak i uništavanje „opasnih“ etc.) and monument building or re- sećanja; moving; – Politika koja se odnosi na mesta – burial policies and commemorative sećanja, mesta sahranjivanja (mau- policies; zoleji, groblja, itd.) i izgradnju ili uk- – government decisions regarding the lanjanje spomenika; national symbols (anthem, flag or other – Politike sahranjivanja i komemora- insignia to represent national identity). tivne politike; – Odluke Vlade u pogledu nacionalnih Within policies of memory in Southeastern simbola (himna, zastava ili drugi simboli Europe that influence the collective con- koji predstavljaju nacionalni identitet). sciousness, monument policies are most often used. Through a monument erected in U okviru politika sećanja u Jugoistočnoj a public space the message is easily trans- Evropi koje utiču na kolektivnu svest, ferred to the community; it enables political politike spomenika se najčešće koriste. promotion (PR); it gives “face” to new values; Kroz spomenik podignut u javnom pro- it demonstrates power; it gives an illusion of creating something for eternity; it facili- tates representation; it provokes “the other”; 5 Tunbridge, J.E. i Ashworth, G.J. (1996) Dissonant heritage, the management of the past as a resource in conflict, New York: J. Wiley. it controls “the other”, and so forth.

72 storu poruka se lako šalje javnosti; to This paper will deal with monument poli- omogućuje političku promociju (PR); daje cies in Southeastern Europe in the period „lice“ novim vrednostima; pokazuje moć; of transition, nationalistic uprisings, wars daje iluziju stvaranja nečeg što će večno and divisions. Through exploring the re- da traje; olakšava reprezentaciju; provocira construction of memories through official „drugog“; kontroliše „drugog“, i tako dalje. and populist monument projects, from Kosovo polje in 1989 to the Alexander the Ovaj rad se bavi politikama spomenika u Great monument in Skopje in 2010, the Jugoistočnoj Evropi u periodu tranzicije, research will try to prove the misuse of nacionalističkih pobuna, ratova i podela. memories and historical representations as Kroz istraživanje rekonstrukcije sećanja a form of hate speech, and to deconstruct kroz oficijelne i populističke projekte spo- this manipulation of memories used to cre- menika, od Kosova polja 1989. do spome- ate a new “national”, ethnic memory em- nika Aleksandru Velikom u Skoplju 2010, ploying monuments as a strategic tool. istraživanje treba da pokaže zloupotrebu sećanja i istorijske reprezentacije koje su We will also study art and artists challeng- korišćene za kreiranje novog „nacional- ing the official policies of “monumentali- nog“, etničkog sećanja uz pomoć spome- zation” of historical memories by creating nika kao strateških oruđa. their own monument projects. Monuments as artistic projects, permanent or ephem- Takođe ćemo proučavati umetnost i umet- eral, are part of the culture of dissent, but nike koji su dovodili u pitanje zvanične also platforms for debating and presenting politike „monumentalizacije“ istorijskog major cultural policy issues. sećanja, stvarajući sopstvene projekte spomenika. Spomenici kao umetnički projekti, The methodology of the research will be stalni ili prolazni, deo su kulture nepris- based on categories identified by Kodrnja tajanja, kulture neslaganja, ali i platforme and Slapšak,6 re-adapted and further devel- za raspravljanje i predstavljanje glavnih oped for the needs of this research. Thus we pitanja kulturne politike. identified three different models of strategy and monument policy applied in different Metodologija istraživanja zasniva se na phases of the post-socialist transition. kategorijama koje su identifikovale Ko- drnja i Slapšak,6 uz njihovo prilagođavanje The model of anti-culture: i dalji razvoj u skladu sa potrebama ovog - destruction (annihilation) strategy istraživanja. U skladu s tim identifikova- and strategy of oblivion; na su tri modela strategije i politike spo- - appropriation (renaming and re- menika primenjene u različitim fazama contextualization) strategy; post-socijalističke tranzicije.

6 Kodrnja, J. (2010) “Kultura kao afirmacija i negacija, Ne- 6 Kodrnja, J. (2010) “Kultura kao afirmacija i negacija, Ne-kultura, kultura, Ne-kulturi“, in: Kodrnja, J., Savić, S. and Slapšak, S. Ne-kulturi“, u: Kodrnja, J., Savić, S. i Slapšak, S. (ur.), Kultura, rod, (eds), Kultura, rod, identitet, Zagreb: Institut za društvene identitet, Zagreb: Institut za društvene nauke; Slapšak, S., “Anti- nauke; Slapšak, S., “Antikultura protiv kontrakulture: kul- kultura protiv kontrakulture: kulturna politika tranzicije?”, Re- turna politika tranzicije?”, Republika n. 460-461, 1-30 Sep- publika n. 460-461, 1-30 septembar 2009. tember 2009.

73 Model anti-kulture: - strategy of ignoring “the other”; – strategija destrukcije (poništavanje) - strategy of provocation of “the other”. i strategija zaborava; – strategija prisvajanja (preimenova- The model of “culturalization”: nje i rekontekstualizacija); - monument building within new – strategija ignorisanja „drugog“; identity policies; – strategija provokacije „drugog“. - decontextualization (univerzali- zation) strategy; Model „kulturalizacije“: - musealization of the heritage of – izgradnja spomenika u okviru novih “the other” (policies of respect); politika identiteta; - “gratitude” strategy. – strategija dekontekstualizacije (univerzalizacija); The model of dissent – creative dialogue: – muzealizacija nasleđa „drugog“ - counter-culture strategy, strategy (politike poštovanja); of opposing within one’s own culture. – strategija „zahvalnosti“. The research will take into account major Model neslaganja – kreativni dijalog: monument projects in countries of South- – strategija kontra-kulture, strategija eastern Europe, but also the destruction of suprotstavljanja u okviru sopstvene classified monuments and cultural and re- kulture. ligious institutions, as well as those actions by civil society (constructive and destructive) Istraživanje uzima u obzir glavne projekte which are supported or clearly opposed by spomenika u zemljama Jugoistočne Ev- public policies. We would like to show how rope, ali i dekonstrukciju zaštićenih spo- cultural policies, aiming to reinforce national menika i kulturnih i verskih institucija, identity, try to represent new values through kao i one aktivnosti civilnog društva a strategy of monument building, but also (konstruktivne i destruktivne) koje javne through allowing populist movements to politike ili podržavaju ili im se izrazito su- organize monument removal as a “spontane- protstavljaju. Želimo da pokažemo kako ous” practice, not pursued by law. kulturne politike, sa ciljem da uzdignu nacionalni identitet, predstavljaju nove Phase I – Post-socialist transition: vrednosti kroz strategiju izgradnje spome- the re-creation of national identities nika, ali i dozvoljavanjem populističkim After the first multiparty elections held pokretima da organizuju uklanjanje spo- in 1990, in many republics of former menika kao „spontane“ prakse, koje ne Yugoslavia (especially Slovenia and podležu zakonskoj regulativi. Croatia), there were attempts to move towards Westernization and to become dis- Prva faza – Post-socijalistička tranzicija: tanced from Yugoslavia and Yugoslavian ponovno kreiranje nacionalnih identiteta common heritage, and these were first Nakon prvih višepartijskih izbora expressed through attitudes towards the održanih 1990. godine, u mnogim repub- socialist past. Thus, a process of renam-

74 likama bivše Jugoslavije (naročito u Slo- ing of schools, streets, squares and insti- veniji i Hrvatskoj), bilo je pokušaja da se tutions in memory of anti-fascist move- krene u pravcu „vesternizacije“ odvajan- ments and heroes of the Second World jem od Jugoslavije i zajedničkog jugoslov- War quickly started. enskog nasleđa, što je prvo izraženo kroz stavove o socijalističkoj prošlosti. Tako The dissolution of Yugoslavia had je ubrzo počeo proces promene naziva brought instability, as the spatial frame- škola, ulica, trgova i institucija nazvanih work started to change not only through po antifašističkim pokretima i herojima the secession of different republics, but Drugog svetskog rata. also through wars which changed their frontiers, at least temporarily. The de- Raspad Jugoslavije doveo je do nestabil- struction due both to the war and to eco- nosti, jer je prostorni okvir počeo da se nomic transition changed urban spaces, menja, ne samo secesijom različitih re- which further destabilized communities publika, već i ratovima koji su im menjali for whom relationship to an area and its granice, makar privremeno. Uništavanje objects – tangible, non-movable herit- koje je usledilo kako zbog rata tako i age (buildings, especially churches, city zbog ekonomske tranzicije, promenilo walls, apartment buildings, factories, je urbane prostore, što je dalje oslabilo shops, etc.) – enabled collective memory, zajednice kojima vezu sa određenom and gave confidence and comfort, as well oblasti omogućava kolektivno sećanje as a feeling of identity. The partition of podržano i „objektima“ – materijalnim, the country, with destruction of both the nepokretnim nasleđem (zgrade, naročito temporal and spatial framework, ques- crkve, gradski zidovi, fabrike, prodavnice, tioned values and collective memories. itd.). To sećanje im daje samopouzdanje The physical destruction of cities, mon- i sigurnost, kao i osećaj identitetske pri- uments and all other tangible objects padnosti. Podela države, uz uništavanje i which connected people with their envi- vremenskog i prostornog okvira, dovela je ronment even destroyed the possibility to u pitanje vrednosti i kolektivno sećanje. keep the memory alive.7 Fizičko razaranje gradova, spomenika i svih drugih materijalnih objekata koji su The new nationalistic ideologies have spajali ljude sa okolinom uništilo je čak i meant that most of the monuments and mogućnost da se održi sećanje.7 memory sites defined in the previous socialist system became “dissonant heritage”, Nove nacionalističke ideologije značile as well as the buildings and sacral objects su da je većina spomenika i prostora linked to the “memory of other”. Even the sećanja definisanih u prethodnom bridge in Mostar, built in Ottoman times socijalističkom sistemu postala „diso- and once the pride of the city community nantno nasleđe“, kao i zgrade i verski regardless of ethnicity, became, in the war objekti povezani sa „sećanjem drugog“.

7 Connerton, P. (2002) How societies remember, Cambridge 7 Konerton, P. (2002) Kako društva pamte, Beograd: Fabrika knjiga. University Press. (p. 54).

75 Čak i most u Mostaru, izgrađen u vreme situation, just a symbol of one group and Otomanske imperije i nekada ponos was then destroyed by the other. gradske zajednice nezavisno od etničke pripadnosti, postao je, u ratnoj situaciji, Model of anti-culture samo simbol jedne grupe koji je potom There were several models (approaches) druga etnička grupa uništila. used in reconstructing the new social, cultural and national identities in the newly Model anti-kulture created nation-states of the former Yugo- Bilo je nekoliko modela (pristupa) korišće- slavia, through implementing “monument nih da se rekonstruišu novi društveni, kul- policy” as a main state cultural policy. turni i nacionalni identiteti u novostvoren- im nacionalnim državama bivše Jugoslavi- The first model –anti-culture – sought to de- je, kroz primenu „politika spomenika“ kao stroy all traces of the common socialist, anti- glavne državne kulturne politike. fascist and communist past and had two major strategies: appropriation and annihilation. Prvi model – anti-kultura – težio je da uništi sve tragove zajedničke socija- Appropriation strategy can be seen in the lističke, antifašističke i komunističke disappearance of red stars from monu- prošlosti sa dve glavne strategije: prisva- ments (repainted in yellow as in the case janje i eliminisanje. of the Slovenian Route of Friendship, or covered with Catholic crosses in Croatia),8 Strategija prisvajanja ogleda se, na the covering of anti-fascist slogans with primer, u nestajanju crvenih petokraki slogans in homage to Croatian people (this sa spomenika (prebojenih u žuto kao u often preceded the visit of recently elect- slučaju Puta slovenačkog prijateljstva, ili ed Tuđman to a certain city). Through all zvezda prekrivenih katoličkim krstovima these activities of re-contextualization of u Hrvatskoj),8 prekrivanju antifašističkih monuments their original meaning was slogana - sloganima u čast Hrvatima (što lost and, instead of memorializing an anti- je često prethodilo poseti novoizabra- fascist battle, for example, they became nog predsednika Tuđmana određenom monuments to the glorious Croatian past. gradu). Kroz sve ove događaje rekon- tekstualizacije spomenika izgubljeno je The second way of dealing with a past and njihovo pravo značenje, pa tako, umesto its monuments was a “spontaneous” cleans- pamćenja antifašističke bitke, spomeni- ing of the territory through the destruction ci postaju sećanje na „slavnu hrvatsku of all elements which might seem non- prošlost“. Croatian, non-Slovenian and non-Serbian – annihilation strategy. With the exception Drugi način suočavanja sa prošlošću i of Istria, this happened throughout Croatia njenim spomenicima bio je „spontano“ where, even in the Serb Krajina, people

8 Slični događaji odvijali su se kasnije u Srbiji kada je opozicija 8 Similar events happened later in Serbia when the opposi- preuzela Beograd 1997. i kada je crvena zvezda skinuta sa zgrade tion took over the city of Belgrade in 1997, when a red star Skupštine grada u javnoj manifestaciji. from the city parliament was taken down at a public event.

76 čišćenje teritorije uništavanjem svih saw monuments from socialist times as elemenata koji su mogli delovati kao symbols of “denationalization”, “Yugoslavi- ne-hrvatski, ne-slovenački i ne-srpski zation” and atheization, the three major is- – strategija eliminisanja. Sa izuzetkom sues which were “threatening and destroy- Istre, ovo se događalo po celoj Hrvat- ing” Croatian or Serbian identity. skoj, a i u Srpskoj Krajini (iz različitih razloga: u spomenicima iz socijalističkog The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina doba videli su se simboli „denacional- was and is still complex. In cities and re- izacije“, „jugoslavizacije“ i ateizacije, tri gions where one ethnic army had dominat- glavna problema koja su „ugrožavala i ed, the codes and symbols of the “mother- uništavala“ srpski identitet). nation” were adopted and local historical figures, if from a minority ethnic group, Situacija u Bosni i Hercegovini bila removed from their pedestals, such as the je, i još uvek je složena. U gradovima Aleksa Šantić monument in Mostar. Aleksa i oblastima gde je jedna etnička grupa Šantić was a poet who already in the 19th imala prevagu, usvojeni su kodovi i century celebrated multiculturalism, and simboli „majke nacije“ a sa pijedestala whose poems, Emina and Stay here, have su sklonjene lokalne istorijske ličnosti, been celebrated throughout the socialist ako su pripadale manjinskim etničkim period as promoting intercultural sensitiv- grupama, kao u slučaju spomenika ity and understanding. On the other hand, Aleksi Šantiću u Mostaru, uprkos tome names of streets in Banja Luka reflect me- što je već u 19. veku slavio multikultur- dieval and heroic Serbian history, while alnost, i čije su pesme Emina i Ostajte traces of Croatian or Bosnian (Muslim) ovde, slavljene kroz ceo socijalistički presence have disappeared from the city.9 period kao pesme koje promovišu inter- kulturnu osetljivost i razumevanje. Sa In Serbia, schizophrenic Milošević policies, druge strane, imena ulica u Banja Luci praising at the same time socialism and počinju da odražavaju srednjevekovnu nationalism, reflected a semblance of con- i herojsku srpsku prošlost, dok su tra- tinuity, while, in reality, they conquered govi hrvatskog i bošnjačkog prisustva and colonized the collective subconscious- nestali iz grada.9 ness with an idealized past and started to search for new roots of Serbianhood and U Srbiji, protivrečne politike Miloševića, new features of identity. So, although the koje su u isto vreme slavile socijalizam i Milošević government did not create any nacionalizam, odražavale su privid kon- explicit memory policy, by liberating the tinuiteta, dok su u stvarnosti osvojile i field for nationalism and “giving wings” kolonizovale kolektivno nesvesno sa ide- to nationalism in cultural institutions, the alizovanom prošlošću tragajući za novim Government created a platform for anti- korenima srpstva i novim odlikama iden- cultural behaviour,10 where local politi- titeta. Prema tome, iako Miloševićeva 9 Horozović, I. (1994) Prognani grad. Zagreb: Antibarbarus. 10 Slapšak, S. (2009) “Antikultura protiv kontrakulture: 9 Horozović, I. (1994) Prognani grad. Zagreb: Antibarbarus. kulturna politika tranzicije?”, Republika No. 460-461, 1-30

77 Vlada nije stvorila „svoju“ politiku cians or opinion-makers celebrated even sećanja, oslobađajući prostor za nacio- fascism (for example Ljotić in Smederevo) nalizam i „dajući krila“ nacionalizmu u or rehabilitated controversial soldier-politi- kulturnim institucijama, ona je kreirala cians like Draža Mihajlović, claiming that platformu za anti-kulturno ponašanje,10 they were judged and “killed by communists tako da su lokalni političari i oni koji just for being Serbian patriots”. Unfortu- utiču na kreiranje javnog mnjenja slavi- nately, this policy of oblivion regarding war li čak i fašizam (Ljotić u Smederevu) ili crimes of chetnicks or Nedić collaborator kontraverzne političare-vojnike kojima forces during Second World War has contin- su komunisti sudili ili ih ubijali navodno ued after political changes in 2001. „samo zato što su bili srpske patriote“ (Draža Mihajlović). The cities wanting to show their patriot- ism, started “ordering” monuments from Gradovi koji su želeli da iskažu svoj pa- the sculptor Drinka Radovanović, whose triotizam, počeli su da „naručuju“ spome- name in artistic circles was unknown, but nike od skulptorke Drinke Radovanović who was known among nationalists as a čije je ime bilo nepoznato u umetničkim good (realistic) sculptor of historical figures krugovima, ali koja je među nacionalis- such as Karađorđe, leader of the first Ser- tima bila poznata kao uspešna vajarka bian uprising against the Turks in 1804. So, (realističnih) istorijskih figura poput monuments to “people’s heroes” from the Karađorđa. Tako spomenici „narodnim Second World War disappeared, replaced by herojima“ iz Drugog svetskog rata nestaju, sculptures of heroes from the first and sec- a zamenjuju ih skulpture heroja iz Prvog ond Serbian uprising against the Turks, and i Drugog srpskog ustanka. Osnovne škole this was especially reflected by schools, su počele brzo da menjaju imena, čak i whose names have started to change bez konkretnog spoljnog pritiska. quickly, without any outside pressure.

Kao posledica toga, kroz strategije Consequently, through annihilation and eliminisanja i prisvajanja promenili su se appropriation strategies the landscapes prizori u gradovima i oblastima po celoj in cities and regions throughout former bivšoj Jugoslaviji – novi tipovi spomenika, Yugoslavia changed – new types of monu- nove boje i simboli nacije, zastave i ime- ments, colours representing the emblem na ulica, trgova i institucija – pojavili su of a nation, flags and names of the streets, se i zaposeli nacionalno nesvesno i kolek- squares and institutions appeared and tivno pamćenje, doprinoseći etnicizaciji colonized the collective consciousness zajedničkog sećanja i ponašanja. and collective memory, thus contributing to ethnicization of community memories and behaviour.

10 Slapšak S. ‘Antikultura protiv kontrakulture: kulturna politika tranzicije?’, Republika n.460-461, 1-30 septembar 2009. i Kodrn- ja J. “Kultura kao afirmacija i negacija, Ne-kultura, Ne-kulturi“, u: September. and Kodrnja J. (2010) “Kultura kao afirmacija i Kodrnja, J., Savić, S. i Slapšak, S. (ur.), (2010), Kultura, rod, identi- negacija, Ne-kultura, Ne-kulturi“, in: Kodrnja, J., Savić, S. and tet, Zagreb: Institut za društvene nauke. Slapšak, S. (eds) Kultura, rod, identitet, Zagreb: Institut za društvene nauke.

78 Model „kulturalizacije“ u politici nasleđa Model of “culturalization” in heritage policy Drugi (ređi) model politike sećanja i The other (rarer) model of memory policy odnosa prema nasleđu i istoriji može se and the relationship towards heritage and nazvati model „kulturalizacije“, koji je history could be called the model of “cul- ustvari predstavljao dekontekstualizaciju turalization”, which in fact represented kroz univerzalizaciju ili muzealizaciju. decontextualization through univerzaliza- tion or musealization. Primeri toga su premeštanje statue Borisa Kidriča u Beogradu (skulptora Nikole Examples of this were the move of the Jankovića) iz centra grada u Park skulp- Boris Kidrič Belgrade statue (sculptor tura Muzeja savremene umetnosti, ili Nikola Janković) from the centre of the premeštanje Titove skulpture sa glavnog city to the Sculpture Park of the Museum trga u Užicu u pozadinu užičkog Grad- of Contemporary Arts, or the removal of skog muzeja. U tom smislu skulptura je the Tito monumental sculpture from the izgubila političko i ideološko značenje i Main Square in Užice to the back of the postala „umetnički komad“ van kontek- Užice City Museum. In this sense sculp- sta, a u skladu s tim i bez ikakvog smisla. ture lost its political and ideological meaning and became a “piece of art” with Druga moguća strategija modela „kulturno context and thus emptied of any sense. alizacije“ – poštovanje nasleđa „drugog“ – još nije bila primenjena u Jugoistočnoj The other possible strategy of the “cultur- Evropi. U modernim evropskim kul- alization” model – respect of the heritage turnim politikama postoje napori, recimo, of “the other” – has not yet been applied poljskih kulturnih radnika, da integrišu in Southeastern Europe. In modern Euro- izgubljenu i zaboravljenu jevrejsku kult- pean cultural policies there are efforts by uru u savremeni kulturni život, naročito Polish cultural operators to integrate lost kroz festivale. U Latviji se čuva liivska and forgotten Jewish culture in contempo- kultura. U oba slučaja, kultura „drugog“ rary cultural life, mostly through festivals. više nije pretnja nacionalnom kulturnom In Latvia there are attempts to safeguard identitetu, jer je reč o onim zajednicama Liiv culture. In both cases, the culture of koje su faktički nestale. U Jugoistočnoj Ev- “the other” is seen as a threat to national ropi samo se pod uticajem međunarodne cultural identity except for those other zajednice i internacionalnih donatora communities who have disappeared. In spomenici „drugih“ čuvaju ili obnavljaju, Southeastern Europe monuments “of oth- čak i u slučaju kada te etničke grupe više ers” are rebuilt or protected only under the nema (npr. u Beogradu još uvek ne post- influence of the international community oji Muzej holokausta... a u nekim drugim or international donors. sredinama se tek rade projekti za njega).

79 Druga faza – Ponovno stvaranje nacije: Phase II – Nation (re)building: modeli kulturalizacije i anti-kulture models of culturalization and anti-culture Strategija izgradnje spomenika Strategy of monument building u okviru novih politika identiteta within new identity policies Druga faza izgradnje spomenika kao The second phase in monument building dela sećanja i politike identiteta, bila je policy as part of a memory and identity pol- faza stvaranja novih spomenika u cilju icy was the phase of creation of new monu- izražavanja promena u nacionalnom ments to express the changes in national identitetu i vrednostima. U zemljama identity and values. In countries which cel- koje su slavile svoju nezavisnost i slobo- ebrated their independence and freedom it du bilo je jasno da su se morali napraviti was clear that monuments to those who are spomenici onima koji su bili stubovi na- pillars of national identity or to those who cionalnog identiteta ili onima koji su do- contributed to the achievement of inde- prineli izvojevanju nezavisnosti. pendence had to be erected.

Kroz razne privatne inicijative, u nji- Through a lot of private initiatives, monu- hovim rodnim selima podignuti su spo- ments to Ustascha leaders, such as Mile menici vođama ustaškog pokreta Miletu Budak and Jura Francetić, were created Budaku i Juri Francetiću, ali je 2004. go- in their native villages, but in 2004 the dine hrvatska Vlada odlučila da ih uništi, Croatian Government decided to destroy da ne bi dovela u pitanje sopstvenu de- them, in order not to endanger its demo- mokratsku i antifašističku retoriku.11 cratic and anti-fascist image.11

Spomenici ili spomen-ploče u čast Tuđ- Monuments or memorial plaques to Tuđman manu ubrzo su počele da se prave u started quickly to be created in both Croatia Hrvatskoj (Selce, Kaštel Lukšić, Pitomača, (Selce, Kaštel Lukšić, Pitomača, Škabrnja, Sla- Škabrnja, Slavonski brod 2006, Bibinje vonski brod 2006, Bibinje 2007,12 Benkovac 2007,12 Benkovac 2008, Podbablje 2009, 2008, Podbablje 2009, Pleternica 2009) and Pleternica 2009) i Hercegovini (Široki Herzegovina (Široki brijeg 2003,13 Čapljina brijeg 2003,13 Čapljina 2007). Tokom 2007). During the presidential campaign in predsedničke kampanje 2009. godine u 2009 in Croatia, the major promise of the Hrvatskoj, glavno obećanje (neizabra- (non-elected) presidential candidate of HDZ nog) predsedničkog kandidata HDZ-a (A. Hebrang) was to erect a monument to (A. Hebrang) bilo je da će podići spome- Tuđman in Zagreb. Željko Kerum, mayor of nik Tuđmanu u Zagrebu. Željko Kerum, Split, promised to erect a Tuđman monument gradonačelnik Splita, obećao je da će on the seafront promenade, contrary to the

11 http://forumb92.net/index.php?showtopic=13861&st=90, 11 http://forumb92.net/index.php?showtopic=13861&st=90, pristupljeno 12.04.2010. accessed 12 April 2010. 12 Ovaj spomenik je bio visok 2.70 metara, sa pijedestalom viso- 12 This was 2.70 metres high, with a pedestal of 4 metres, kim četiri metra, doniran od strane opštine i države. donated by the state and the municipality. http://www.ezadar.hr/clanak/bibinjci-otkrili-spomenik-franji- http://www.ezadar.hr/clanak/bibinjci-otkrili-spomenik-fran- tudmanu, pristupljeno 12.04.2010. ji-tudmanu, accessed 12 April 2010. 13 Ovaj je bio visok 3.20 metara i donirala ga je Dijaspora. 13 This was 3.20 metres high, donated by the Diaspora.

80 podići spomenik Tuđmanu na šetalištu opinion of city urbanists. There are numerous pored mora, nasuprot mišljenju gradskih examples of sculptural or name memorializa- urbanista. Postoje brojni primeri memori- tion (a bust of Tuđman placed in the Croatian jalizacije imena ili skulptura (Tuđmanova Parliament, the bridge at Osijek, etc.). bista postavljena u hrvatskom Parlamen- tu, most u Osijeku, itd). The importance of monument policy can be seen in the decision of Split city council Važnost politike spomenika može se vi- (October 2007) to erect 21 monuments to deti u odluci Gradskog veća u Splitu important figures in Croatian and Split his- (oktobar 2007) da se podigne dvadeset tory, which provoked a huge debate around i jedan spomenik važnim ličnostima za Miljenko Smoje, a deceased humorist writ- istoriju Hrvatske i Splita, što je izazvalo er accused of pro-Yugoslavian and leftist veliku debatu oko Miljenka Smojea, pr- statements, as being unworthy of having a eminulog pisca humoriste optuženog za monument in Split.14 projugoslovenske i levičarske izjave, zbog čega se smatralo da nije vredan da ima At the same time in Serbia, monuments spomenik u Splitu.14 had been created to fulfil several tasks: – Monuments to Nikola Pašić contrib- U isto vreme u Srbiji su izgrađeni spo- ute to the Serbianization of history, as menici da ispune nekoliko ciljeva: Pašić was a Serbian statesman oppos- – Spomenik Nikoli Pašiću doprineo ing the Yugoslavian idea. Nationalists je „posrbljavanju“ istorije, jer je Pašić wanted to promote him as a role-model bio srpski državnik koji se suprotstav- for today’s politicians. He also had to ljao ideji jugoslovenstva. Nacional- be a link towards the “glorious” Serbian isti su želeli da ga istaknu kao uzor past, which had been erased from his- današnjim političarima. Takođe ga je tory books and the collective memory of trebalo povezati sa „slavnom“ srpskom the people. prošlošću, koja je navodno bila izbrisa- – The Draža Mihajlović monument na iz školskih udžbenika i kolektivnog challenged the official history of the pamćenja naroda. communist anti-fascist partisan move- – Spomenik Draži Mihajloviću do- ment. It is a monument bringing a veo je u pitanje zvaničnu istoriju completely new narrative to the collec- komunističkog antifašističkog parti- tive memory, as well as monuments to zanskog pokreta. To je spomenik koji je Saint Sava,15 Karađorđe and Nikola Tesla. uneo potpuno novu retoriku u kolektivno sećanje, kao i spomenici Svetom At first sight it might seem strange why Savi,15 Karađorđu i Nikoli Tesli. these personalities have been regarded in

14 http://www.glasdalmacije.hr/?show=0&article=4777, 15 14 http://www.glasdalmacije.hr/?show=0&article=4777. 15 okto- October 2007, accessed 27 May 2010. bar 2007, pristupljeno 27.05.2010. 15 The desecularization process was followed by the return 15 Proces desekularizacije pratio je povratak Svetog Save kao of Saint Sava as a public figure (created by the autonomous javne ličnosti (koji je bio obeležen brojnim spomenicima podig- Serbian Orthodox Church) and celebrated with a great num- nutim 1990-ih). ber of his monuments erected in 1990s.

81 Na prvi pogled, može delovati čudno da the same category. It is important to un- su ove ličnosti stavljene u istu kategor- derline that the monument policy behind iju. Važno je istaći da je politika spome- these projects was the same. This policy nika koja stoji iza ovih projekata bila ista. wanted to inscribe Serbianhood on the Njome je trebalo upisati srpstvo u temelje face of the city. Up to that moment cities identiteta grada. Do tada u gradovima were usually without symbols of Serbian obično nije bilo simbola srpskog nacio- national identity. Monuments to partisans, nalnog identiteta. Smatralo se da su spo- even if they were Serbs, were considered as menici partizanima, čak iako su bili Srbi, Yugoslavian monuments, as well old Tesla zapravo jugoslovenski spomenici, kao i monuments which celebrated sciences and stari spomenici Nikoli Tesli koji su slavili not his “ethnic Serbian genius”.16 nauku, a ne njegov „etničko srpski genij“.16 The changes in monument policies can be Promene u politikama spomenika mogu seen clearly from the biography of sculptor se jasno pratiti u biografiji vajara Miodraga Miodrag Živković. From the beginning of Živkovića. Od početka karijere učestvovao his career he participated in public compe- je u javnim konkursima za memorijale i titions for the memorials and monuments spomenike posvećene Drugom svetskom devoted to the Second World War (picture ratu (slika 1). Od 1990. godine pravio je 1). Since 1990 he has realized projects de- projekte posvećene isključivo srpskoj sred- voted solely to Serbian medieval or heroic njevekovnoj ili herojskoj istoriji 19. veka, a 19th century history, and in the late 1990s u kasnim devedesetim i početkom mileni- and at the beginning of the millennium the juma većina njegovih projekata naprav- majority of his projects were created for ljena je u Republici Srpskoj (Brčko 1996, cities in the Republika Srpska (Brčko 1996; Bijeljina 1997, Derventa 2001, Mrkonjić Bijeljina 1997; Derventa 2001; Mrkonjić Grad 2003). To je predstavljalo jasnu Grad 2003). This represents a clear change promenu u politikama sećanja - slavljenje in memory policies celebrating historical istorijskih narativa koji su važni samo za narratives that are important for only one jednu etničku grupu. ethnic group.

Jedini spomenik stvoren za vreme Miloše- The only monument created by the vićeve vlade, spomenik Večni plamen, po- Milošević government, The Eternal Flame dignut u spomen žrtava NATO bombardo- monument, erected to remember the NATO vanja 1999. godine, znak je nesposobnosti bombing in 1999, is a sign of the incapac- Miloševićeve politike da napravi spomenik ity of Milošević’s policy to create a monu- koji bi mogao da mobiliše emocije i post- ment which might mobilize emotions and ane simbol njegove politike „nezavisnosti“. become a symbol of his “independence” Umesto toga, postao je „prazna rupa“ u policy. Instead, it became an “empty hole” beogradskom urbanom prostoru, predmet in the Belgrade urban landscape, an object

16 U Hrvatskoj je ovaj proces prisvajanja Tesle kao dela nacional- 16 In Croatia appropriation of Tesla as a part of the national nog kanona još složeniji (videti Buden, 2006). canon is even more complex (see Buden, 2006).

82 Slika 1 :: Kadinjača - “disonantno nasleđe” ili samo strategija zaborava? (© Milena Dragićević Šešić) Picture 1 :: Kadinjača - “disonant heritage” or just a strategy of oblivion? (© Milena Dragićević Šešić)

83 ironije i vandalizma, marginalizovan i van of irony and vandalism, marginalized and pažnje javnosti. away from public attention.

Strategija provociranja „drugog“ Provocation of “the other” strategy Najvažnije promene u pogledu politike The most important changes regarding mon- spomenika nakon 2000. odigrale su se u ument policy after 2000 happened in Mac- Makedoniji. Kao poslednja evropska nacija edonia. As the last European nation liberated oslobođena turske vladavine (1912), nakon from the Turkish rule (1912), then occupied toga okupirana od strane bugarske vojske by the Bulgarian army during the Second tokom Prvog i kasnije Drugog svetskog World War, and treated in the Kingdom of rata, a tretirana kao južnosrpska provin- Yugoslavia as a south-Serbian province, Mac- cija u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, Makedonija edonia has not had time to create a national nije imala vremena da stvori nacionalni identity alongside other Balkan nations. In identitet kao druge balkanske nacije. U 19. the 19th century, Balkan Slavic countries had veku zemlje Slovena na Balkanu obično su usually taken four pillars for the creation of za stubove svojih nacionalnih identiteta their national identities: a national (Slavic) uzimale: narodni (slovenski) jezik; folklor; language; folklore; the cultural legacy of an- kulturno nasleđe antičke Grčke;17 i nasleđe tique Greece; and the legacy of Renaissance humanizma i renesanse (čak i ako su „pri- humanism (even if they “belonged” to the padale“ istočnom delu vizantijske kulture Eastern world of Byzantine culture). This tra- – to je bio proces kojim se stvarao nacio- dition of acceptance of antique Greek culture nalni kao i evropski identitet). as a model has been introduced into Euro- pean national cultures during the Enlighten- Makedonija je dobila svoju šansu da razvije ment and Romanticism period.17 sopstveni različiti južnoslovenski identitet tek od 1945. godine. Njegovi koreni takođe Macedonia has had its chance only since se nalaze u slovenskom poreklu i folk- 1945 to develop its distinctive south- lornoj tradiciji. U stalnim raspravama sa Slavic identity. Its roots are in its Slavic svojim susedima (Srbija nije prihvatila au- origins and folkloric traditions. In dis- tonomiju Makedonske crkve, Bugarska je pute with its neighbours (Serbians do osporavala specifičnost makedonskog jezi- not accept the autonomy of the Macedo- ka, a Grčka čak i ime), Makedonska država, nian Church, Bulgarians dispute the spe- u novim okolnostima državnog osamo- cificity of the language and Greeks even staljenja, odlučila je da se okrene reviziji the name), the Macedonian state, at this nacionalnog identiteta. Tako je počela da very moment of nation-building, decided tvrdi da polaže sukcesiona prava iz antičke to claim succession rights from the an- makedonske države – smatrajući da se cient Macedonian state – claiming that savremena makedonska nacija razvila iz the contemporary Macedonian nation had been developed following an encounter

17 Ova tradicija prihvatanja antičke grčke kulture kao modela uvedena je u okviru evropskih nacionalnih kultura tokom perioda prosvetiteljstva i romantizma. (Asman, A. (2002) Rad na 17 Assmann, A. (1993) Arbeit am nationalen gedachtnis, nacionalnom pamćenju, Beograd : Biblioteka XX vek.) Frankfurt-New York: Campus Verlag.

84 susreta antičkih Makedonaca i slovenskih between ancient Macedonians and Slavic naroda koji su se naselili na toj teritoriji. people who settled on this territory. That To ih je navelo da upotrebljavaju antičko empowered them to use the ancient Mace- makedonsko nasleđe, integrišući ga u donian heritage, incorporating it in the kolektivnu svest naroda (slika 2). collective consciousness (image 2).

Počelo je sa zastavom, čiji je glavni simbol It started with a flag, whose main symbol preuzet iz arheološkog nalazišta Vergina was taken from the Vergina archaeological u severnoj Grčkoj, i nastavlja se i danas site in northern Greece, and is continued kroz brojne spomenike Filipu i Aleksan- today through numerous monuments to dru Velikom po celoj Makedoniji (Filipu II Philip and Alexander the Great throughout u Bitolju, 2008, i takođe u Prilepu, i Alek- Macedonia (to Philip II in Bitola in 2008, sandru Velikom u Skoplju). Taj postupak and also in Prilep, and to Alexander the makedonskog prisvajanja Aleksandra i Great in Skopje). Making these monuments Filipa deo je politike sećanja, ali i poli- of Alexander and Philip Macedonian is part tike provokacije susedne države (Grčke). of a policy of memory, but also a policy of Upotrebili su daleku prošlost da izazovu provocation of the neighbouring country Grčku na diplomatski obračun18 stvorivši (Greece). It has chosen a far away past to kulturne ratove unutar i izvan države. challenge Greece in a diplomatic battle,18

18 Alagjozovski, R. (2010) “Koreni naši nasušni – Makedonija u 18 Alagjozovski, R. (2010), “Koreni naši nasušni – Makedonija kulturnom ratu”, Danas (Beograd), 29.06.2010. u kulturnom ratu”, Danas (Belgrade), 29 June 2010.

Slika 2 :: Skoplje 2014: model kulturalizacije – nove politike identiteta (© Milena Dragićević Šešić) Image 2 :: Skopje 2014: the model of culturalization – new identity policies (© Milena Dragićević Šešić)

85 Pre traženja korena u antičkom periodu, creating cultural wars both inside and out- vredi pomenuti dve značajne stvari u side the country. politici spomenika u Skoplju – podizanje ogromnog krsta na vrhu brda koje se Before that, two things in Skopje’s monument uzdiže iznad grada (uz proslavljanje 2000 policy had been important. These were the godina hrišćanstva), i spomenik Skender- creation of the huge cross on the top of the hill begu na konju u Staroj Čaršiji (2006, Toma rising above Skopje (to celebrate 2000 years of Damo), u albanskom delu grada, leđima Christianity), and the monument to Skender- okrenutom albanskom, a licem make- beg on horseback in Stara Čaršija (2006, Toma donskom delu grada i hrišćanskom krstu. Damo), the Albanian part of the city, with his U određenom smislu oba spomenika se back turned to the Albanians, but facing the „suočavaju sa drugim“ – primenjujući Macedonian part of the city and the Christian strategiju provokacije drugog. cross. In a certain sense both monuments are “facing the other” – applying the provocation Podizanje spomenika da bi se iritirala of “the other” strategy. grčka i albanska zajednica od strane Makedonaca, i sa druge strane make- The creation of monuments by the Mace- donska zajednica od strane Albanaca, donian community that were intended to ir- primer je politike spomenika kao mo- ritate Greece and the Albanian community, dela anti-kulture. and similar actions from the Albanian side, is an example of a monument policy as a Ova politika zahteva istraživanje dijah- model of anti-culture. ronijske strane nacionalnog identiteta, koju sve zemlje Jugoistočne Evrope This policy demands an exploration of razvijaju na različite načine. U politici a diachronical side to national identity, spomenika, Makedonci su se pretvorili which all the countries of Southeast- u antičke Makedonce, Srbi i Hrvati su ern Europe are developing in different tražili korene u srednjevekovnoj istoriji ways. In monument policy, Macedoni- (iako su u Srbiji stavili u jednom trenut- ans turned to ancient Macedonia, Serbs ku i akcenat na prvu polovinu 19. veka and Croats looked to medieval history kao kolevku moderne srpske države), (though Serbs also emphasized the first Hrvati su istraživali tabue i „heroje“ half of the 19th century as the birth of a Drugog svetskog rata, dok su Crnogo- modern Serbian state), Croats explored rci u vladavini kralja Nikole u 19. veku taboos and “heroes” of the Second World videli prave korene svoje nezavisnosti, War, while Montenegrins have seen in autonomije i nacionalne specifičnosti. the 19th century rule of King Nikola the Prema tome, kulturna politika je real roots of their independence, autono- pronašla nove „heroje“ i nove prostore my and national specificity. Thus, cultur- sećanja, doprinoseći renacionalizaciji al policies found new “heroes” and new kulturnih politika kroz politiku monu- memory sites, contributing to the rena- mentalizacije. Teritorije i kulture i u tionalization of cultural policies through situaciji nakon konflikta nastavljaju monumentalization of often invented

86 da se bore koristeći spomenike i verske memories. The territories and cultures in simbole koji sada prekrivaju brda iznad the post-conflict situation are continuing multikulturnih podneblja. to fight with monuments and religious symbols which now cover the hills above Model neslaganja – kreativni dijalog multicultural cities. Jedini koji su imali hrabrosti da redefi- nišu odnose prema kulturnom nasleđu The model of dissent – creative dialogue Socijalističke Federativne Republike Ju- The only ones who had the courage to goslavije, osim napora jugonostalgične redefine relations towards the cultural dijaspore (onih koji su emigrirali heritage of the Socialist Federal Republic odbijajući da učestvuju u raspadu of Yugoslavia, apart from the efforts of države), bili su umetnički krugovi. Sop- the Yugo-nostalgic diaspora (those who stvenim konceptima i vizijama su- emigrated refusing to participate in the split protstavili su se anahronističkim politi- of the country), were artistic circles. With kama izgradnje spomenika u svim zem- their concepts and visions, they confronted ljama Jugoistočne Evrope, politikama the anachronistic monument policies of koje su bile konzervativne, retrogradne Southeastern Europe, conservative and i koje su u potpunosti zanemarivale retrograde as they were, neglecting the nasleđe moderne. heritage of modernism.

U tom duhu, Mrđan Bajić je napravio ser- In this spirit Mrđan Bajić created a iju virtuelnih spomenika za Yugomuzej. serial of virtual monuments for the Inspirisan artefaktima, događajima i YugoMuseum. Inspired by the artefacts, mitovima koji su stvorili ali i uništili events and myths which created but Jugoslaviju, Bajić je istraživao skrivene also destroyed Yugoslavia, Mrđan Bajić uspomene i na Titovo i na Miloševićevo explored the hidden memories of both doba. Svaka njegova virtuelna skulptura Tito’s and Milošević’s time. Each Bajić’s je spomenik koji memorijalizuje ključne virtual sculpture is a monument which događaje koji su doveli do građanskog rata memorializes crucial events leading i raspada države. Spomenik Memoran- towards the civil war and the dissolution dum počinje sa uspomenom na Naciona- of the country. The Memorandum lni program Ilije Garašanina iz 19. veka, monument starts with the 19th century zatim sećanje na Gavrila Principa (koga je memory of Ilija Garašanin’s National socijalistička Jugoslavija slavila kao borca Programme, then the memory of Gavrilo za oslobođenje), fokusirajući se dalje na Princip (whose memory was kept as a ulogu SANU za vreme Titove vladavine freedom fighter in socialist Yugoslavia), (izgubila je kredibilitet kada je dodelila then focusing on the role of the Titu akademsku titulu bez uobičajenog Academy of Science during Tito’s time tajnog glasanja) i naročito nakon njegove (it lost credibility when it gave Tito an smrti, kada je Akademija bila opsednuta academic title without proper voting) istraživanjima o statusu Srba u drugim and especially after his death, when the jugoslovenskim republikama (dokument academy was obsessed with research

87 poznat kao „Memorandum“ napisan je i regarding the status of Serbs in other tajno distribuiran 1986. godine). republics of Yugoslavia (document known as “Memorandum” has been written and Mrđan Bajić napravio je stotine „spome- secretly distributed in 1986). nika“ za Yugomuzej. Jedan od njih, pod nazivom Rambuje (Rambouillet), pred- Hundreds of “monuments” were created stavlja simbol apsolutne nemoći da se by Mrđan Bajić for the YugoMuseum. pregovara o Kosovu i nemogućnost da The Rambouillet castle, as a symbol of se predvide posledice prekinutih pregov- the absolute incapacity to negotiate on ora; Cvet, kao simbol kič senzibiliteta Kosovo and the lack of foresight as to Miloševićeve supruge – Mirjane Marković; the consequences of broken talks; Flower, Strug, spomenik radničkoj klasi (mašina as a symbol of the kitsch personality koju je Tito znao da koristi) i Poljud (sta- of Milošević’s wife – Mirjana Marković; dion u Splitu) da označi sećanje na soli- Lathe, the monument to the working darnost, prijateljstvo, bratstvo i jedinstvo. class (a machine which Tito knew how Svi ovi spomenici pokazali su kako je brzo to use), and Poljud meaning solidarity, društvo prešlo sa „vladavine radničke friendship, brotherhood and unity. All these klase“ na „vladavinu nacije“! No ovaj pro- monuments showed how quickly society jekat takođe može da nosi naziv jednog had passed from “the rule of the working drugog Bajićevog umetničkog projekta: class”, to “the rule of the nation”! But, this Ja sam odgovoran! u kome kao umetnik project can also have the title of another preuzima odgovornost za sve što se dogo- Mrđan Bajić’s art project: I did it!, where dilo na teritoriji bivše Jugoslavije – ratne the artist took responsibility for all that zločine, izbeglice, popaljene kuće, etničko was happening on the territory of former čišćenje itd. Yugoslavia – war crimes, refugees, burned houses, ethnic cleansing and so forth. Centar za savremenu umetnost u Sara- The Centre for Contemporary Arts in jevu razvio je projekat pod nazivom De/ Sarajevo developed a project called “De/ konstrukcija spomenika (2004-2006).19 construction of Monument” (2004-2006)19 sa ciljem da se naprave umetnička dela with the aim to create art works which koja će doprineti dekonstrukciji mitova contribute towards the deconstruction i deideologizaciji i dekodiranju skore i of myths and the de-ideologizing and daleke prošlosti. decoding of recent and distant history.

Glavne alatke u projektu bili su spo- The main tools in the project were menici, simboli i ikone, kao tri glavna monuments, symbols, and icons, as the oblika reprezentacije različitih društava three major forms of representation of i istorijskih perioda. Organizovanjem different societies and historical periods. By nekoliko debata o bitnim pitanjima, kao organizing several debates on crucial issues,

19 http://www.projekt-relations.de/en/explore/deconstruction/ 19 http://www.projekt-relations.de/en/explore/deconstruc- module/overcoming.php. pristupljeno 10.05.2010. tion/module/overcoming.php accessed 10th May 2010.

88 što su spomenici i sećanje, i spomenici such as monuments and memory, and i nasilje, ponovo su okupili umetnike i monuments and violence, they regrouped kustose koji su se dugo vremena bavili artists and curators who for a long time „monumentalizacijom“ javnog pros- had dealt with the “monumentalization” tora, kao što je Braco Dimitrijević (Anti- of public spaces, such as Braco Dimitrijević spomenici, spomenici nepoznatim pro- (Anti-Monuments, monuments of unknown laznicima), ili Sanja Iveković (Roza Luk- passers-by), or Sanja Iveković (Lady Rosa semburg, provocirajući stanovnike Luk- of Luxembourg, provoking the Luxembourg semburga svojom interpretacijom us- community with her interpretation of pomena na Prvi svetski rat). Najvažnija the First World War memorial). But the rasprava povela se oko umetnika koji su crucial debate was around artists who are iznosili savremene probleme na Balka- raising contemporary Balkan issues and nu i suočavali se sa glavnim narativima confronting major monument narratives, sećanja, kao što je Milica Tomić (Grupa such as Milica Tomić (Grupa Spomenik/ Spomenik), Siniša Labrović (Sinj), Sokolj Monument Group), Siniša Labrović Bećiri (Peć), kao i onih koji su pravili (Croatia), Sokol Beqiri (Peja, Kosovo), and sarkastične komentare o savremenom those who are making sarcastic comments pamćenju i praksama izgradnje spome- on contemporary memory and monument nika (projekat Spomenik Brus Liju u Mo- practices, such as the “Bruce Lee staru, ili projekat Kurta i Plaste Odlukom Monument Project” in Mostar, or Kurt and komisije - svi na svoje, Sarajevo, 2001). Plasto project “By the Committee decision – everybody back to its own place“ (Odlukom Grupu Spomenik činili su Milica Tomić, komisije - svi na svoje”), Sarajevo 2001. Darinka Pop-Mitić, Nebojša Milikić, ali i teoretičarke i teoretičari kao što su Jasmi- Grupa Spomenik/Monument Group in- na Husanović i Branimir Stojanović. Svaki cludes Milica Tomić, Darinka Pop-Mitić, učesnik grupe učestvovao je u interkul- Nebojša Milikić, but also theoreticians turnom dijalogu na sopstveni umetnički such as Jasmina Husanović and Branimir ili teorijski način, izbegavajući pomodne Stojanović. Each participant of the group in ili „politički korektne“ projekte. Radeći u their individual artistic or theoretical work „problematičnim oblastima“, kao što je is engaged in the practice of intercultural Kosovo, ili dovodeći umetnike sa Kosova dialogue, without creating trendy or “po- u Beograd, suočavajući se sa državnim litically correct” projects. Working in “dif- terorizmom (npr. rad Milice Tomić XY UN- ficult territories”, such as Kosovo, or bring- GELÖST – rekonstrukcija zločina), živeli ing Kosovo artists to Belgrade, or dealing su i proživljavali opasnu stranu kulturne with state terrorism (i.e. the work of Milica različitosti u ksenofobičnom okruženju. Tomić XY UNGELÖST or reconstruction of Ponovo ispitujući istorijske činjenice, the crime), they are living and experienc- učestvujući u programu Centra za kultur- ing cultural diversity from its dangerous nu dekontaminaciju Politike sećanja, oni side in a xenophobic environment. By re- su u velikoj meri doprineli samopoimanju investigating history, participating in the različitih balkanskih društava, kao multi- Centre for Cultural Decontamination in the

89 kulturnih, problematizujući sve savremene programme Politics of memory, they are i istorijski zasnovane kontroverze. Nji- contributing to a large extent to the self- hove javne akcije odvijale su se i u okviru perception of different Balkan societies as manifestacija vizuelne umetnosti (Poli- to their embedded multiculturalism, as tike sećanja na 24. Memorijalu Nadežde well as historical and contemporary con- Petrović – Transformisanje sećanja. Politika siderations. Several of their public events slika u Čačku 2007. godine, i Politike sećanja happened within visual art manifestations na Bijenalu u Pragu 2007), na kojima su (Politics of Memory for the 24th Nadežda predstavljali distributivne objekte - partici- Petrović Memorial – Transformation of pativne spomenike (npr. za realizaciju ovog Memory. Politics of Images, Čačak 2007 and rada korišćene su publikacije u kojima su Politics of Memory, Prague Biennale 2007), objavljeni transkripti razgovora učesnika producing participatory monuments made u javnoj diskusiji koja je bila pokrenuta i of distributive objects – publications with a vođena povodom neuspelih konkursa grad- transcript of the talks within public debate ske vlasti Beograda za podizanje spomenika on unsuccessful commissions of the Bel- žrtvama ratova u bivšoj Jugoslaviji). grade authorities for creation of the monument to victims of wars in former Yugosla- Primer treće grupe projekata je Spomenik via, under the title Politics of Memory. međunarodnoj zajednici Nebojše Šerića Šobe, podignut u Sarajevu20 (čelik, merm- An example of the third group of projects er, 2007), „od strane zahvalnih građana is the Monument to the International Sarajeva“, kojim umetnik sarkastično al- Community of Nebojša Šerić Shoba, erect- udira na zvaničnu „politiku zahvalnosti“. ed in Sarajevo20 (steel, marble 2007) “by Izveštaj agencije Reuters „Umetnici Sara- the grateful citizens of Sarajevo”, thus re- jeva podigli su u petak spomenik konzer- ferring to the official “policy of gratitude”, viranoj govedini, kao znak ismevanja but in a sarcastic manner. The Reuters re- donatora za donošenje tako nepopularne port: “Sarajevo artists raised a monument hrane kao humanitarne pomoći tokom to canned beef on Friday in a gesture okupacije 1992-1995“,21 pokazuje nera- ridiculing donors for providing such an zumevanje namere umetnika (umetnik unpopular food as humanitarian aid dur- je u stvari optužio međunarodnu zajed- ing the 1992-95 siege”,21 shows a misun- nicu za ulogu voajera u borbi gladijatora derstanding of the artist’s intention (the – šaljući hranu da održe ratnike u životu, artist in fact accused the international ali ne sprečavajući zlodela). community of acting like a voyeur at a gladiator fight – sending food to keep the Do koje mere je kultura spomenika iz- fighters alive longer, but not preventing vor „inspiracije“ za savremene umetnike the atrocities). može se videti na projektu Jelene Miletić

20 http://balkansnet.org/zamir-chat-list/transfer/nss/eng.html, 20 http://balkansnet.org/zamir-chat-list/transfer/nss/eng. pristupljeno 12.06.2010. html accessed 12th June 2010. 21 http://uk.reuters.com/article/idUKL0657786020070406, pri- 21 http://uk.reuters.com/article/idUKL0657786020070406 stupljeno 12.06.2010. accessed 12 June 2010.

90 (Ne)vidljivi dijalog. Ovaj „istraživački“ pro- To what extent monument culture is a jekat mapirao je kulturu spomenika u source of “inspiration” for contempo- jugoistočnoj Srbiji, od 19. veka do danas. rary artists can be seen from the project Istraživanje je uključilo zajednice koje se of Jelena Miletić’s (In)visible dialogue. nalaze van savremenih debata u kulturi This “research” project mapped monu- (Bor, Zaječar, Prokuplje, Zlot, Gornja Bela ment culture in south-east Serbia, from Reka, Lenovac itd.) i završilo se izložbom the 19th century till today. The research i javnom prezentacijom u Boru. Jelena covered municipalities which are outside Miletić tretirala je spomenike kao artefak- of contemporary cultural debates (Bor, te koji spajaju različite ideologije, politike Zaječar, Prokuplje, Zlot, Gornja Bela Reka, sećanja, estetike i narative kolektivnih Lenovac, etc.) and it ended with an ex- i individualnih sećanja. Ovaj projekat hibition and public presentation in Bor. samo je jedan od mnogih u Jugoistočnoj Jelena Miletić treated monuments as ar- Evropi u kojima mladi umetnici dovode u tefacts gathering together different ide- pitanje zvanične politike i prakse sećanja, ologies, memory politics, aesthetics and insistirajući na tome da o tim pitanjima narratives of collective and individual treba otvoreno i javno raspravljati. memories. This project is one of the many in Southeastern Europe in which young Zaključak – renacionalizacija artists are questioning official policies – spomenik kao čuvar izabranih sećanja and practices of memory, insisting that U procesu renacionalizacije obilno su these questions should be openly and korišćene politike spomenika u okviru publicly debated. kulture sećanja, kao osnovnog stožera izgradnje identiteta. Politike i prakse Conclusion: Re-nationalization spomenika bile su akt medijacije koja je – the monument as a guardian of chosen memory omogućila da se stvori i sačuva kolektivno The process of re-nationalization exten- sećanje. Predstavljajući vrednosni sistem sively used monument policies within the društva stvorile su temelj za prakse so- culture of memory, as an essential pillar of cijalizacije. To je zajednički poduhvat identity building. Monument policies and nacionalnih političkih i kulturnih elita practices are acts of mediation which en- koje su zanemarivale pravi interes zajed- able collective memory to be created and nica. Kao u slučaju Makedonije u kojoj su safeguarded. Representing the value sys- političke elite želele da dokažu kontinu- tem of society they create a benchmark itet sa antičkom Makedonijom, stvorena for socialization practices. They are a joint je atmosfera u kojoj su lokalne gradske venture of national political and cultural elite pokazale volju da zajedničkim na- elites neglecting the real interest of com- porima stvore „izgubljeno“ kolektivno munities. As in the case of Macedonia kulturno sećanje kao deo novostvorenog where political elites wish to prove conti- nacionalnog identiteta. nuity with ancient Macedonia, an atmosphere was created in which local city elites U periodima izgradnje nacije, izmišljanje show their willingness to share common tradicija zahtevalo je visoko simboličko, efforts in creating a “lost” collective cultur-

91 kulturno ali i finansijsko ulaganje. Naciona- al memory as part of a newly constructed lne elite su više volele da uzimaju istorijske national identity. događaje i vođe iz daleke prošlosti (Alek- sandar Veliki ili Skenderbeg u Skoplju), In periods of nation-building, inventing the prisvajajući ih za upotrebu u sadašnjici traditions demands high symbolic, cultural (Hrvatska je izuzetak u tom smislu). but also financial investment. The national elites prefer to take history events and Politike nacionalnog identiteta (poli- leaders from far away (Alexander the Great tike sećanja) kroz politike spomenika or Skenderbeg in Skopje) re-appropriating imaju za cilj da postignu osećaj konti- them for today’s use (Croatia is an excep- nuiteta između prošlosti i sadašnjosti, tion in this sense). da predstave na simbolički način ili kroz kolektivno usvojen narativ novi iden- National identity (memory) policies through titet države, da posreduju u prenošenju monument policies aim to achieve conti- vrednosti, posebno u smislu zasnivanja nuity of the present with a past, symbolic novog etosa kolektivnog kulturnog iden- representation of the country’s identity or titeta. Istovremeno, to doprinosi i kontroli collective narrative, mediation of the values društvenog ponašanja. S tim u skladu, od and the ethos of collective cultural identity, kulturne politike se „zahtevalo“ da dopri- but also to control social behaviour. Thus, nese izgradnji zajednice definišući ključne cultural policies were “asked” to contribute „formativne“ događaje i pronalaženjem by defining key “formative” events in the načina za njihovu memorijalizaciju. construction of the community and to find ways for their memorialization. No, pojavljuju se i neki novi trendovi u kulturnim politikama vezanim za poli- However, some new trends in monument tiku spomenika: u pripremi je izgradnja policies are appearing: preparations are in spomenika dolasku zajednice Slovaka u process to build monuments to the com- Jugoistočnu Evropu ili spomenika egzo- ing of the Slovak community to South- dusu Nemaca u Vršcu. Ovi spomenici ne eastern Europe or to the exodus of German bi trebalo da budu izgrađeni da podele, population. These monuments should not već da uzajamno informišu zajednice i be constructed to divide, but to mutually počnu da prikazuju grupne, etničke isto- inform communities and to start sharing rije kao zajedničke istorije. Pa ipak, spo- group histories as common histories. Still, menik koji je trebalo da bude „spomenik a monument which aimed to be a “bridg- premošćavanja“ (zaboravljenoj manjini ing monument” (to the forgotten German Nemaca u Vršcu), izazvao je nove podele minority in Vršac, Serbia), provoked new jer je Jevrejska zajednica smatrala da su divisions, as the Jewish minority consid- izjave povezane s gradnjom spomenika ered the statements linked to the erection neprikladne („život u Vršcu je bio dobar i of the monument as inappropriate (“life in uzajamni odnosi dobri do 1945. godine“, iz- Vršac was calm and mutual relations good java koja je zanemarila genocid nad jevre- till 1945”, the statement which ignored the jskom populacijom 1942). To pokazuje da genocide of the Jewish population in 1942).

92 još uvek postoji potreba za „zajedničkim This shows that there is still a need for istorijama“, kao i da i odgovornost Ev- “joint histories”, and that the responsibility ropske Unije treba da bude veća u ovom of the EU should be to debate neglected is- području: da raspravlja o zanemarenim sues such as the exodus of the Slavic Mace- pitanjima kao što su egzodus slovenskih donian population during the Greek civil Makedonaca tokom građanskog rata u war (politics of oblivion in Greece) which Grčkoj (politika zaborava u Grčkoj još uvek still nourishes Macedonian nationalism. pothranjuje makedonski nacionalizam). The fact that there are no monuments and Činjenica da ne postoje spomenici i memorials devoted to the Roma commu- spomeni na Romske zajednice koje su nities who suffered genocide in the Sec- pretrpele genocid u Drugom svetskom ond World War shows double standards ratu pokazuje dvostruke standarde širom throughout Southeastern Europe (and jugoistočne Evrope (i Evrope) u politika- Europe) about policies of memorializing. ma sećanja. Demokratske kulturne poli- Democratic cultural policies should devel- tike treba da razviju platforme kojima bi op platforms for enabling private memories se omogućilo da privatne uspomene uđu to enter the public sphere, especially those u javnu sferu, naročito one koje dolaze od coming from marginal groups in societies. marginalnih društvenih grupa. This research has shown that to a formalism Ovo istraživanje je pokazalo da formal- of ritual language,22 corresponds a formal- izmu ritualnog jezika22 odgovara for- ism of visual language for monument use malizam vizuelnog jezika spomenika (expressions). Conventions in representa- (izrazi). Konvencije u reprezentacijama tions are limiting possibilities of expression. ograničavaju mogućnosti izražavanja. As in the language of rituals, where certain Kao i u jeziku rituala, gde se određeni de- pairs of words reappear and gestures are lovi reči ponovo pojavljuju a gestovi po- repeated to enable better mnemonic func- navljaju da omoguće bolju mnemoničku tion, the same occurs with monument prac- funkciju, isto se dešava i sa praksama tices: certain visual codes, details, a way of spomenika: određeni vizuelni kodovi, de- constructing gives significance to a monu- talji, način konstruisanja daju značaj spo- ment. The decision to create “a horseman”, meniku. Odluka da se izgradi „konjanik“, or a standing or a sitting figure,23 gives a dif- ili figura koja sedi ili stoji,23 šalje drugačiju ferent message to the population, as does a poruku stanovnicima, kao i određeni gest chosen gesture or lack of one. ili nedostatak istog. The crucial decision of policy makers to Glavno pitanje onih koji odlučuju o tome decide whether a monument should repre- da li spomenik treba da predstavlja osobu,

22 Connerton, P. (2002) Kako društva pamte, Beograd: 22 Konerton, P. (2002) Kako društva pamte, Beograd: Fabrika Fabrika knjiga, p. 83. knjiga, str. 83. 23 Authority is “choreographed” by the position of the body 23 Autoritet se „koreografiše“ pozicijom tela Konerton,( P. (2002) (Connerton, P. (2002) Kako društva pamte, Beograd: Fabrika Kako društva pamte, Beograd: Fabrika knjiga, str. 101). knjiga, p. 101).

93 događaj ili savremene društvene vrednosti, sent a person, an event, or contemporary rešeno je vraćanjem na realistično pred- social values was solved through a return stavljanje u devedesetim godinama 20. to realistic representation in the 1990s, veka, pokazujući nesigurnost novostvorenih demonstrating the insecurity of the new- država u sopstvene vrednosti i ukazujući ly created states in their own values and na njihovu želju da stvore poruke razum- showing their wish to create an under- ljive i čitljive sopstvenom društvu, a takođe standable, readable message to their own i „drugom“. Prema tome, jezik zvanične society, and also to “the other”. Thus, the reprezentacije identiteta i politika kroz language of official sculptural representa- skulpture zahtevao je poštovanje izvesnog tion demands respect for a certain number broja konvencija bez obzira na događaj ili of conventions regardless of the event or ličnost. Ponavljanje u vizuelnim formu- personality. Repetition in visual formulas lama izgleda da nije smetalo savremenim seems not to disturb contemporary “elites”; „elitama“; naprotiv, za njih je to predstav- on the contrary, it is reassuring that the ljalo ohrabrujuću činjenicu da će se poruka message they mediate will be understood koju oni šalju razumeti i prihvatiti. and accepted.

Na kraju, nacionalno-etnički zasnova- As a conclusion, the national-ethnic based na dimenzija u kulturnim politikama dimension in Southeast European cultural Jugoistočne Evrope još uvek preovladava, policies is still predominant, in spite of the uprkos činjenici da je većina zemalja pot- fact that the majority of countries have pisala Konvenciju UNESKO-a o zaštiti i signed the UNESCO Convention on the promovisanju raznolikosti kulturnih iz- Protection and Promotion of the Diversity raza i učestvovanju u programima o inter- of Cultural Expressions and are participat- kulturnom dijalogu. Politike spomenika u ing in the programmes on intercultural novoosnovanim državama na Balkanu bile dialogue. Monument policies in the newly su deo politika renacionalizacije, ponovo created Balkan countries were part of rena- stvarajući (izmišljajući) posebne identitete tionalization policies, recreating (inventing) zasnovane na određenim tradicijama i specific identities based on certain tradi- „izabranim“ sećanjima, i stvarajući us- tions and chosen “memories”, and creating love za širenje poruka i članovima svoje the conditions to enable the message to be i u okviru drugih zajednica, fokusirajući widespread among both the community se na zasebna sećanja, vrednosti i prakse members and members of other communi- koje stvaraju nove podele. U skladu s tim, ties, focusing on dividing memories, values razvijeno je mnoštvo narativa, ali još uvek and practices. Thus, a plurality of narra- oslanjajući se na glavnu i jedinu istori- tives was developed, but still relying on the jsku retoriku nezavisnosti (slavne hero- main one and the same historical narrative jske prošlosti). Očigledno je da su kulturne of independence (glorious heroic past). It is politike još uvek zasnovane na nacional- obvious that cultural policies are still iden- nom i etničkom identitetu, čime zanema- tity-based and ethnic-based policies which ruju građane i njihovo pravo na kulturu neglect the citizen and their right to cul- kao individualno ljudsko pravo. ture as an individual human right.

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95 Sećanje kao polje političkog delovanja u kontekstu “evropeizacije sećanja” Memory as a Political Field of Action in the Context of the “Europeanization of Memory”

DR Ljiljana Radonić Univerzitet u Beču University of Vienna

Prevela sa engleskog Translated from English by Zorana Todorović

Poslednjih godina svedoci smo razvoja Recent years have witnessed a growth in the interdisciplinarnog proučavanja kolek- interdisciplinary study of collective memory, tivnog sećanja, naročito u pogledu Šoe.1 especially in relation to the Shoa.1 In this U ovom radu ćemo razmotriti novije paper, recent trends in the universalization tendencije u univerzalizaciji i “evro- and “Europeanization of the Holocaust” as peizaciji holokausta” kao negativnog a negative founding myth of post-1945 Eu- mita osnivanja Evrope nakon 1945. go- rope will be discussed, as well as their tense dine, kao i njihovu napetu vezu sa novim relationship with the new post-communist postkomunističkim nacionalnim nara- national narratives in “Eastern Europe”. The tivima u “istočnoj Evropi”. Upoređivanje comparison of the Holocaust Memorial Mu- Memorijalnog muzeja holokausta u seum in Budapest, with the House of Terror Budimpešti sa Kućom terora u centru gra- in the city center on the one hand and with da s jedne strane, i Memorijalnog muzeja the Jasenovac Memorial Museum in Croatia Jasenovac u Hrvatskoj s druge, poslužiće on the other, will serve the purpose of exam- nam kako bismo ispitali da li je nastao ining if a trans-national European memorial transnacionalni evropski memorijalni landscape has emerged or, whether national pejzaž ili još uvek preovlađuju nacionalni narratives are still prevailing. Thus, the ques- narativi. Dakle, pozabavićemo se pitanjem tion and set of problems concerning “Europe- i nizom problema u vezi sa “evropskim an memory standards” and their focus on the

1 Tony Judt, Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945, Lon- 1 Tony Judt, Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945, London, 2005. don, 2005.

96 standardima sećanja” i njihovim fokusi- individual victim will be addressed. Last but ranjem na pojedinačne žrtve. Na kraju, ali not the least, the author will discuss whether ne i najmanje značajno, razmotrićemo da these standards apply differently at the “cen- li se ovi standardi primenjuju drugačije ter” of this development and at its periphery, u “centru” ovog razvoja i na njegovoj “pe- for example in Ukraine. riferiji”, na primer u Ukrajini. New Memorial Museums Novi memorijalni muzeji When we look at the Holocaust Memorial Kada pogledamo Memorijalni muzej holo- Museum in Budapest and at the Jasenovac kausta u Budimpešti i Memorijalni muzej Memorial Museum, around 100 km south- Jasenovac, oko 100 km jugozapadno od west from Zagreb, Croatia, the similarities Zagreba, u Hrvatskoj, upadljive su sličnosti between those two memorial museums are između ta dva memorijalna muzeja: obe striking: in both cases the exhibitions are izložbene postavke su u mračnim pro- in a dark room, the names of the victims storijama; imena žrtava su ispisana be- are written in white letters on the black lim slovima na crnoj pozadini; u slučaju background and, in the case of Jasenovac, Jasenovca, ta imena se nalaze ne samo na those names can be found not only on the zidovima, već lebde i na pločama iznad walls, but also hovering on boards above posetilaca. Fokus postavke je stavljen na the visitor. The focus of each exhibition lies lične predmete pojedinačnih žrtava, koji on the personal belongings of individual su izloženi u staklenim vitrinama. victims, exhibited in glass cases.

Slika 1 :: Memorijalni centar holokausta, Budimpešta (© www.hdke.hu) Picture 1 :: Holocaust Memorial Center, Budapest (© www.hdke.hu) Slika 2 :: Memorijalni muzej Jasenovac, Hrvatska (© Ljiljana Radonic) Picture 2 :: Jasenovac Memorial Museum, Croatia (© Ljiljana Radonic)

Dakle, u oba muzeja se može primetiti Both museums dedicate the same kind of isto fokusiranje na pojedinačne žrtve, attention to the individual victims, their njihove priče i lične predmete. Budući da stories and their belongings. Since the two ova dva memorijalna muzeja imaju toliko memorial museums show so many simi- sličnosti, i da su oba otvorena u razmaku larities and both opened their doors to the od dve godine (2004. i 2006.), očigledno public over a brief period of time (2004 and je da postoji neka vrsta standarda za nove 2006), we can deduct that there now seems evropske memorijalne muzeje. Memori- to be an accepted standard for new Euro- jalni centar holokausta u Budimpešti je pean Holocaust memorial museums. čak otvoren nekoliko sedmica pre nego što je Mađarska pristupila Evropskoj uniji The Holocaust Memorial Center in Budapest 2004. godine, iako stalna postavka još was inaugurated a few weeks before Hun- nije bila spremna, tako da je otvoren go- gary joined the EU in 2004, even though tovo prazan objekat.2 the permanent exhibition was in fact not yet ready for viewing. The result was the Nadalje, činjenica da je početna web opening of what for a time was an almost stranica Memorijalnog muzeja holo- entirely empty building.2 Interestingly, the

2 Videti Fritz, Regina/Hansen, Imke: Zwischen nationalem Op- 2 See Fritz, Regina/Hansen, Imke: Zwischen nationalem Opfer- fermythos und europäischen Standards. Der Holocaust im un- mythos und europäischen Standards. Der Holocaust im unga- garischen Erinnerungsdiskurs, u: Eckel, Jan/Moisel, Claudia (ur.): rischen Erinnerungsdiskurs, in: Eckel, Jan/Moisel, Claudia (ed.): Universalisierung des Holocaust? Erinnerungskultur und Ge- Universalisierung des Holocaust? Erinnerungskultur und Ge- schichtspolitik in internationaler Perspektive, Göttingen, 2008. schichtspolitik in internationaler Perspektive, Göttingen 2008.

98 kausta u Budimpešti bila na engleskom fact that the homepage of the Holocaust jeziku do pre nekoliko meseci, i da ste Memorial Center in Budapest was entirely morali da kliknete na dugme da biste in English until a few months ago and that dobili mađarsku verziju, pokazuje da you had to click on a button to view the ovaj muzej cilja na potpuno drugačiju Hungarian version, shows that the mu- publiku od muzeja Kuća terora u centru seum is targeting a completely different Budimpešte,3 gde od informacija na en- audience than the House of Terror, located gleskom jeziku u većini prostorija postoje in Budapest’s city center3 in which black samo kopirani crno-beli listovi papira. and white photocopies are all the informa- Takođe je nezamislivo da Memorijalni tion that is provided in English. It is also muzej Jasenovac nema dvojezičnu izložbu unimaginable for the Jasenovac Memorial i katalog, dok na primer Memorijalni cen- Museum not to have a bilingual exhibition tar holokausta u Oslu ne daje nikakve and a bulky catalogue while, to use another pisane informacije na engleskom jeziku, further afield example, the Holocaust Me- ciljajući isključivo na domaću publiku. morial Center in Oslo provides no written information in English whatsoever, target- Argument koji se zastupa u ovom tek- ing thus, an exclusively domestic audience. stu je da je Američki Memorijalni muzej The argument that is put forth in this holokausta u Vašingtonu uzor kada je u chapter is that the US Holocaust Memorial pitanju estetika ovog tipa muzeja, dok Museum in Washington is the role model politička “potreba” da postkomunističke when it comes to the aesthetics of this type zemlje obezbede takve memorijalne of museum, while the political “need” for muzeje proizilazi iz nezvaničnih “stan- post-communist countries to provide such darda sećanja” koji se uspostavljaju to- memorial museums results with unofficial kom “evropeizacije sećanja”. “memory standards” that are being established in the course of the “Europeaniza- Evropski memorijalni pejzaž: centar i periferija tion of Memory”. Pre nego što detaljno analiziramo kako se mogu definisati ovi neformalni stan- European Memorial Landscape: dardi, treba prvo da razmotrimo da li Center and Periphery ovaj razvoj pokazuje neku vrstu jaza Before we analyze in detail how to define između centra i periferije. these informal standards, we first need to discuss whether this development shows Polazeći od činjenice da se Nemačka some kind of a center/periphery gap. naširoko smatra primerom za suočavanje sa svojom prošlošću, naravno, pre svega It might be useful to take Germany as a što se tiče holokausta, može se poka- starting point, as it is widely viewed as

3 Krisztian Ungvary, Der Umgang mit der kommunistischen 3 Krisztian Ungvary, Der Umgang mit der kommunistischen Vergangenheit in der heutigen ungarischen Erinnerungskultur Vergangenheit in der heutigen ungarischen Erinnerungskul- [Suočavanje s komunističkom prošlošću u današnjoj mađarskoj tur [Dealing with the communist past in today’s Hungarian kulturi sećanja], u: Bernd Faulenbach/Franz-Josef Jelich (ur.): Memory Culture], in: Bernd Faulenbach/Franz-Josef Jelich „Transformationen“ der Erinnerungskulturen in Europa nach (ed.): „Transformationen“ der Erinnerungskulturen in Europa 1989, Essen, 2006, str. 211. nach 1989, Essen, 2006, p. 211

99 zati da su “zapadne” zemlje počele da a country that adopted an exemplary ap- se suočavaju sa svojom (zločinačkom) proach to confronting its recent past, first prošlošću tokom kraja 1980-tih godina of all the Holocaust. The German case can ili početkom 1990-tih. Situacija je bila be understood as an example that dem- sasvim drugačija u postkomunističkim onstrates how “western” countries started zemljama, koje su nakon 1989. godine confronting their (felonious) pasts dur- često iznova prepričavale svoju istoriju ing the late 1980s or the beginning of the veličajući period pre komunizma, čak i 1990s. The situation however, has proved ako je to podrazumevalo zataškavanje quite different in the post-communist saradnje sa Trećim rajhom. Ovo se u countries which, after 1989, often re- određenoj meri promenilo u toku procesa narrated their history by glorifying the integracije u Evropsku uniju država sred- pre-communist period, even if this meant nje i istočne Evrope. playing down collaboration with the Third Reich. This has changed in some degree Jaz između centra i periferije se može during the process of EU-integration of the posmatrati, na primer između Ukrajine i Central Eastern European states. Poljske, uglavnom na dva plana. Pre svega, kada se putuje iz zapadne Ukrajine u We can observe a center/periphery gap, Poljsku, može se primetiti da ne postoje for example, between Ukraine and Poland, memorijalni muzeji holokausta sa ukra- which occurs mostly on two levels. First of jinske strane granice,4 dok je u Krakovu all, when traveling from Western Ukraine došlo do pravog procvata sećanja, što je to Poland, one can observe that there dovelo do otvaranja Muzeja Jevreja iz are no Holocaust Memorial Museums on Galicije 2004. godine i izložbe u Muzeju- the Ukrainian side of the border,4 while fabrici Oskara Šindlera [Schindler] 2010. there is a real memory boom in Krakow, godine. Još jedan primer predstavlja Kolo- which led to the opening of the Galicia mija u pretkarpatskom kraju gde je je- Jewish Museum in 2004 and an exhibi- dini spomenik koji se može naći u blizini tion at Oscar Schindler’s Factory in 2010. mesta nekadašnje Velike sinagoge statua To give another example: in Kolomyia, dve “ožalošćene majke” koje drže bebu. in the fore-Carpathian region, the only Pošto ne postoji natpis, nije jasno čak ni monument one can find near the site of da li se ovaj spomenik koji podseća na the former Great Synagogue is a statue of stradanje Ukrajinaca nalazi ovde slučajno, two “mourning mothers” holding a baby. ili bi trebalo da integriše stradanja Jevreja Since there is no inscription, it is not re- u stradanja Ukrajinaca.5 S druge strane, motely clear if this monument, intended u mestu Przemisl, odmah nakon granice to remind us of the Ukrainian suffering, između Ukrajine i Poljske, u biblioteci koja stands here by coincidence or whether it is supposed to integrate Jewish suffering

4 O ukrajinskoj politici sećanja, videti: Jutta Scherrer, Ukraine. Konkurrierende Erinnerungen [Ukrajina. Protivrečna sećanja], u: Monika Flacke (ur.), Mythen der Nationen. 1945 – Arena der 4 Erinnerungen, Berlin, 2004. For Ukranian politics of memory see: Jutta Scherrer, Ukraine. Konkurrierende Erinnerungen [Ukraine. Conflicting 5 Videti: Omer Bartov, Erased. Vanishing Traces of Jewish Galicia memories], in: Monika Flacke (ed.), Mythen der Nationen. in Present-Day Ukraine, Princeton, 2007, str. 84f. 1945 – Arena der Erinnerungen, Berlin, 2004.

100 Slika 3 :: Mesto nekadašnje sinagoge, Kolomija, zapadna Ukrajina (© Ljiljana Radonic) Picture 3 :: Site of a former synagogue, Kolomyia, Western Ukraine (© Ljiljana Radonic)

101 into that of the Ukrainians.5 On the other hand, in Przemysl, right after the Ukrai- nian-Polish border, at the library which used to be a synagogue, the story of the building is recounted in detail (in Polish, English and Hebrew), on a huge memorial plaque founded by the Foundation for the Preservation of Jewish Heritage in Poland.

Beyond these exemplary (and missing) lieux de mémoire there is also an obvious difference when it comes to the level of public debates. Thus we can observe how in the book Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne (2001), Jan T. Gross brings up the question of Pol- ish anti-Semitism and collaboration during World War II, a topic which resulted in a long public debate in Poland, a country at Slika 4 :: Nekada sinagoga, danas biblioteka, Przemisl, Poljska the “periphery” of “unified Europe”. Con- (© Ljiljana Radonic) versely, in Ukraine, Omer Bartov’s Erased: Picture 4 :: Former synagogue, now library, Przemysl, Poland (© Ljiljana Radonic) Vanishing Traces of Jewish Galicia in Pres- ent-Day Ukraine (2007) caused little or no ripples on a nation-wide level.

je nekada bila sinagoga, priča o zgradi je In Poland, the struggle for a hierarchy be- ispričana do detalja (na poljskom, engle- tween Polish and Jewish victims doubt- skom i hebrejskom) na velikoj spomen- lessly remains problematic, as well as the ploči koju je postavila Fondacija za still present vivid anti-Semitism. Still, if očuvanje jevrejske baštine u Poljskoj. we follow the argument about Jan T. Gross’ recent book, Fear: Anti-Semitism in Poland Pored ovih lieux de mémoire,6 takođe After Auschwitz (2006), we can observe postoji očigledna razlika kada se dođe do that these discussions pursue different nivoa javnih rasprava. Knjiga Jana Grosa rules than in Ukraine or, to be more pre- [Jan T. Gross] Neighbors: The Destruction cise that, in Poland, they take place as large of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne public debates.6 But what do these tenden- (2001) [Susedi: uništenje jevrejske za- cies tell us and how can they be placed in a jednice u mestu Jedvabne], u kojoj on

pokreće pitanje poljskog antisemitizma i 5 See Omer Bartov, Erased. Vanishing Traces of Jewish Galicia kolaboracije tokom Drugog svetskog rata, in Present-Day Ukraine, Princeton, 2007, p. 84f. 6 In Western Ukraine some debates have been initiated by the establishment of the Center for Urban History of East Central Europe in Lviv in 2004, see http://www.lvivcenter. 6 Mesta sećanja (fr.) (Prim. prev.) org (accessed November 20, 2010).

102 dovela je do duge javne debate u Poljskoj, broader context? How can we define these državi na “periferiji” “ujedinjene Evrope”. assumed “standards” more precisely? Nasuprot tome, u Ukrajini, knjiga Omera Bartova [Omer Bartov], Erased. Vanishing Standard I: Universalization of the Holocaust Traces of Jewish Galicia in Present-Day After the end of the Cold War the “memory- Ukraine (2007) [Izbrisani: Nestali tragovi boom” in “western” countries spotlighted jevrejske Galicije u današnjoj Ukrajini], the Holocaust as the negative icon of our gotovo da je bila bez odjeka. U Poljskoj, era. Prior to the Nineties, there were only borba za hijerarhiju između poljskih i lone events that led to transnational de- jevrejskih žrtava je bez sumnje i dalje bates about the Holocaust, like the Eich- problematična, kao što je to i vrlo živo mann-trial in 1961 or the broadcast of prisustvo antisemitizma. Ipak, ako sled- the US-serial “Holocaust” 1978/79. In the imo argument o novoj knjizi Jana Gro- meantime, different national discussions sa, Fear: Anti-Semitism in Poland After followed their own rhythm, which was Auschwitz (2006) [Strah: antisemitizam determined by the role of the country in u Poljskoj nakon Aušvica], možemo World War II as well as the political situa- primetiti da te rasprave slede drugačija tion in force at that time. pravila nego u Ukrajini, ili tačnije, da se one u Poljskoj odvijaju kao velike javne However, in contrast to earlier decades, debate.7 Ali šta nam govore ove tendenci- the extermination of the European Jewry je i kako se one mogu postaviti u širi kon- comes to the fore of World War II debates tekst? Kako možemo preciznije definisati at some point during the 1980s. Along with ove pretpostavljene “standarde”? this development comes a change in focus: instead of the figure of the hero or martyr, Standard I: Univerzalizacija holokausta which was used particularly in the portray- Nakon okončanja Hladnog rata, “proc- al of the resistance against the Third Reich, vat sećanja” u “zapadnim” zemljama je now the individual victim has moved into u središte pažnje stavio holokaust kao the centre of remembrance discourse.7 negativnu ikonu našeg doba. Pre deve- Furthermore, the Holocaust has become a desetih godina, postojali su samo usam- “negative icon”,8 a universal imperative to ljeni događaji koji su vodili transnaciona- respect human rights in general, a “con- lnim debatama o holokaustu, kao što je tainer” for the memory of different victims, suđenje Ajhmanu 1961. godine, ili emi- as Levy and Sznaider put it.9 tovanje američkog serijala “Holokaust” 1978/79. godine. U međuvremenu su nacionalne rasprave sledile sopstveni ri- tam, koji je bio određen ulogom zemlje u 7 See Henry Rousso, Das Dilemma eines europäischen Ge- Drugom svetskom ratu, kao i trenutnom dächtnisses [The Dilemma of a European Memory], Zeithi- političkom situacijom. storische Forschungen 1, 2004. p. 374. 8 See Dan Diner, Gegenläufige Gedächtnisse. Über Geltung und Wirkung des Holocaust [Juxtaposed Memories. On Standing and Effect of the Holocaust], Göttingen, 2007. 7 U zapadnoj Ukrajini neke rasprave su pokrenute osnivanjem Cen- tra za urbanu istoriju istočne srednje Evrope u Lavovu 2004. godine, 9 See Daniel Levy/Natan Sznaider, The Holocaust and Mem- videti http://www.lvivcenter.org (posećeno 20. novembra 2010.). ory in a Global Age, Philadelphia, 2005.

103 Međutim, za razliku od prethodnih de- Standard II: Europeanization of the Holocaust cenija, od osamdesetih godina XX veka In Europe, the “universalization of the Ho- istrebljenje evropskih Jevreja dolazi u locaust” includes another dimension: the fokus debata o Drugom svetskom ratu. “rupture in civilization” (Zivilisationsbruch Uporedo sa ovim razvojem, dolazi do Auschwitz),10 which has increasingly be- promene u fokusu: umesto figure heroja come a negative European founding myth. ili mučenika, koja je korišćena naročito u Unified Europe, after 1945, is understood prikazivanju otpora protiv Trećeg rajha, as a collective sharing a common destiny sada je u fokus sećanja stavljen pojedinac (Schicksalsgemeinschaft) that has learned a žrtva.8 Nadalje, holokaust je postao “nega- lesson from the Holocaust and developed tivna ikona”,9 univerzalni imperativ da se shared structures in order to avoid a recur- poštuju ljudska prava uopšte, “skladište” rence. Since the EU is searching for a new za sećanje na različite žrtve, kako su to European identity that goes beyond an eco- rekli Levi i Šnajder [Levy, Sznaider].10 nomic and monetary union, this founding myth is supposed to create such an identi- Standard II: Evropeizacija holokausta ty.11 This is one of the reasons for which the U Evropi, “univerzalizacija holokausta” Task Force for International Cooperation on obuhvata još jednu dimenziju: “slom civi- Holocaust Education, Remembrance, and lizacije” (Zivilisationsbruch Auschwitz),11 Research (ITF) – founded in Sweden as a koja sve više postaje negativan osnivački network of politicians and experts in 1998 mit Evrope. Ujedinjena Evropa nakon – aroused so much interest and today al- 1945. godine je shvaćena kao kolektiv ready includes 27 mostly-European coun- koji deli zajedničku sudbinu (Schick- tries. Furthermore, at the beginning of the salsgemeinschaft), koji je naučio lekciju iz new millennium, on January 27th 2000, the holokausta i razvio zajedničke strukture anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, kako bi se izbeglo ponavljanje. Budući an international Holocaust-conference took da je EU u potrazi za novim identitetom place in Stockholm, which was for the first koji prevazilazi ekonomsku i monetarnu time attended by prime ministers and pres- uniju, ovaj osnivački mit bi trebalo da idents, as well as by renowned experts and stvori takav identitet.12 To je jedan od contemporary witnesses from 46 states.12 razloga zbog kojih je “Radna grupa za One of the results of the ensuing decla- međunarodnu saradnju u vezi sa ob- ration was the recommendation that all countries should implement January 27th, or a similar national date, as Holocaust Me- 8 Videti Henry Rousso, Das Dilemma eines europäischen Gedächtnisses [Dilema evropskog sećanja], Zeithistorische Forsc- morial Day. These were the first steps to- hungen 1, 2004. str. 374. 9 Videti Dan Diner, Gegenläufige Gedächtnisse. Über Geltung und Wirkung des Holocaust [Suprotstavljena sećanja. O reputaciji i 10 uticaju holokausta], Göttingen, 2007. See Dan Diner (ed.), Zivilisationsbruch. Denken nach Auschwitz [Rupture in Civilization. Thinking after 10 Videti Daniel Levy/Natan Sznaider, The Holocaust and Memo- Auschwitz], Frankfurt am Main, 1988. ry in a Global Age, Philadelphia, 2005. 11 See Judt, Postwar, p. 803-831. 11 Videti Dan Diner (ur.), Zivilisationsbruch. Denken nach Aus- 12 chwitz [Raspad civilizacije. Razmišljanje posle Aušvica], Frank- See Jens Kroh, Transnationale Erinnerung. Der Holocaust furt am Main, 1988. im Fokus geschichtspolitischer Initiativen [Transnational Memory. The Holocaust in the Focus of Politics of the Past- 12 Videti Judt, Postwar, str. 803-831. Initiatives], Frankfurt am Main, 2008, p. 111-113.

104 razovanjem o holokaustu, sećanjem i wards some form of “European standards”, istraživanjem” [Task Force for Interna- which were not however officially applied tional Cooperation on Holocaust Educa- during the eastern enlargement of the EU tion, Remembrance, and Research (ITF)], but which did play an unofficial role, as we osnovana 1998. godine u Švedskoj kao observed above with the example of the mreža političara i stručnjaka, izazvala opening of the Holocaust Memorial Center toliko interesovanja i danas već obuh- in Budapest in 2004. vata 27 pretežno evropskih zemalja. Pored toga, na početku novog mileni- The attempt to retrospectively enhance the juma, na godišnjicu oslobođenja Aušvica, Holocaust with some kind of sense; the mor- 27. januara 2000. godine, održana je al legitimation of the EU as a better Europe međunarodna konferencija o Aušvicu u ascending from the Holocaust, is inherently Stokholmu, kojoj su po prvi put prisust- problematic in more ways than one. vovali premijeri i predsednici država, ali i renomirani stručnjaci i očevici savre- A complex sequence of events has become menici iz 46 država.13 Jedan od rezultata unhinged from of their historic context in deklaracije koja je doneta bila je pre- order to create a shared identity. This de- poruka da sve zemlje treba da usvoje 27. mands abstracting from the concrete vic- januar ili neki sličan nacionalni datum tims and perpetrators, as well as from the kao Dan sećanja na holokaust. Ovo su bili specific role of Germany and Austria, im- prvi koraci ka nekoj vrsti “evropskih stan- portant allies in the EU. As Levy/Sznaider darda”, koji se nisu zvanično primenji- state: “The Holocaust is no longer about the vali tokom proširenja EU na istok ali su Jews being exterminated by the Germans. odigrali ulogu nezvanično, kao što je već Rather, it is about human beings and the pokazano na primeru otvaranja Memo- most extreme violation of their human rijalnog centra holokausta u Budimpešti rights.”13 Levy/Sznaider welcome this fo- 2004. godine. cus on the individual victim. Nevertheless this tends to result in omitting the differ- Ovaj pokušaj da se holokaust naknadno ent contexts in which “a human being” unapredi s nekom vrstom smisla, moral- died and thus promoting the problematic nom legitimnošću Evropske unije kao tendency to define everyone killed in World bolje Evrope koja se uzdiže iz holokausta, War II as equally innocent victims – an problematičan je iz više razloga. aspect which is only addressed as a slight problem when it comes to the issue of Ger- Kompleksni događaji su istrgnuti iz is- man victims of bombing and expulsion but torijskog konteksta kako bi se stvorio which ought to be seen more critically.14 zajednički identitet. To iziskuje apstra- Universalization dehistorises the events hovanje konkretnih žrtava i počinilaca, of World War II in order to make them ap-

13 Daniel Levy/Natan Sznaider, Sovereignty transformed: a 13 Videti Jens Kroh, Transnationale Erinnerung. Der Holocaust sociology of human Rights, The British Journal of Sociology im Fokus geschichtspolitischer Initiativen [Transnacionalno 57, 4/2004, p. 669. sećanje. Holokaust u fokusu politike prošlih inicijativa], Frank- furt am Main, 2008, str. 111-113. 14 See Levy/Sznaider, The Holocaust.

105 kao i specifične uloge Nemačke i Austrije, plicable as a moral lesson. Since “we” the koje su važni saveznici u EU. Kao što pišu “Europeans” have learned from the Holo- Levi/Šnajder: “Kod holokausta više nije reč caust so successfully, it seems necessary o Jevrejima koje su Nemci istrebljivali. Za- to understand victims of today’s conflicts pravo se radi o ljudima i najekstremnijem – “the Muslims”, the “Bosnians” or “the kršenju njihovih ljudskih prava.”14 Levi/ Kosovars”, as the “new Jews”. Understand- Šnajder pozdravljaju ovo fokusiranje na ing Germany as the role model for con- pojedinca žrtvu. Ali ovo ima za posledicu fronting its past, successfully allows it to zamagljivanje različitih konteksta u ko- use the motto “Nie wieder Auschwitz” for jima je “ljudsko biće” umrlo, i time podstiče current political aims: formulations like problematičnu tendenciju da se izjednače “the ramp of Srebrenica” (alluding to the svi koji su ubijeni u Drugom svetskom ratu ramp of Auschwitz, where the “selection” kao podjednako nedužne žrtve – aspekt koji took place) or “preventing a new Auschwitz Levi/Šnajder smatraju neznatnim prob- in Kosovo” were used in Germany in order lemom samo kada su u pitanju nemačke to legitimate the NATO-war in Kosovo in žrtve bombardovanja i proterivanja, a koji 1999, although there was no UN-mandate bi trebalo da se posmatra više kritički.15 for it and the reasons behind the bombings are still questioned today. Ova univerzalizacija deistorizuje doga- đaje iz Drugog svetskog rata kako bi bili Standard III: Gulag vs. Holocaust primenljivi kao moralna pouka. Budući da Parallel to the “Europeanization of the Ho- smo “mi, Evropljani” tako uspešno naučili locaust“, history in eastern European coun- lekciju holokausta, izgleda da je neophod- tries began to be re-narrated after 1989. no da žrtve današnjih konflikata, “Musli- As a result, the historical narrative of the mane”, “Bosance” ili “Kosovare” shvatimo heroic anti-fascist struggle was altogether kao “nove Jevreje”. Razumevanje Nemačke delegitimized, with post-communist rekao uzora za uspešno suočavanje sa svo- gimes placing the trauma of the commu- jom prošlošću joj otuda omogućava da nist crimes at the core of memory, often by koristi moto “Nie wieder Auschwitz” [“Ni- evoking symbols familiar from the Shoa- kada više Aušvic”] za sadašnje političke memory like rail tracks and wagons. ciljeve: formulacije kao što su “rampa u Srebrenici” (aluzija na rampu u Aušvicu na This “divided memory”15 in “East” and kojoj je vršena “selekcija”) ili “sprečavanje “West”, motivates representatives of post- novog Aušvica na Kosovu” su korišćene u communist states to demand that com- Nemačkoj kako bi se NATO rat na Kosovu munist crimes be convicted “to the same 1999. godine proglasio zakonitim, iako UN extent” as the Holocaust. In response to za to nisu dale ovlašćenje, i danas se dovo- this, the EU-parliament introduced a new di u pitanje opravdanost bombardovanja.

15 See Stefan Troebst, Jalta versus Stalingrad, GULag versus 14 Daniel Levy/Natan Sznaider, Sovereignty transformed: a so- Holocaust. Konfligierende Erinnerungskulturen im größeren ciology of human Rights, The British Journal of Sociology 57, Europa [Jalta versus Stalingrad, Gulag versus Holocaust. 4/2004, str. 669. Conflicting Memory Cultures in a Larger Europe], in: Bernd Faulenbach/Franz-Josef Jelich, “Transformationen“ der Erin- 15 Videti Levy/Sznaider, The Holocaust. nerungskulturen in Europa nach 1989, Essen, 2006, p. 23-49.

106 Slika 5 :: Kuća terora, Budimpešta (© Ljiljana Radonic) Picture 5 :: House of Terror, Budapest (© Ljiljana Radonic)

Standard III: Gulag nasuprot holokaustu memorial day in summer 2009: on August Uporedo sa “evropeizacijom holokausta”, 23rd, the anniversary of the Hitler-Stalin- u istočnoevropskim zemljama istorija je pact from 1939. On this day, both the vic- iznova prepričavana posle 1989. godine. tims of National Socialism and of Stalin- Kao rezultat, istorijski narativ herojske ism are jointly commemorated – an invita- antifašističke borbe je izgubio legitimnost, tion to externalize one’s own responsibility usled toga što su postkomunistički režimi for both crimes. In addition to this, after postavljali traume komunističkih zločina 1989 the pre-communist period begins to u jezgro sećanja, često evocirajući simbole be glorified as a “golden era” of national poznate iz sećanja na Šou poput koloseka freedom, with the result that the Soviet i vagona. occupation is now remembered as worse than the Third Reich in, for example, the Ovo “podeljeno sećanje”16 na “Istok” i Baltic states. “Zapad” dovodi do toga da predstavnici postkomunističkih država zahtevaju da Case study I: Budapest zločini komunista budu osuđeni “u istoj The House of Terror, which opened in 2002 as a state funded museum, is located at the historical site in which people were 16 Videti Stefan Troebst, Jalta versus Stalingrad, GULag versus Holocaust. Konfligierende Erinnerungskulturen im größeren detained, interrogated, tortured or killed Europa [Jalta nasuprot Staljingradu, Gulag nasuprot holokaustu. Protivrečne kulture sećanja u široj Evropi], u: Bernd Faulenbach/ both during the regime of the Arrow Cross Franz-Josef Jelich (ur.), “Transformationen“ der Erinnerungskul- turen in Europa nach 1989, Essen, 2006, str. 23-49. Party (1944-1945) that collaborated with

107 meri” kao holokaust. Stoga je parlament the Nazis and by the communist regime af- EU u leto 2009. godine uveo novi dan ter the end of World War II. The symbolism sećanja: na godišnjicu pakta između Hit- that dominates the whole museum is the lera i Staljina iz 1939. godine, 23. avgus- equalization of the Arrow Cross with the ta, treba slaviti uspomenu na žrtve kako red star. This message reaches its peak in a nacionalsocijalizma tako staljinizma video that shows one person taking off the – što je poziv da se eksternalizuje sopst- Arrow Cross uniform and exchanging it for vena odgovornost za oba zločina. Takođe, a communist one. nakon 1989. godine, period pre komunizma se veliča kao “zlatno doba” naciona- While the symbolism is an equalizing one, lne slobode, te je na primer u baltičkim the quantitative representation of the two državama sovjetska okupacija upamćena periods isn’t: only two out of more than kao gora od Trećeg rajha. twenty rooms deal with World War II. The focus of the exhibition clearly lies on Studija slučaja I: Budimpešta the later period, whereas the Holocaust is “Kuća terora”, koja je otvorena 2002. go- marginalized.16 The main message of the dine kao muzej koji finansira država, na- museum is thus the national victim nar- lazi se na istorijskoj lokaciji na kojoj su rative, while the responsibility for the ljudi bili privođeni, saslušavani, mučeni crimes of the Arrow Cross Party and the ili ubijani u toku režima Partije strelastih communists is externalized entirely, as if krstova (1944-1945) koja je sarađivala sa the (Hungarian) collaborators had nothing nacistima, kao i za vreme komunističkog to do with Hungarian society.17 The per- režima nakon završetka Drugog svetskog petrators are thus demonized, by display- rata. Simbolika koja dominira kroz ceo ing “Wanted”-style posters that depict the muzej je izjednačavanje strelastog krsta faces and names of these people – some i crvene zvezde, što dostiže vrhunac u of whom are still alive to this day. Con- video snimku koji prikazuje osobu koja versely, the victims are remembered in a skida uniformu strelastog krsta i oblači way that recalls the above-described aes- komunističku uniformu. thetics of Holocaust remembrance, in particular the room of tears, with its symbol- Dok je simbolika izjednačavanje, kvanti- ic memory of individual victims. Another tativna zastupljenost ova dva perioda nije room creates the impression of being in a jednaka: samo dve od preko dvadeset pro- deportation wagon, but alludes solely to storija se bave Drugim svetskim ratom, Hungarian victimhood. dok je fokus izložbene postavke očigledno stavljen na kasniji period, a holokaust je 16 Gerhard Seewann/Éva Kovács, Halbherzige Vergangen- marginalizovan.17 Dakle, glavna poruka heitsbewältigung, konkurrenzfähige Erinnerungspolitik – Die Shoa in der ungarischen Erinnerungskultur [Halfhear- ted Dealing with the Past, Competitive Politics of Memory – Shoa in the Hungarian Memory Culture], in: Bernd Fau- 17 Gerhard Seewann/Éva Kovács, Halbherzige Vergangenheits- lenbach/Franz-Josef Jelich (ed.): „Transformationen“ der Er- bewältigung, konkurrenzfähige Erinnerungspolitik – Die Shoa innerungskulturen in Europa nach 1989, Essen, 2006, p. 193. in der ungarischen Erinnerungskultur [Malodušno suočavanje s prošlošću, konkurentna politika sećanja – Šoa u mađarskoj 17 See Ibid., p. 194f; Éva Kovács/Seewann, Gerhard, Ungarn. kulturi sećanja], u: Bernd Faulenbach/Franz-Josef Jelich (ur.): Der Kampf um das Gedächtnis [Hungary. Struggle for Mem- „Transformationen“ der Erinnerungskulturen in Europa nach ory], in: Flacke, Monika (ed.): Mythen der Nationen. 1945 - 1989, Essen, 2006, str. 193. Arena der Erinnerung, Mainz, 2004, p. 835.

108 muzeja je narativ nacionalnih žrtava, dok The Holocaust Memorial Center presents je odgovornost za zločine Partije strelastih a counter-narrative to the first museum. krstova i komunista u potpunosti ekster- It is also state-funded but critics have ob- nalizovana kao da kolaboratori (Mađari) jected that the chosen location, far away nisu imali nikakve veze sa mađarskim from the city center in a synagogue that is društvom.18 Počinioci su demonizovani not linked to the Holocaust in any special čak i time što su prikazani neki plakati way, represents the marginalized status poput “Traži se”, sa slikama i imenima of Holocaust (and Roma) memory in the ljudi koji su još uvek živi. S druge strane, Hungarian society.18 As mentioned above, žrtve su upamćene na način koji podseća there appears to have been a need to inau- na gore opisanu estetiku sećanja na ho- gurate the museum before Hungary joined lokaust, a posebno soba suza, sa njenim the EU, without having a permanent ex- simboličnim sećanjem na pojedinačne hibition in place. Thus, all that was dis- žrtve. Jedna druga prostorija stvara utisak played were the “Auschwitz-album” pho- da ste u vagonu za deportaciju, ali aludira tographs, taken by German SS, during the isključivo na mađarske žrtve. arrival of Hungarian Jews in Auschwitz. The collaboration of Hungarian society, Memorijalni centar holokausta predstav- especially the execution of the deportation lja kontra-narativ prvom muzeju. Njega by the Hungarian police, does not play a takođe finansira država, ali su kritičari role here.19 However, once the permanent prigovorili da odabrana lokacija daleko exhibition opened in 2006, the museum od centra grada, u sinagogi koja nije na became a site of what Volkhard Knigge, neki poseban način povezana sa holo- the director of the Buchenwald Memo- kaustom, predstavlja marginalizovan rial calls “negative memory”: the remem- status sećanja na holokaust (i Rome) u brance of acts committed, rather than mađarskom društvu.19 Kao što je već po- suffered by the own collective.20 The ex- menuto, činilo se potrebno da se muzej hibition self-critically deals with the Hun- otvori pre nego što Mađarska pristupi garian anti-Semitic tradition – especially EU, bez stalne postavke. Stoga je bio pri- during the Horty regime (1920-1944), the kazan samo “Album iz Aušvica”, zbirka responsibility of Hungarian gendarmes fotografija koje je napravio nemački SS- for the deportation of Hungarian Jews and ovac tokom dolaska mađarskih Jevreja u with the mass murder of Roma.21 Aušvic. Kolaboracija mađarskog društva, naročito deportacija koju su izvršavali 18 Seewann/Kovács, Halbherzige Vergangenheitsbewälti- gung, p. 197. mađarski policajci, ovde nije imala ni- 19 Regina Fritz, Gespaltene Erinnerung. Museale Darstel- kakvu ulogu.20 Ali kada je otvorena stalna lungen des Holocaust in Ungarn [Divided Memory. Museal Embodiment of the Holocaust in Hungary], in: Regina Fritz/ Carola Sachse/Edgar Wolfrum (ed.), Postdiktatorische Gesell- schaften in Europa, Göttingen, 2008. 18 Videti ibid., str. 194f; Éva Kovács/Seewann, Gerhard, Ungarn. 20 Der Kampf um das Gedächtnis [Mađarska. Borba za sećanje], u: See Volkhard Knigge/Norbert Frei (ed.), Verbrechen erin- Flacke, Monika (ur.): Mythen der Nationen. 1945 - Arena der Er- nern. Die Auseinandersetzung mit Holocaust und Völker- innerung, Mainz, 2004, str. 835. mord [Remembering Crimes. Dealing with Holocaust and Genocide], München, 2002. 19 Seewann/Kovács, Halbherzige Vergangenheitsbewältigung, 21 str. 197. See the catalogue of the museum: László Karsai/Gábor Kádàr/ Zoltán Vági, From Deprivation of Rights to Genocide. To the Mem- 20 Regina Fritz, Gespaltene Erinnerung. Museale Darstellungen ory of the Victims of the Hungarian Holocaust, Budapest, 2006.

109 postavka 2006. godine, muzej je postao The memory of the town of Budapest is in- mesto za ono što direktor Memorijala structive insomuch as it is the only example Buhenvald Volkard Knige [Volkhard Knig- known to the author in which such antithet- ge] naziva “negativno sećanje”: sećanje na ic narratives of the past manifest themselves dela koja je počinio a ne pretrpeo sopstve- in large memorial museums of the same city. ni kolektiv.21 Muzej se samokritički bavi mađarskom tradicijom antisemitizma, Case study II: naročito tokom režima Hortija [Horty] Jasenovac Memorial Museum, Croatia (1920-1944), odgovornošću mađarskih In our Croatian case study, there is no žandarma za deportacije mađarskih memorial museum representing the na- Jevreja i masovna ubijanja Roma.22 tionalist narrative. This can probably be explained by the fact that the largest new Sećanje grada Budimpešte je tako poučno lieu de mémoire is situated outside the jer je jedini primer poznat autorki gde country, in Bleiburg, the site of the “Croa- se narativi o prošlosti toliko antitetički tian tragedy” or the “Croatian Holocaust”, manifestuju u velikim memorijalnim as it was called during the revisionist era muzejima u jednom gradu. of president Franjo Tuđman (1990-1999).

Studija slučaja II: Revisionism concerning the collaboration- Memorijalni muzej Jasenovac, Hrvatska ist regime was most striking in Croatia U našoj drugoj studiji slučaja, ne po- after 1990, during which time the Nazi stoji memorijalni muzej koji predstavlja puppet “Independent State of Croatia” (Ne- nacionalistički narativ u Hrvatskoj, što zavisna Država Hrvatska–NDH) was de- se verovatno može objasniti činjenicom scribed as a “milestone” on the way to Cro- da se najveći novi lieu de mémoire nalazi atia’s independence. The Ustascha-regime van zemlje, u Blajburgu, mestu “hrvatske came to power with the asset stripping of tragedije” ili “hrvatskog holokausta”, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in April 1941 kako su ga uglavnom nazivali za vreme and had already begun operating death revizionističkog doba predsednika Franje camps in the summer of that same year. Tuđmana (1990-1999). The largest of them was Jasenovac, a labor and death camp complex in which around Revizionizam u vezi sa kolaboracionisti- 100.000 people were killed – around half čkim režimom je bio najupadljiviji u of them Serbs, as well as Jews, Roma and Croatian political detainees.22 des Holocaust in Ungarn [Podeljeno sećanje. Muzejsko otelov- ljenje holokausta u Mađarskoj], u: Regina Fritz/Carola Sachse/ Edgar Wolfrum (ur.), Postdiktatorische Gesellschaften in Europa, After Tuđman’s death at the end of 1999, Göttingen, 2008. a coalition under the leadership of the so- 21 Videti Volkhard Knigge/Norbert Frei (ur.), Verbrechen erinnern. Die Auseinandersetzung mit Holocaust und Völkermord cial democrats won the elections. During [Sećanje na zločine. Suočavanje sa holokaustom i genocidom], München, 2002. 22 Videti katalog muzeja: László Karsai/Gábor Kádàr/Zoltán 22 See Nataša Mataušić, Jasenovac 1941.-1945.: logor smrti Vági, From Deprivation of Rights to Genocide. To the Memory i radni logor [Jasenovac 1941-1945: A Death- and Labour of the Victims of the Hungarian Holocaust [Od uskraćivanja Camp], Jasenovac – Zagreb, 2003; Igor Graovac/Dragan prava do genocida. U spomen na žrtve mađarskog holokausta], Cvetković, Ljudski gubici Hrvatske 1941.–1945. godine: Pi Budapest, 2006. tanja, primjeri, rezultati…, Zagreb, 2005.

110 Hrvatskoj nakon 1990. godine, kada the process of democratization, especially se nacistička marionetska “Nezavisna the cutting back of the competences of Država Hrvatska-NDH” smatrala “prekret- the president and the introduction of effi- nicom” na putu Hrvatske ka nezavisnosti, cient checks and balances, the manner in kako je to rekao njen predsednik Franjo which the past was dealt with in Croatia Tuđman. Ustaški režim je došao na vlast also changed. In 2003 Tuđman’s former uz pljačku imovine Kraljevine Jugoslavije party, the HDZ, once again won the elec- u aprilu 1941. godine, i već u leto iste tions. Prime Minister Ivo Sanader, who godine počeli su s radom logori smrti. resigned in 2009, was known as a Europe- Najveći od njih bio je Jasenovac, kom- oriented statesman who broke with the pleks radnog logora i logora smrti, gde revisionist ideas of his predecessor. At the je bilo ubijeno oko 100.000 ljudi, oko 2005 commemoration at the Jasenovac polovina njih Srbi, kao i Jevreji, Romi i Memorial, Sanader emphasized contempo- hrvatski politički zatvorenici.23 rary Croatia’s “commitment to anti-Fascist values”,23 but added that the “Homeland Nakon smrti Tuđmana krajem 1999. go- War” (1991-1995) was also fought against dine, na izborima je pobedila koalicija a form of fascism. During a 2005 visit to pod rukovodstvom socijaldemokrata. To- Yad Vashem, he similarly argued (corre- kom procesa demokratizacije, naročito sponding to standard I: Universalization of smanjivanjem nadležnosti predsednika the holocaust) that during the 1990s war, i uvođenjem delotvornih kontrola i the Croats were also victims of the same protivteža, u Hrvatskoj se takođe pro- kind of evil as Nazism and Fascism and menio način suočavanja s prošlošću. that no one knew better than the Croats Godine 2003, nekadašnja Tuđmanova what it meant to be a victim of aggression stranka, HDZ, je ponovo pobedila na iz- and crime.24 The Holocaust History Museum borima. Premijer Ivo Sanader, koji je further inspired Sanader to think about a podneo ostavku 2009. godine, bio je Museum of the Homeland War, as he told poznat kao evropski orijentisan državnik journalists after his visit.25 What makes the koji je raskinuo sa revizionističkim ide- episode so telling is that these statements jama svog prethodnika. Na komemoraci- were not followed by any protests. ji u Spomen-području Jasenovac 2005. godine, on je istakao da je savremena The shift away from historical revisionism, Hrvatska “posvećena antifašističkim which minimizes the victims of the Ustas- vrednostima”,24 ali je dodao da je i cha-state in the Tuđman-era, to a new view “Domovinski rat” (1991-1995) takođe that recognizes the Holocaust but presents vođen protiv jedne vrste fašizma. Za

23 Premier Sanader’s speech at the commemoration in 23 Videti Nataša Mataušić, Jasenovac 1941.-1945.: logor smrti Jasenovac memorial 2005, http://www.vlada.hr/default.as i radni logor, Jasenovac – Zagreb, 2003; Igor Graovac/Dragan p?ru=345&gl=200505020000004&sid=&jezik=2 (accessed Cvetković, Ljudski gubici Hrvatske 1941.–1945. godine: Pitanja, March 6, 2007). primjeri, rezultati…, Zagreb, 2005. 24 See Premier Sanader’s speech at the commemora- 24 Govor premijera Sanadera na komemoraciji u Spomen- tion in Yad Vashem 2005, http://www.vlada.hr/default. području Jasenovac 2005. godine, http://www.vlada.hr/default. asp?gl=200506280000018 (accessed March 6, 2007). asp?ru=345&gl=200505020000004&sid=&jezik=2 (posećeno 6. marta 2007.). 25 See Vjesnik, 29 June 2005.

111 vreme posete Jad Vašemu 2005. godine, Croats as victims of Fascism, this time of on je slično tome tvrdio (u skladu sa stan- “Serbian Fascism”, shows the problematic dardom I: univerzalizacija holokausta) nature of the “universalization of the hoda su tokom rata 1990-tih godina Hrvati locaust”. The Croatian case illustrates that takođe bili žrtve iste vrste zla kao što su the Holocaust is increasingly becoming a nacizam i fašizam, i da niko ne zna bolje “container” for the memory of different vic- od Hrvata šta znači biti žrtva agresije i tims, a development which obviously can- zločina.25 Muzej istorije holokausta je do- not be diagnosed as positively as Levy and datno inspirisao Sanadera da razmišlja o Sznaider do: seeing one’s own nation as the Muzeju Domovinskog rata, kako je rekao “new Jews” prevents a critical approach to novinarima nakon svoje posete.26 Ono one’s own crimes in World War II as well as što ovu epizodu čini tako indikativnom in the war of the Nineties. je to što ove izjave nisu bile propraćene nikakvim protestima. The most striking example of the problematic aspects of the “Europeanization of the Ovaj pomak od istorijskog revizionizma, Holocaust” (corresponding to standard II), koji u Tuđmanovo doba umanjuje žrtve is the new exhibition at the state-funded ustaške države, ka novom stanovištu koje Jasenovac Memorial Museum which, fol- priznaje holokaust ali predstavlja Hrvate lowing prolonged debates, was inaugurated kao žrtve fašizma, ovog puta “srpskog at the end of 2006. The main progressive de- fašizma”, pokazuje problematičnu prirodu velopment of the exhibition seems to be the “univerzalizacije holokausta“. Hrvatski acknowledgment of the fact that the Shoa slučaj ilustruje da holokaust sve više post- had happened in Croatia. At the same time, aje “skladište” za sećanje na različite žrtve, it is stressed that the extermination of the što je razvoj koji se naravno ne može di- Croatian Jews must be seen in the broader jagnostikovati pozitivno kako to čine Levi context of the Holocaust, while the fact that i Šnajder: viđenje sopstvenog naroda kao most collaborating regimes did not operate “novih Jevreja” onemogućava kritički prist- death camps on their own like the Ustascha up sopstvenim zločinima u Drugom svets- did, fails to be mentioned. It is this emphasis kom ratu, kao i u ratnim sukobima tokom on the Holocaust, which corresponds with devedesetih godina XX veka. international standards of commemorat- ing and exhibiting World War II, that makes Najupečatljiviji primer problematičnih as- the problematic of a dehistorised identity- pekata “evropeizacije holokausta” (u skladu creating memory so obvious: while focusing sa standardom II) je nova izložbena post- on the Holocaust, the genocide against the avka u Memorijalnom muzeju Jasenovac Serbs (by far the largest victim group) and koji finansira država, i koja je nakon dugih the Roma is marginalized. debata otvorena krajem 2006. godine. Iz- The director, Nataša Jovičić, defended

25 Videti govor premijera Sanadera na komemoraciji u the exhibition by saying that it had been Jad Vašemu 2005. godine, http://www.vlada.hr/default. asp?gl=200506280000018 (posećeno 6. marta 2007.) conceptualized together with interna- 26 Videti Vjesnik, 29. jun 2005. tional experts because she wanted it to

112 gleda da je glavni napredak nove postavke be “internationally recognizable and in priznanje činjenice da se holokaust dogo- the context of international standards”.26 dio u Hrvatskoj. Istovremeno je istaknuto Yet these experts only came from institu- da se istrebljenje hrvatskih Jevreja mora tions concerned with the Holocaust like posmatrati u širem kontekstu holokausta, the US Holocaust memorial museum, the dok se ne spominje činjenica da većina Anne-Frank-House or Yad Vashem. Pre- kolaboracionističkih režima nije samo- suming that those experts were aware stalno upravljala logorima smrti kao što of the particular situation in Jasenovac, su to radili ustaše. Upravo ovo stavljanje where mostly Serbs had been killed, one naglaska na holokaust, koje se podudara can suppose that the problem lies some- sa međunarodnim standardima komemo- where else: that the Croatian curators did risanja i prikazivanja Drugog svetskog not base themselves on memorial muse- rata, jasno pokazuje problematiku deis- ums at the sites of former concentration torizovanog sećanja stvaranja identiteta: camps in Germany or the Generalgouver- dok se fokus stavlja na holokaust, margin- nement, which try to show the complex alizuje se genocid nad Srbima (nesumn- character and daily routine of a concen- jivo najvećom grupom žrtava) i Romima. tration camp, but on other institutions. “Like at the Anne Frank House” Jovičić Direktorka Nataša Jovičić branila je wants to “tell a tragic life story with the izložbenu postavku govoreći da ju je help of a few objects”.27 osmislila zajedno sa međunarodnim stručnjacima, zato što je želela da bude Of course it is understandable that the “međunarodno prepoznatljiva i u kon- current focus on individual victim stories tekstu međunarodnih standarda”.27 Pa is dominant at the Anne-Frank-House. But ipak, ovi stručnjaci su dolazili samo iz in Jasenovac, a hypermodern exhibition institucija koje se bave holokaustom kao uses new media in order to spotlight only što je Američki Memorijalni muzej ho- single victim stories, as is described in an lokausta, Kuća Ane Frank ili Jad Vašem. article in the state-owned daily Vjesnik: Pod pretpostavkom da su ti stručnjaci “Even more thoroughly than the Holocaust bili svesni posebne situacije u Jasenovcu, Memorial Museum in Washington and the gde su Srbi bili ubijani u najvećem bro- Anne Frank House in the Netherlands, the ju, može se pretpostaviti da je problem director of the Jasenovac Memorial, the u nečemu drugom: hrvatski kustosi se art historian Nataša Jovičić, decided to de- nisu orijentisali na memorijalne muzeje vote the whole new museum exhibition na lokacijama nekadašnjih koncentra- (in preparation) to the victims“.28 Referring cionih logora u Nemačkoj ili u Gener- directly to the “illustration of the execu- algouvernmentu, koji nastoje da pokažu tioner and the victim in world museology”, kompleksnu prirodu i svakodnevnu ru- Jovičić planned, not to show anonymous tinu koncentracionih logora, već na druge institucije. “Kao u Kući Ane Frank”, 26 Vjesnik, 14 February 2004. 27 Vjesnik, 24 May 2004. 27 Vjesnik, 14. februar 2004. 28 Vjesnik, 7 March 2004.

113 Jovičić želi da “ispriča tragičnu životnu death bodies and killing weapons as it was priču uz pomoć nekoliko predmeta”.28 done before but, to make Jasenovac a “site of life” and of an affirmative message. She Naravno, razumljivo je što je u Kući Ane bonds together the legitimate critic of the Frank dominantno fokusiranje na priče shock-aesthetic on the one hand while try- pojedinačnih žrtava. Ali ova hipermod- ing to make sense of the events by “sending erna izložba u Jasenovcu koristi i nove a message of light to the site of crime” on medije kako bi se u središte pažnje stavile the other hand.29 samo priče pojedinačnih žrtava, kao što je opisano u jednom članku u državnim Critics have also faulted the Jasenovac novinama Vjesnik: “ Čak i prodornije exhibition, for not showing who the per- od Memorijalnog muzeja holokausta u petrators were, which nation had the big- Washingtonu i kuće Anne Frank u Nizo- gest losses and how people were killed in zemskoj, ravnateljica Spomen područja Jasenovac – the “manufacture of death”, as Jasenovac – povjesničarka umjetnosti it is sometimes called by scholars.30 After a i obrazovanja Nataša Jovičić, odlučila je long debate, some brute killing instruments, čitav novi muzejski postav (u pripremi) knives and mallets, were added to the exhi- posvetiti – žrtvama“.29 Pozivajući se di- bition as well as the nationality and age of rektno na ilustrovanje dželata i žrtve u the victims, in order to show that not only svetskoj muzeologiji, ona je planirala da political prisoners were killed there, as was ne pokaže anonimna mrtva tela i oružja often claimed during the 1990s. ubijanja kao što je to ranije rađeno, već da učini Jasenovac “mestom života” i afir- Since the director understands the memo- mativne poruke. Ona s jedne strane spaja rial to be a “modern and dynamic human legitimnu kritiku estetike šoka, a s druge rights center”,31 the educational center fur- strane pokušava da pronađe neki smisao thermore presents the Holocaust primarily u tim događajima slanjem poruke svet- as a moral lesson, reproducing the domi- losti na mesto zločina.30 nant dehistorised understanding of it, in a way it could be done anywhere else out- Međutim, kritičari su takođe prigovorili no- side the camp area. This again should be vom izložbenom konceptu zbog toga što ne viewed as an example for the problematic pokazuje ko su bili počinioci, koji narod je consequences of the Universalization of pretrpeo najveće gubitke i na koji su način the Holocaust, which obviously cannot be ljudi bili ubijani u Jasenovcu – “manufaktu- seen as positively as Levy and Sznaider do. ri smrti”, kako ga nazivaju neki teoretičari.31 Furthermore, the exhibition does not inte- Nakon duge debate, postavci su dodati neki grate or address the historical site of the brutalni instrumenti za ubijanje, noževi i concentration camp around it in any way – an educational path has been planned for

28 Vjesnik, 24. maj 2004. 29 Vjesnik, 7. mart 2004. 29 Vjesnik, 7 March 2004. 30 Vjesnik, 7. mart 2004. 30 See Novi list, 24 January 2006 and 29 January 2006. 31 Videti Novi list, 24. januar 2006. i 29. januar 2006. 31 See Vjesnik, 27 February 2004.

114 maljevi, kao i nacionalnost i starost žrtava, several years but to this day nothing has kako bi se pokazalo da tu nisu bili ubijani yet happened. The only illustration of the samo politički zatvorenici, kako se često barracks, which are symbolized by hills, tvrdilo tokom 1990-tih godina. dates back to the sixties, when the famous architect Bogdan Bogdanović designed the Budući da direktorka shvata spomen- memorial area and built the flower-monu- područje kao “moderan i dinamičan cen- ment. An interview with the director and tar za ljudska prava”,32 štaviše, edukativni a scientific advisor of the US Holocaust centar prikazuje holokaust prvenstveno Memorial Museum, Diana Saltzman and kao moralnu pouku, reprodukujući domi- Arthur Berger, indicates that international nantno deistorizovano shvatanje holo- experts32 seem to have welcomed the ex- kausta na način na koji bi se to moglo hibition’s concept as enthusiastically as uraditi bilo gde drugde izvan područja Jovičić had claimed.33As a result, one can logora (što je primer za problematične either reason that most of the problemat- posledice univerzalizacije holokausta). To ics associated with the primal concept of se naravno ne može smatrati pozitivnim the exhibition have been solved, or that the kako to vide Levi i Šnajder. Izložba takođe “universalization of the holocaust” aims ne integriše istorijsku lokaciju oko kon- only at a symbolic acknowledgment of the centracionog logora, niti se njome bavi na Shoa in order to open future perspectives of bilo koji način – već godinama je u planu a global human rights discourse. edukativna staza, ali do danas ništa nije urađeno. Jedina ilustracija baraka, koje However, what Reinhart Kosellek stressed simbolizuju brda, datira iz šezdesetih for Germany, stands also for Croatia: both godina XX veka, kada je čuveni arhi- cannot only commemorate the victims, but tekta Bogdan Bogdanović isprojektovao must also or even first of all remember the spomen-područje i izgradio spome- perpetrators.34 In the Croatian case there nik “Cvet”. Čini se da su međunarodni cannot be an exhibition (supported by in- stručnjaci pozdravili koncept izložbene ternational experts and meeting interna- postavke, možda čak sa entuzijazmom tional aesthetic standards) concentrating kako je to naglasila Jovičić nebrojeno on the (Jewish) victims in a country and a puta,33 na šta ukazuje intervju sa direk- region in which the engagement with one’s torkom i naučnim savetnikom Američkog own crimes, the “negative memory”, has Memorijalnog muzeja holokausta, Daja- not yet come very far. nom Salcman i Arturom Bergerom [Di- ana Saltzman, Arthur Berger].34 Dakle, Concerning standard III, the equalization of ili možemo da prosudimo da je većina the Holocaust with the communist crimes, problema prvobitnog koncepta izložbene postavke rešena, ili da “univerzalizacija 32 See Novi list, 2 December 2006. 33 See Vjesnik, 24 May 2004.

34 32 See Reinhart Koselleck, Formen und Traditionen des ne- Videti Vjesnik, 27. februar 2004. gativen Gedächtnisses [Forms and Traditions of Negative 33 Videti Vjesnik, 24. maj 2004. Memory], in: Volkhard Knigge/Norbert Frei (ed.), Verbrechen erinnern. Die Auseinandersetzung mit Holocaust und Völ- 34 Videti Novi list, 2. decembar 2006. kermord, München, 2002.

115 holokausta” ima za cilj samo simbolično it is important to note that all members priznavanje Šoe kako bi se otvorile of the former governing party until 2011, buduće perspektive globalnog diskursa o the HDZ, now led by Jadranka Kosor, kept ljudskim pravima. condemning “both totalitarianisms”, “the black and the red one” during every single Međutim, ono što je Rajnhart Koselek commemoration at the site of the former [Reinhart Kosellek] naglasio kada je u concentration camp Jasenovac.35 This pitanju Nemačka, važi i za Hrvatsku: mantra-like equalization corresponds to ni jedna ni druga ne mogu samo da European trends perfectly but still needs slave uspomenu na žrtve, već mora- to be criticized, last, but not least because ju takođe, ili čak pre svega, da se sete it was the partisans and later commander počinilaca.35 U slučaju Hrvatske, ne Tito, who forced the Ustascha to liquidate može da postoji izložba (koju podržavaju the camp a few days before the end of međunarodni stručnjaci i koja zadovol- World War II. java međunarodne estetske standarde) koja je usredsređena na (jevrejske) žrtve, Conclusion u zemlji i regionu gde hvatanje u koštac Upon returning to the pictures of the me- sa sopstvenim zločinima, “negativno morial museums in Budapest and Jaseno- sećanje”, još nije daleko odmaklo. vac, we can now conclude the following:

Uzimajući u obzir standard III, izjedna- 1) There exists some kind of European čavanje holokausta sa zločinima komu- memory standards, since both mu- nista, možemo dodati da su svi članovi seums are constructed following the do 2011. vladajuće stranke HDZ-a, na same principals. čijem je čelu bila Jadranka Kosor, neprestano osuđivali “oba totalitarizma”, “crni 2) The standards for establishing such i crveni”, tokom svake komemoracije na museums are developed further to the lokaciji nekadašnjeg koncentracionog west, the US being the aesthetic role logora Jasenovac.36 Ovo, poput mantre model and Germany the center of the ponavljano, izjednačavanje savršeno od- “Europeanization of the Holocaust”. govara evropskim tokovima, ali ga ipak Thus, while Hungary and Croatia are treba kritikovati, naposletku i zbog toga not the center of this Europeanization, što su upravo partizani i kasnije Titovi ko- neither do they constitute the periphery, munisti bili oni koji su primorali ustaše since in contrast to countries like Bul- da likvidiraju logor nekoliko dana pre garia, Romania and Western Ukraine, završetka Drugog svetskog rata. we find the presence of state-funded memorial museums. In short, it is not membership in the EU that determines

35 Videti Reinhart Koselleck, Formen und Traditionen des nega- the distance from the center. tiven Gedächtnisses [Forms and Traditions of Negative Memory], u: Volkhard Knigge/Norbert Frei (ur.), Verbrechen erinnern. Die Au- seinandersetzung mit Holocaust und Völkermord, München, 2002. 36 Videti Novi list, 26. april 1999.; Vjesnik, 17. mart 2004.; Vje- 35 See Novi list, 26 April 1999; Vjesnik, 17 March 2004; Vjes- snik, 28. novembar 2006.; Novi list, 21. april 2008. nik, 28 November 2006; Novi list, 21 April 2008.

116 Zaključak 3) It is problematic that the two mu- Kada se vratimo na slike memorijal- seums are so similar: Jasenovac is not, nih muzeja u Budimpešti i Jasenovcu, or is at least not supposed to be, a Ho- možemo reći sledeće: locaust Memorial Museum, since Serbs were the main victim group there. It 1) Očigledno postoji neka vrsta evrop- should thus be regarded as a conse- skih standarda sećanja, s obzirom da quence of the “universalization of the su ova dva muzeja izgrađena prema Holocaust” that such a dehistorized istim principima. memorial, concentrating on the individual victim while alluding to symbols 2) Standardi za osnivanje takvih from Shoa memory, is put in practice muzeja su definitivno razvijeni na za- at the site of a concentration camp in padu, s tim što su SAD estetski uzor general, and this camp – one of the a Nemačka centar “evropeizacije holo- rare examples of a death camp in Eu- kausta”. Prema tome, iako Mađarska i rope that was not operated by the Third Hrvatska nisu centar ove evropeizaci- Reich and in which Serbs were the larg- je, one ne predstavljaju ni periferiju, est victim group – in particular. jer za razliku od zemalja kao što su Bugarska, Rumunija i zapadna Ukra- Nevertheless, assessing the effects of the jina, tamo barem postoje memorijalni “Europeanization of the Holocaust” as ambiv- muzeji koje finansira država. Ukratko, alent also means seeing its positive effects, nije članstvo u Evropskoj uniji ono što especially in the post-communist states. određuje udaljenost od centra. Once Hungary had a Holocaust Memorial Center, it facilitated educational programs 3) Problematično je to što su ova dva and opposed the revisionist narrative offered muzeja tako slična: Jasenovac nije, ili at the House of Terror. In order to meet these barem ne bi trebalo da bude, memo- unofficial European standards, Croatia also rijalni muzej holokausta, jer su tamo opened an exhibition in which at least the Srbi bili najveća grupa žrtava. Zbog overwhelming mass of the names of the vic- “univerzalizacije holokausta“ je takvo tims is literally hovering above the heads of deistorizovano spomen-područje koje the visitors written on glass boards. je usredsređeno na pojedinačne žrtve (a aludirajući pre svega na simbole iz The country had to confront its past more sećanja na Šou) uopšte moguće na lo- actively than its neighbor states because kaciji jednog koncentracionog logora, a of its role in World War II and the revi- posebno na mestu ovog koncentracionog sionist Tuđman-era, in order to come logora, jednog od retkih primera logora closer to its integration in the European smrti u Evropi (koji je postojao četiri go- (memory) community. Still, the “univer- dine) kojim nije upravljao Treći rajh. salization” and “Europeanization” of the Holocaust enable new victim-narratives Ipak, procena posledica “evropeizacije ho- compatible with these “European stan- lokausta” kao ambivalentnih takođe podra- dards”. So, if the often-invoked “interna-

117 zumeva uviđanje njenih pozitivnih efekata, tional community” would stop recycling naročito u postkomunističkim zemljama. images from World War II, instead of con- Kada je Mađarska dobila Memorijalni cen- demning each of the crimes for what they tar holokausta, to je omogućilo edukativne are, this would certainly aid confronting programe i osporilo revizionistički narativ the wars in the Nineties. Otherwise the dat u Kući terora. Kako bi zadovoljila ove need to identify all victims of different nezvanične evropske standarde, Hrvatska horrible crimes with the Jews, might je takođe otvorila izložbenu postavku u never lose the aftertaste of a mechanism kojoj barem ogroman broj imena žrtava which Theodor W. Adorno called Schuld- ispisanih na staklenim pločama bukvalno und Erinnerungsabwehr – a pathological lebdi nad glavama posetilaca. defense of guilt and memory.36

Hrvatska je morala da se suoči sa svojom The effort to create a European memory prošlošću aktivnije nego njene susedne culture can go into two directions. On the države zbog njene uloge u Drugom svets- one hand, there are plans to establish a kom ratu i revizionističkog Tuđmanovog museum of European history in Brussels, doba, da bi se približila integraciji u ev- as well as to introduce a European history ropsku zajednicu (sećanja). Pa ipak, “uni- textbook. This leads us to the question of verzalizacija” i “evropeizacija” holokausta whether codifying one history on a Euro- omogućavaju nove narative o žrtvama koji pean level does not bring about the same su kompatibilni sa ovim “evropskim stan- dangers as national history narratives. In dardima”. Dakle, ako bi “međunarodna za- order to construct a common identity, a jednica” prestala da reciklira slike iz Drugog minimal consensus concerning the canon svetskog rata umesto da osuđuje svaki od of history is achieved, which is bearable zločina zbog onoga što jeste, to bi svaka- for those with a right to a say. This con- ko pomoglo u suočavanju sa nedavnom sequently leads to fading out memories of prošlošću ratnih sukoba tokom devedesetih certain ethnic groups and social stratums godina. U suprotnom, potreba da se iden- (although it could bear a chance for Roma tifikuju sve žrtve raznih stravičnih zločina memory, which probably would have no sa Jevrejima možda će uvek ostavljati loš other chance to be represented). Still, it utisak mehanizma koji je Teodor Adorno remains indispensable to avoid such exclu- [Theodor W. Adorno] nazvao Schuld-und sion mechanisms and hierarchies of vic- Erinnerungsabwehr – patološko odbijanje tims, which could lead to worsening of the krivice i sećanja.37 antagonisms between “East” and “West”.

Nastojanje da se stvori evropska kultura Another strategy could start by trying to sećanja može poći u dva pravca. S jedne learn more about each other’s history and strane, postoje planovi da se osnuje muzej sufferings in the 20th century, without the

37 Theodor W. Adorno, Schuld und Abwehr. Eine qualitative 36 Theodor W. Adorno, Schuld und Abwehr. Eine qualita- Analyse zum Gruppenexperiment [Krivica i odbrana. Kvalita- tive Analyse zum Gruppenexperiment [Guilt and Defense. A tivna analiza grupnog eksperimenta], u: Soziologische Schriften Qualitative Analysis of the Group Experiment], in: Soziolo- II, Frankfurt am Main, 1997. gische Schriften II, Frankfurt am Main, 1997.

118 istorije Evrope u Briselu, a uvode se i equalization of victim stories (with the Holo- udžbenici iz istorije Evrope. To nas dovodi caust) or the creation of hierarchies between do pitanja da li kodifikovanje jedne isto- victims. A “European memory culture”, could rije na evropskom nivou ne donosi iste thus mean a self-critical examination of opasnosti kao narativi nacionalne istorije: one’s own country’s past – oriented on shared da bi se izgradio zajednički identitet, os- European norms: a deliberate stand-off from tvaruje se minimalni konsenzus u pogle- traditional nationalism, a standardization of du kanona istorije, podnošljivog za one practices and self-critical political positions, koji imaju pravo na reč. Ovo posledično not understood as a leveling of historical- dovodi do postepenog iščezavanja sećanja cultural matters. One can say that such a određenih etničkih grupa i društvenih “post-nationalist” base setting, has already slojeva (mada može dati šansu sećanjima become an informal pre-condition for joining Roma koja inače verovatno ne bi imala the EU37 – at least when we look at symbolic neku drugu priliku da budu zastupljena). acts, not at concrete questions like compen- Ipak, i dalje je neophodno da se izbegavaju sations and settlement funds. takvi mehanizmi isključivanja i hijerarhije žrtava, što može dovesti do pogoršavanja antagonizama između “Istoka” i “Zapada”.

Jedna druga strategija bi mogla da počne od pokušaja da se više sazna o istoriji drugih i stradanjima u XX veku, bez izjednačavanja priča o žrtvama (sa holokaustom) i hijer- arhija između žrtava. Tako bi “evropska kultura sećanja” mogla da znači samokritičko preispitivanje prošlosti sopstvene zemlje – orijentisano na zajedničke evropske norme: promišljeno držanje po strani od tradi- cionalnog nacionalizma, standardizacija praksi i samokritička politička pozicija, bez izjednačavanja istorijsko-kulturnih pitanja. Može se reći da je takva “postnacionalistička” bazična postavka već postala neformalni preduslov za pridruživanje Evropskoj uni- ji38– barem kada posmatramo simbolične postupke a ne konkretna pitanja kao što su kompenzacije i fondovi za restituciju.

38 Videti Jan-Werner Müller, Europäische Erinnerungspolitik Re- 37 See Jan-Werner Müller, Europäische Erinnerungspolitik Revis- visited, u: Tr@nsit 2007, http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2007- ited, in: Tr@nsit 2007, http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2007- 10-18-jwmuller-de.html (posećeno 16. maja 2010.) 10-18-jwmuller-de.html (accessed May 16, 2010).

119 Preobražaji trga Slavija u Beogradu: istorija, sećanje i konstrukcija identiteta Transformations of the Slavija Square in Belgrade: History, Memory and Construction of Identity

PROF. DR Aleksandar Ignjatović Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade University DR Olga Manojlović Pintar Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije Institute for Recent History of Serbia

Preveo sa srpskog Translated from Serbian by Daniel Kostić

Urbana memorija predstavlja sastavni Urban memory is an inherent part of the deo procesa utvrđivanja sistema vred- process of establishing a system of values in nosti u društvu i konstruisanja kolek- a society and of constructing collective iden- tivnih identiteta. Kreiraju je mesta tities. It is created by places of memory that sećanja, koja upisana u topografiju are inscribed in a city’s topography. These grada stvaraju okvir unutar koga poje- places create a framework within which the dinac uspostavlja odnos sa grupom, za- individual establishes a relationship to the jednicom, odnosno društvom kome pri- group, community or society she or he be- pada, ili od kojih se distancira. Analiza longs to, or which she or he distances her- slojevitosti različitih nanosa memorije self/himself from. The analysis of the layers koji se zadržavaju nezavisno od institu- created by different deposits of memory - re- cionalnog i organizovanog promovisan- tained independently from the institutional ja određenih sistema znakova, otvara and organized promotion of certain sign sys- prostor za razumevanje “simboličke tems, opens up a space for understanding a istorije” i preko nje stvarnosti koja epi- “symbolic history”, and to that effect a reality zode prošlost pamti, izmišlja, odnosno which is remembered, imagined or forgotten (svesno ili ne) zaboravlja. (whether consciously or not).

U topografiji Beograda centralnu grad- In the topography of Belgrade, the city’s sku osovinu kreiraju tačke Trg Republi- central axis is created by the points Trg ke – Terazije – Slavija. Oko njih je struk- Republike, Terazije and Slavija. The city is

120 tuiran grad čije je širenje obeleženo us- structured around them and its expansion ponima i padovima – spontanim, neret- is marked by their ups and downs; processes ko haotičnim procesima, osmišljenim which are spontaneous and often very cha- urbanističkim poduhvatima, ali i bro- otic and which are characterised by urban jnim razaranjima. Iako se iz ptičije enterprises and numerous destructions. perspektive pomenuti trgovi jasno From a bird’s eye view, these three squares izdvajaju po svom položaju u gradu, clearly stand out by their position in the sa promenom perspektive i analizom city. However, with a slight change of per- njihove strukture i sadržaja, utisak spective and through the analysis of their se menja. Glavni toposi Beograda iz- structure and content, this initial impres- gledaju kao nezaokružena, nedovršena sion changes. Belgrade’s main topoi look like mesta — kao mesta zastoja. Čini se da places that were never rounded-off or fin- su oni u procesu entropije i pored bro- ished - locations that were maintained in a jnih intervencija i dinamičnih promena. state of stagnation. It seems as if they have remained in a process of entropy, despite Savremeno stanje ne implicira, međutim, the numerous interventions and dynamic zaključak da su prostorna ili fizička ne- changes that they have undergone. dovršenost ovih trgova konstante. Ne- dovršenost se u nekim drugim periodima Current conditions do not necessarily imply mogla čitati kao deo procesa izgradnje, that the spatial or physical incompleteness of postepene urbanizacije i konstituisanja these squares are constants. In earlier phases, društvenih vrednosti. Danas je, međutim, incompleteness was interpreted as part of a upravo pomenuta mesta moguće sagleda- building process, an inevitable facet of gradual ti kao paradigme vremena i društva, i nji- urbanisation and the establishment of social hovog nejasnog odnosa prema prošlosti i, values. Today however, it is possible to look at konsekventno, prema recentnim sistemi- these places as paradigms of time and society, ma društvenih vrednosti. Tokom posled- with an unclear relation toward the past and nje decenije je, istina, otvoren prostor za consequently towards accepted social values. diskutovanje dubioznih i problematičnih It is fair to say that during the last decade mesta neželjenih sećanja, ali je istovre- a space has opened up for the discussion of meno propuštena prilika da se na nov questionable and problematic places and as način pročitaju stari simboli. Dijalog sa a result, of unwanted memories. However at neželjenim istorijskim nasleđem je ostao the same time, an opportunity has also been na margini javnog prostora, ne uspevajući missed to read these old symbols in a new da proizvede nove simbole. Stoga je na way. The dialogue regarding unwanted his- primeru trga Slavija posebno intrigantno torical heritage has remained on the margins analizirati politiku sećanja i njihovo po- of public space, failing thus to produce the tiskivanje, preoznačavanje i supstituciju new symbols. Therefore, in the case of a loca- u javnom prostoru. tion like Slavija Square, it is very intriguing to analyze the politics of remembrance and its repression; the re-marking and substitution of public space.

121 *** ***

Uprkos činjenici da predstavlja urbanis- Despite the fact that it represents an urban tičku žižu grada,1 trg Slavija je u istoriji focal point of the city,1 Slavija Square has Beograda ostao paradigma nezavršenosti remained a paradigm of incompleteness and i marginalnosti. Nije problematična samo marginality in Belgrade’s history. Its physi- njegova fizička i prostorna nedovršenost, cal and spatial incompleteness are problem- odnosno razgrađenost koja postaje atic mainly due to the visible disintegration uočljivija u kontekstu urbanističkog i of this important urban and architectural arhitektonskog značaja tog prostora, kao milieu and additionally, due to issues as- ni njeni uzroci vezani za nerešene imov- sociated with unresolved property relations inske odnose i dubiozan proces denacio- and questionable denationalisation and res- nalizacije i restitutcije. Problematična titution processes. Its complex ideological je i njegova složena ideološka baština, heritage - the systems of values that were odnosno sistemi vrednosti koje je prostor implicit to the area over the course of his- konotirao u svojoj istoriji. Moglo bi se reći tory, have also proven quite complex and da je spletom tako kompleksnih odnosa fraught with problems. One might say that trg Slavija postao jedan od centralnih as a result of the combination of such in- označitelja tradicije koja je, sa više aspe- tricate relations, Slavija Square has become kata, danas postala nepoželjna. one of the central markers of a tradition that for many reasons can today be consid- Period nakon 2000. godine obeležio je ered as unwanted. niz organizovanih pokušaja konačog preobražavanja Slavije — u periodu so- The period following the turn of the 20th cijalizma preimenovane u Trg Dimitrija century, was marked by a series of organized Tucovića2 - kao mesta periferne, proskri- attempts to finalize Slavija’s transformation. bovane i nepoželjne tradicije. Funkcio- In earlier times, during the Socialist period, nalna, ali i vizuelna marginalnost grob- the square had been renamed as Dimitrije nice i spomenika Dimitrija Tucovića, Tucović2 Square, a place of peripheral, pro- nasuprot centralnom položaju samog

1 Although not necessarily a central symbolic place. On the unstable meaning of topos in the context of erecting monu- 1 Iako ne nužno i centralno simboličko mesto. O nestabilnom ments see: Antoine Prost, “Monuments to the Dead”, Pierre značenju urbanih toposa u kontekstu postavljanja spomenika vi- Nora (ed.), Realms of Memory: The Construction of the French deti: Antoine Prost, “Monuments to the Dead”, Pierre Nora (ed.), Past, vol. II (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), Realms of Memory: The Construction of the French Past, vol. II 307-330. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), 307-330. 2 In recent Belgrade history, Dimitrije Tucovic Square has 2 Trg Dimitrija Tucovića bio je u novijoj istoriji Beograda više been a theme of architectural and urban design projects that puta predmet arhitektonsko-urbanističkih projekata koji have envisaged its reconstruction. The most important of su predviđali njegovu rekonstrukciju. Najznačajniji od njih them was the project by the architect Bratislav Stojanovic bio je projekat arhitekte Bratislava Stojanovića iz 1951. go- in 1951, in which it was emphasized that this space must dine, u kome je naglašeno da ovaj prostor mora postati važan become an important traffic, cultural-historical and trad- saobraćajni, kulturno-istorijski i trgovački centar. Projekat je u ing center. The project had as its core the already installed težištu imao tada već postavljen memorijal Dimitrija Tucovića, a Dimitrije Tucovic memorial and it also included building the predvideo je da se izgradi i Dom Dimitrija Tucovića u kome bi se Dimitrije Tucovic Center which would house the Syndicate nalazile prostorije Doma sindikata, Saveza boraca Srbije, Saveza association, the Veteran Association, The Association of art kulturno-umetničkih društava Srbije, te bioskop i pozorište. Vi- and culture societies of Serbia, as well as a cinema and a deti: Bratislav Stojanović, “Trg Dimitrija Tucovića”, Tehnika, br. 6 theater. See: Bratislav Stojanović, “Trg Dimitrija Tucovića”, (1951), 329-338. Tehnika, br. 6 (1951), 329-338.

122 trga u urbanoj i memorijalnoj topografiji scribed and unwanted tradition. The func- Beograda, postali su presudni elementi u tional but visual marginality of Dimitrije preduzimanju niza institucionalnih akci- Tucović’s tomb and monument, as opposed ja kojima je pokušano redefinisanje ovog to the central location of the square in the prostora, kako u morfološkom i vizu- urban and memorial topography of Bel- elnom, funkcionalnom i saobraćajnom, grade, were key elements that were taken tako i u vrednosnom i simboličkom into consideration when it came to passing smislu. Pri tome su kao argumenti da a series of institutional actions aimed at re- se trg temeljito rekonstruiše navođeni defining the space in a morphological, visual estetsko-vizuelni, funkcionalni i, napo- and functional sense, as well as one which sletku, ideološki kriterijumi. Najpre je exemplified value and symbolism. The argu- problematično postalo samo ime trga, ments in favour of the square’s thorough koje je uklonjeno 2004. godine iz javnog reconstruction were constructed around a prostora na talasu sveobuhvatnog za- criteria that was aesthetic and functional, hvata preimenovanja centralnih ulica and finally ideological. i trgova u Beogradu,3 a potom je, kroz seriju instanci, u fokus dospeo i sam In 2004, in keeping with a trend that saw memorijal Dimitriju Tucoviću —grobni- many of Belgrade’s central streets and ca i nadgrobni spomenik, delo skulptora squares renamed,3 the appellative “Dimitri- Stevana Bodnarova, koji je postavljen je Tucović Square” was replaced. The focus na središte trga 1947. godine.4 Izmena subsequently shifted to the Tucović memo- naziva trga, fenomen naizgled bez šireg rial, a tomb and a tombstone that had been značaja koji, međutim, rečito oslikava created by the sculptor Stevan Bodnarov ideološke pozicije političkih elita na and placed in the middle of the square in vlasti, zapravo je predstavljala ključnu 1947.4 Re-baptizing the square, a phenom- i odlučujuću instancu putem koje je enon seemingly without wider importance, moguće opsežnije sagledati vrednova- vividly depicted the ideological positions of nje odnosa prema simboličkom kapitalu the political elites in power at that time. In trga Slavija. Belgrade, the move represented a key and decisive instance through which it became Preimenovanje naziva javnih pros- possible to form a more comprehensive tora, uključujući i imena trgova i ulica, view of the treatment of the symbolic capi- društvenih institucija i objekata, ne samo tal of Slavija Square. da konstituiše nove i redefiniše postojeće ili nekadašnje veze između prošlosti i Renaming public spaces, including the sadašnjosti, već predstavlja odlučujuće names of social institutions and build- važnu instancu u ideološkoj konstrukciji ings, constitutes not only a new present,

3 Videti zvaničnu internet prezentaciju grada Beograda: http:// 3 See the official Internet presentation of the city ofBel- www.beograd.rs/cms/view.php?id=1235 (pristup internet grade: http://www.beograd.rs/cms/view.php?id=1235 (last stranici: 23. 10. 2011). accessed: 23. 10. 2011). 4 Bratislav Stojanović, “Za spomenik Dimitriju Tucoviću”, Urban- 4 Branitlav Stojanović, “Za spomenik Dimitriju Tucoviću”, izam Beograda, br. 55 (1979), 53; idem, “Trg Dimitrija Tucovića”, Urbanizam Beograda, br. 55 (1979), 53; idem, “Trg Dimitrija Urbanizam Beograda, br. 66-67 (1982), 202. Tucovića”, Urbanizam Beograda, br. 66-67 (1982), 202.

123 urbanog prostora i utvrđivanju poželjnih in which the relations between past and granica i sadržaja kolektivnih identiteta. present are redefined along the way, but Istovremeno, ova ideološka konstruk- also a key instance in the ideological con- cija može postati sastavni deo procesa struction of urban space and in the estab- političke mobilizacije i ustanovljavanja lishment of desired limits and contents of simboličkih aspekata specifične političke collective identities. Simultaneously, this kulture. Trg Slavija je, kako će docnije ideological construction might become an biti prikazano, školski primer tih procesa. inherent part of political mobilization and Nova imena ulica i trgova koja su nakon the establishment of symbolic aspects of 2000. godine izmenila u velikoj meri a specific political culture. Slavija Square, simboličku i ideološku topografiju Beogra- as it will be shown, is a textbook exam- da, nesumnjivo predstavljaju “simboličke ple of these processes. The new names of spomenike” koji u velikoj meri utiču na the streets and squares, which after 2000 oblikovanje javne memorije i konstrui- significantly changed Belgrade’s symbolic sanje poželjnih društvenih identiteta.5 and ideological topography, undoubtedly Kako to ističe Daniel Milo, imena ulica i represent “symbolic monuments” which javnih prostora razumeju se kao konsti- significantly affect the shaping of public tutivni elementi “mesta sećanja” sa dve memory and the construction of desirable važne indicije: ta su mesta istovremeno social identities.5 As Daniel Milo points “manifestacije kolektivne memorije za- out, the names of streets and public spaces jednice” i, s druge strane, “vidljiv izraz are understood as constitutive elements of ozloglašenosti”.6 Uklanjanje starih i post- “places of remembering” with two impor- avljanje novih imena u javni prostor za- tant indications: these places are simulta- pravo uprostorava linije podela prema neously “manifestations of the collective poželjnim, prihvatljivim i nepoželjnim memory of the community”, and “a vis- vizijama zajednice uz pomoć simboličke ible expression of notoriety”.6 Removing prakse; nekadašnji junaci postaju nega- the old designations and introducing new tivne istorijske ličnosti i njihova se ime- ones to a public space, embodies the dina ceremonijalno uklanjaju ili — kako viding lines that are in accord with desir- se to često dešava u različitim kontek- able, acceptable and unwanted visions of stima — supstituišu novim nazivima. the community with the help of symbolic Pri tome se njihova pozicija pomera practice: former heroes become negative naniže, kako u fizičkom i temporalnom historical persons and their names are cer- smislu (pomeranjem table sa nazivom emonially removed or substituted. Their

5 O nazivima urbanih prostora kao “simboličkm spomenicima” 5 On names of urban spaces as “symbolic monuments” see: videti: Derek H. Alderman, “Place, Naming and the Interpreta- Derek H. Alderman, “Place, Naming and the Interpretation of tion of Cultural Landscapes”, Brian Graham and Peter Howard Cultural Landscapes”, Brian Graham and Peter Howard (eds.), (eds.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Heritage and Iden- The Ashgate Research Companion to Heritage and Identity tity (Aldershot: Asghate, 2008), 195-214; Maoz Azaryahu, “The (Aldershot: Asghate, 2008), 195-214; Maoz Azaryahu, “The Power of Commemorative Street Names”, Environment and Power of Commemorative Street Names”, Environment and Planning, Society and Space, vol. 14, no. 3 (1996), 311-330. Planning, Society and Space, vol. 14, no. 3 (1996), 311-330. 6 Daniel Milo, “Street Names”, Pierre Nora (ed.), Realms of Memo- 6 Daniel Milo, “Street Names”, Pierre Nora (ed.), Realms of ry: The Construction of the French Past, vol. II (New York: Colum- Memory: The Construction of the French Past, vol. II (New bia University Press, 1992), 365. York: Columbia University Press, 1992), 365.

124 ispod novopostavljenog imena), tako i u position is shifted downwards, both in a smislu hijerarhije društveno prihvaćenih physical and temporal sense as well as in vrednosti. Izmenom naziva ulica, kao regards to the hierarchy of socially accept- svojevrsnom simboličkom detronizaci- ed values. By changing the street names, jom, zajednica sankcioniše nov sistem as part of a symbolic “dethronement”, the vrednosti i rekonstituiše ontološko sop- community sanctions the new system of stvo. Stoga se topološka tranzicija od trga values and reconstitutes an ontological koji nosi ime Dimitrija Tucovića do trga selfhood. Thus, the topological transition Slavija može čitati kao sastavni deo sveo- of the square named “Dimitrije Tucović” to buhvatnijeg procesa ideološke tranzicije “Slavija Square” can be read as an inherent društva u Srbiji na početku XXI veka i part of the ideological transition of society uspostavljanja specifičnog sistema vred- in Serbia at the beginning of the 21st cen- nosti u čijoj se srži neprestano odvija re- tury. It can also be understood as a process interpretacija prošlosti i ponovno ispisiv- of establishing a specific system of values, anje istorije zajednice.7 the core of which consists of a continuous reinterpretation of the past and a rewriting Međutim, promena naziva imena trga of the community’s history.7 Slavija bila je tek inicijalna, iako ne i nevažna, instanca u simboličkom The changing of Slavija Square’s name was preoznačavanju ovog prostora. Kada only an initial, although not unimportant, su 2003. godine započele pripreme za instance in the symbolic re-marking of obeležavanje jubileja dvestogodišnjice this space. In 2003, when the preparations Prvog srpskog ustanka i “dva veka for celebrating the bicentenary of the First moderne srpske države”, raspisan je Serbian Uprising and “two centuries of a arhitektonsko-urbanistički konkurs koji modern Serbian state” began, an architec- je predvideo da se na prostoru trga po- tural and urban design competition for a digne spomen-obeležje Prvom srpskom memorial of the First Serbian Uprising was ustanku. Sastavni deo konkursnih uslova launched. One of the competition’s condi- bio je zahtev da se spomenik i grob Dimi- tions was to relocate the monument and trija Tucovića izmeste. U seriji predloga tomb of Dimitrije Tucović. When it came koji su govorili o novim potencijalnim to debating the proposals and the new po- lokacijama na koje bi spomen obeležje tential locations that had been raised, the trebalo biti premešteno, posebno su bili attitudes of the elite were noteworthy and zanimljivi, ali i posve simptomatični, symptomatic of the ideological predilections stavovi vladajućih elita. Oni rečito govore

7 See for instance the examples of renaming the public 7 Videti npr. primere preimenovanja javnih prostora u Nemačkoj spaces in Germany and Israel after 1989: Maoz Azaryahu, i Izraelu nakon 1989. godine: Maoz Azaryahu, “German Reunifi- “German Reunification and the Politics of Street Names: cation and the Politics of Street Names: The Case of East Berlin”, The Case of East Berlin”, Political Geography, vol. 16, no. 6 Political Geography, vol. 16, no. 6 (1997), 479-493; idem, “The (1997), 479-493; idem, “The Purge of Bismarck and Saladin: Purge of Bismarck and Saladin: The Renaming of Streets in East The Renaming of Streets in East Berlin and Haifa, a Com- Berlin and Haifa, a Comparative Study in Culture-Planning”, parative Study in Culture-Planning”, Poetics Today, vol. 13, Poetics Today, vol. 13, no. 2 (1992), 352-367. Za primer post no. 2 (1992), 352-367. As and example of post-communist komunističke Moskve videti: Graem Gill, “Changing Symbols: Moscow see: Graem Gill, “Changing Symbols: The Renovation The Renovation of Moscow Place Names”, The Russian Review, of Moscow Place Names”, The Russian Review, vol. 64, no. 3 vol. 64, no. 3 (2005), 480-503. (2005), 480-503.

125 ne samo o ideološkim predilekcijama proof the protagonists of the political transi- tagonista političke tranzicije, već i o svoj tion. Their reactions presented further evi- kompleksnosti njene ideološke dimenzije dence of the complexity of the established i, što je posebno važno, o mehanici us- ideological dimension and of the mechanics postavljanja poželjnih vrednosti kroz ma- of establishing desirable values through the nipulaciju značenja javnog prostora. Tako manipulation of meaning in public space. je, po mišljenju tadašnjeg predsednika The debate can be better understood in the gradske vlade, naglašeno da: statement that was released by the then president of the city government: Kod premeštanja spomenika Dimitriju Tu- coviću nema ideološkog problema. Mislimo The relocation of the Dimitrije Tucović da on treba da ostane u Beogradu, ali da monument bears no ideological problems. spomeniku one veličine nije mesto na veli- We think it should stay in Belgrade but kom trgu kao što je Slavija. Zato treba naći that monuments of its size should not be drugu dobru lokaciju. Što se tiče groba, on on big squares such as Slavija. Therefore a može da bude premešten u Aleju velikana new good location should be found. As for na Novom groblju. Na svemu ovome mora the tomb, it can be relocated to the Alley da se poradi, a svesni smo da uvek ima of the Greats in the New Cemetery. This all i drugih razmišljanja. Radi se o tome da needs to be worked out and we are aware će ceo kompleks Slavije možda ličiti na that there are other opinions. The thing is, beogradski Menhetn. Tu se gradi velika the whole Slavija complex can look like Bel- zgrada Narodne banke, na Mitićevoj rupi grade’s Manhattan. A new National Bank treba takođe da se podigne veliki objekat, building is being built there, another big kao i na parceli na kojoj je sada parking. building is to be raised on the Mitić Hole Na takvom, modernom, gradskom trgu, and one on the parcel where the parking ovaj mali spomeničić neće moći ni da se lot is currently situated. This really small vidi. Zato je zamišljeno da tu bude veliko monument will not be even visible on such obeležje Prvom srpskom ustanku, koje bi a modern city square. Therefore it has been imalo prirodnu vezu sa Hramom svetog decided that we shall erect a big memorial Save, koji se vidi sa tog mesta. Tu bi bila i to the First Serbian Uprising there. It would neka velika gradska fontana. I ulaz u Knez have a natural connection to the Saint Sava Mihailovu ulicu sa Terazija takođe treba Temple, which is visible from that place. da zablista, sa velikom fontanom i speci- Some big city fountain should be there as jalnim svetlosnim efektima.8 well. The entrance to Knez Mihailova Street from Terazije should also spark up with a Navedeni odlomak krajnje je indikativan big fountain and special light effects.8 budući da predstavlja gotovo lakonski iskaz ideoloških okvira u koje je memorijal- The quoted excerpt is a typical laconic ni kapital trga Slavija trebalo da se uklo- statement of ideological framework in

8 Dušica Radeka, “Slavija kao Menhetn”, Večernje novosti 8 Dušica Radeka, “Slavija kao Menhetn”, Večernje novosti (12. 07. 2003). (12. 07. 2003).

126 pi. S jedne strane, prepoznatljiv je pritisak which the memorial capital of Slavija centralnog nacionalnog narativa o konti- Square was supposed to fit in. On the one nuitetu i naturalizaciji odnosa između hand, the recognizable pressure exerted by crkve i države; s druge, očita je potreba da the central national narrative about conti- se akutna kriza identiteta prevaziđe na nuity and the naturalization of the relation- simboličkoj ravni usvajanjem seta simbo- ship between the church and the state; on la koji će konotirati specifičan sistem vred- the other, an obvious need to overcome the nosti zasnovan na stereotipnim slikama acute identity crisis in the symbolic plain modernosti. Ideja o izmeštanju spomenika through the adoption of a set of symbols i groba Dimitrija Tucovića bila je, međutim, which connote a specific system of values neupitna i pre zvaničnog raspisa konkursa, based on stereotypical images of moder- pri čemu je — sasvim simptomatično — nity. The idea of relocating the monument sećanje na samog Tucovića postavljeno and the tomb of Dimirije Tucović was not u novu ideološku perspektivu.9 Istovre- questioned and simultaneously, quite symp- meno, navođeni su predlozi da se zemni tomatically, the memory of Tucović was ostaci Dimitrija Tucovića, zajedno sa spo- placed under a new ideological perspective.9 menikom-bistom, premeste “sa Slavije u There were some suggestions to relocate the Aleju velikana”, da se vrate na “Vračje brdo remains of Dimitrije Tucović, together with ili u Užice, gde je prethodna dva puta bio his bust “from Slavija to the Alley of the sahranjivan”10 ili da se izmeste u obližnji Greats”, or to return them to “Vračje Brdo Park Manjež.11 Iako se navedeni predlozi or in Užice, where he was previously buried mogu razumeti u kontekstu ideološkog twice”,10 or to relocate them to the nearby procesa rekonstituisanja kolektivnih park Manjež.11 Although these suggestions identiteta koji je nakon 1989. godine iz- can be understood through the prism of the menio pejzaž istočnoevropskih gradova, ideological process of reconstituting col- raskid s prošlošču i uspostavljanje nove lective identity (which after 1989 changed kulturne paradigme kao legitimaci- the landscape of the east European cities), jskog instrumenta u Srbiji nije bio tako 9 During the 1990 and 2000 there were some symptomatic attempts to reevaluate and reinterpret the heritage of Dimi- 9 Tokom 1990-ih i 2000-ih godina simptomatični su bili pokušaji trije Tucović. These were moving towards adjusting to the prevrednovanja i reinterpretacije nasleđa Dimitrija Tucovića koji central national narrative marked by nationalism, xenopho- su se kretali u pravcu prilagođavanja centralnom nacionalnom bia and solipsism. In a series of attempts aimed at removing narativu obeleženom nacionalizmom, ksenofobičnošću i solip- the heritage of socialism, which was tightly related to work sizmom. U seriji pokušaja da se ukloni nasleđe socijalizma koje and memory of Tucovic, as well as at maintaining a memory se tesno vezivalo za delatnost i sećanje na Tucovića, kao i da of this historical figure with a radical substitution of the sys- se memorija na ovu istorijsku figuru održi radikalnim supsti- tem of values, an illustrative article was written by a jour- tuisanjem sistema valorizacije, posebno je ilustrativan članak nalist of Blegrade’s NIN: “Serbian Social-democratic Party novinara beogradskog NIN-a: “Srpska socijaldemokratska partija ran an anti-war policy and voted against the war loans. Just vodila je antiratnu politiku i glasala je protiv ratnih kredita. Uoči before the WWI Dimitrije Tucovic was in Berlin, where he in- Prvog svetskog rata Dimitrije Tucović je boravio u Berlinu, gde dented to finish his doctorate. …We, today, can rightly think je nameravao da doktorira. [...] Mi, danas, s pravom možemo da that Dimitrije Tucovic wouldn’t go to Brussels, to (Xavier) pomislimo kako Dimitrije Tucović ne bi išao u Brisel, kod [Havi- Solana, so that Solana can write our laws and constitution, jera] Solane, da nam Solana piše zakone i ustave, nego bi ga, but he would have talked him off like (Carl) Rener, by morals kao [Karla] Renera, nadgovorio moralom i znanjem”: Petar Ignja, and knowledge”: Petar Ignja, “Spomenici na točkove”, NIN, “Spomenici na točkove”, NIN, br. 2744 (31. 7. 2003). br. 2744 (31. 7. 2003). 10 Slobodan Kostić, “Seobe Dimitrija Tucovića”, Vreme, br. 656 10 Slobodan Kostić, “Seobe Dimitrija Tucovića”, Vreme, br. 656 (31. 7. 2003). (31. 07. 2003). 11 Ivana Kljajić, “Trg kao atraktivni downtown”, Danas 11 Ivana Kljajić, “Trg kao atraktivni downtown”, Danas (30. 07. 2004). (30. 07. 2004).

127 drastičan.12 O tome svedoči simbolička the break up with the past and the estab- reaproprijacija trga Slavija kao jednog od lishment of a new cultural paradigm as a centralnih mesta Beograda koja se faktički legitimizing instrument in Serbia was not, kontinualno odvija od 2000. godine. Ona in fact, so drastic.12 Evidence for this can ujedno predstavlja očito svedočanstvo be found in the symbolic reappropriation of složenosti, ambivalentnosti i performabil- Slavija Square as one of the central places nosti političkog diskursa u Srbiji početka in Belgrade, a move that has been taking XXI veka. place since the year 2000. It simultaneously represents an obvious testimony of Konkurs za arhitektonsko-urbanističko the complexity, ambivalence and perform- uređenje trga Slavija raspisan je krajem ability of the political discourse in Serbia at 2003. godine,13 ali su usled kontroverze the beginning of 21st century. oko autorstva prvonagrađenog rešenja rezultati konkursa ubrzo bili poništeni.14 The competition for a new architectural Usled toga su, nepune dve godine doc- and urban arrangement of Slavija Square nije, Skupština grada Beograda, Direk- was announced at the end of 2003.13 How- cija za građevinsko zemljište, Društvo ever, due to a controversy about the au- arhitekata i Društvo urbanista Beograda thorship of the winning proposal, the re- raspisali nov konkurs za arhitektonsko sults of the competition were subsequently urbanističko uređenje Trga Slavija.15 cancelled.14 Because of this, less than two

12 See: Monika A. Murzyn, “Heritage Transformation in Cen- 12 Videti: Monika A. Murzyn, “Heritage Transformation in Central tral and Eastern Europe”, Brian Graham and Peter Howard and Eastern Europe”, Brian Graham and Peter Howard (eds.), The (eds.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Heritage and Ashgate Research Companion to Heritage and Identity (Aldershot: Identity (Aldershot: Asghate, 2008), 315-346; Zsolt K. Hor- Asghate, 2008), 315-346; Zsolt K. Horváth, “The Redistribution of váth, “The Redistribution of the Memory of Socialism. Iden- the Memory of Socialism. Identity Formations of the ‘Survivors’ in tity Formations of the ‘Survivors’ in Hungary after 1898”, Hungary after 1898”, Oksana Sarkisova, Péter Apor (eds.), Past for Oksana Sarkisova, Péter Apor (eds.), Past for the Eyes. East the Eyes. East European Representations of Communism in Cinema European Representations of Communism in Cinema and Mu- and Museums after 1989 (Budapest and New York: Central Euro- seums after 1989(Budapest and New York: Central European pean University Press, 2008), 247-274; Gabriela Cristea and Simina University Press, 2008), 247-274; Gabriela Cristea and Simi- Radu-Bucurenci, “Raising the Cross. Excorising Romania’s Commu- na Radu-Bucurenci, “Raising the Cross. Excorising Romania’s nist Past in Museums, Memorials and Monuments”, Past for the Communist Past in Museums, Memorials and Monuments”, Eyes, 275-306; Nikolai Vukov, “The ‘Unmemorable’ and the ‘Unfor- Past for the Eyes, 275-306; Nikolai Vukov, “The ‘Unmemo- gettable’. ‘Museumizing’ the Socialist Past in Post-1989 Bulgaria”, rable’ and the ‘Unforgettable’. ‘Museumizing’ the Socialist Past for the Eyes, 307-334; idem, „Refigured Memories, Unchanged Past in Post-1989 Bulgaria”, Past for the Eyes, 307-334; Representations: Post-Socialist Monumental Discourse in Bulgaria“, idem, „Refigured Memories, Unchanged Representations: Ulf Brunnbauer, Stefan Troebst (Hg.), Zwichen Amnesie und Nostal- Post-Socialist Monumental Discourse in Bulgaria“, Ulf Brun- gie: Die Erinnerung an den Kommunismus in Südosteuropa (Köln, nbauer, Stefan Troebst (Hg.), Zwichen Amnesie und Nostalgie: Wemar, Wien: Böhlau, 2007), 71-86; Zoran Terzić, „Erinnern als Ver- Die Erinnerung an den Kommunismus in Südosteuropa (Köln, gessen. Zur Ästhetik des ideologischen Wandels“, Zwichen Amnesie Wemar, Wien: Böhlau, 2007), 71-86; Zoran Terzić, „Erinnern und Nostalgie, 247-272. als Vergessen. Zur Ästhetik des ideologischen Wandels“, 13 Stručni žiri koji je dodelio nagrade 2003. godine činili su: Zwichen Amnesie und Nostalgie, 247-272. Branko Belić, tadašnji predsednik beogradske opštine Savski 13 The jury of experts who granted the prizes in 2003 con- venac, akademik Radomir Reljić, istoričar umetnosti Kosta sisted of: Branko Belic, then president of the Belgrade’s Bogdanović, arhitekta Vasilije Milunović, istoričarka Radina municipality of Savski Venac, acadmic Radomir Reljic, art Vučetić-Mladenović, arhitekta Vladimir Macura, sociolog Sreten historian Kosta Bogdanovic, architect Vasilije Milunovic, Vujović, arhitekta Borislav Petrović i istoričar umetnosti Miros- historian Radina Vucetic-Mladenovic, architect Vladimir lav Timotijević. Svoju odluku obrazložili su rečima: “Ovaj rad Macura, sociologist Sreten Vujovic, architect Borislav Petro- predstavlja najkompletniji autorski stav, kako u shvatanju same vic and art historian Miroslav Timotijevic. They explained teme, tako i u odnosu prema kontekstu”. Navedeno prema: M. their decision in the following way: “This work represents Mićović, „Čija bruka pod tepihom?“, Press (2. 03. 2007). the most completed author’s attitude, both in understanding 14 M. Mićović, op. cit. the theme and in relation to the context.” Quoted according to: M. Mićović, “Čija bruka pod tepihom?”, Press (2. 03. 2007). 15 Za razliku od prethodnog konkursa, u kome su učešće uzeli predstavnici stručne javnosti, profesori univerziteta i akademici, 14 M. Mićović, op. cit.

128 U tekstu raspisa konkursa potencirana je years later, the Assembly of the City of Bel- uloga ovog trga kao jednog od “najznačaj- grade, Belgrade Land Development Pub- nijih beogradskih prostora”: lic Agency, Belgrade Architect Association and Town Planners Association Belgrade, [U] kojima se prepoznaju njegov [beo- launched a call for another architectural gradski] lik, duh i identitet i koji iz tih ra- and urban design arrangement of Slavija zloga zahtevaju poseban tretman [u cilju Square.15 The text of this call went on to dobijanja] što kvalitetnijih, atraktivnih i emphasize the role of this square as one of ostvarljivih ideja za integralnu urbani- the “most important spaces in Belgrade”: stičku regulaciju i arhitektonsko oblikovanje područja trga Slavija kao celovitog “(a square) In which one can recognize its urbanog prostora, visokog potencijala i (Belgrade) character, spirit and identity and posebnog i prestižnog identiteta u uku- which, because of these reasons requires a pnoj strukturi Beograda.16 special treatment (in order to get) the best, the most attractive and feasible ideas for Nasuprot navedenim stavovima koji the integral urban regulation and architec- predstavljaju odjek od ranije utvrđenih tural shaping of Slavija Square, as a holistic ideja,17 indiferentnost prema memorijalu urban space of high potential and special Dimitrija Tucovića i, što je posebno važno, and prestigious identity in the overall struc- memoriji akumuliranoj u ovaj jedinstve- ture of Belgrade”.16 ni simbol, sasvim je indikativna. Tome u prilog govori i nepromenjeno kategori- Contrary to the sentiment that echoes pre- čan stav predstavnika Zavoda za zaštitu viously established ideas,17 indifference to- spomenika kulture grada Beograda, u ward the Dimitrije Tucović memorial and kome se rezolutno ističe da bi za mesto also very importantly toward the memory memorijala i grobnice Dimitrija Tucovića accumulated in this unique symbol, has “bilo koje rešenje, osim Slavije [sic!], bilo become quite symptomatic. An example adekvatno”, uz ironično i nejasno obrazlo- of this can be seen in the categorical atti- ženje da se spomenik nalazi u “okviru za- tude of the representatives of the Cultural štićene celine ‘Stari Beograd’” i da “ništa Heritage Preservation Institute of Belgrade ne sprečava da spomenik i grobno mesto who support the relocation by claiming budu izmešteni”.18 Predstavnici iste držav- that “any solution, except Slavija (sic!),

15 Contrary to the previous competitions, in which representa- na ovom konkursu žiri su činili gotovo isključivo arhitekti: Đorđe tives of the expert public took part, e.g. university professors Bobić, predsednik, i članovi: Vladimir A. Milić, Biljana Krneta, and academics, this time the jury consisted almost entirely of Maja Joković-Potkonjak, Dušan Milanović, Emilija Tomaš, Ma- architects: Djordje Bobic, the president, and members: Vladi- rina Nešković, Bojan Kovačević, Vasa Perović, Vesna Zlatanović mir A. Milić, Biljana Krneta, Maja Joković-Potkonjak, Dušan i Slobodan Ležajić. Videti: http://www.dub.org.rs/arhiva.html. Cf. Milanović, Emilija Tomaš, Marina Nešković, Bojan Kovačević, http://beoland.com/ostalo/konkurs_slavija.html (pristup inter- Vasa Perović, Vesna Zlatanović and Slobodan Ležajić. See: net stranicama: 23. 10. 2011). http://www.dub.org.rs/arhiva.html. 16 Navedeno prema oficijelnom internet sajtu Društva urbanista 16 Quoted according to the official Internet site of the Town beograda: http://www.dub.org.rs/Slavija.pdf (pristup internet stranici: Planners Association Belgrade: http://www.dub.org.rs/Slavija. 23. 10. 2011). pdf (page last accessed: 23. 10. 2011). 17 Videti: M. Avakumović, V. Veličković, “Arhitekte na potezu: ras- 17 See: M. Avakumović, V. Veličković, “Arhitekte na potezu: pisan novi konkurs za rešenje Trga Slavija”, Politika (13.2. 2005). raspisan novi konkurs za rešenje Trga Slavija”, Politika 18 Reči Lidije Kotur, službenice Zavoda za zaštitu spomenika kul- (13. 02. 2005).

129 ne institucije dodatno su obrazložili nave- would be adequate” as a location for both dene kategoričke stavove determinišućim the memorial and the tomb of Dimitrije sudom, ističući da “gradski trg nije mesto Tucović. The institute goes on to explain, gde treba da počivaju nečiji [sic!] ostaci”.19 ironically and vaguely, that the monument’s location is ”within the protected Upravo je ovakva argumentacija krajnje urban core of ‘Old Belgrade’” and that simptomatična budući da, s jedne strane, ”there is nothing preventing the reloca- ukazuje na neupitne, ali problematične tion of the monument and the tomb”.18 koncepte i kriteririjume zaštite spomeni- Additionally, the representatives of this ka kulture. S druge strane, ista obrazlože- institution went on to explain their cat- nja predstavljaju školski primer procesa egorical statements by stating, “that the paranaučne i stručne legitimacije preo- city square is not a place where some- značavanja sistema društvenih vrednosti one’s (sic!) remains should be buried”. 19 u kome se nepoželjna memorija uklanja, supstituiše ili preoznačava krajnje pole- This very sort of argumentation is note- mičnim i otvorenim konceptima zaštite worthy given that, on one hand it hints spomenika kao što su “značaj graditelj- towards unquestioned but problematic skog nasleđa” ili “zaštićene celine”. Ne- conceptions and criteria for the protection retko, ovakvi i slični koncepti iza fasade of cultural monuments; while on the other, profesionalne dedikcije i stručnosti kriju these explanations represent textbook ex- čitav arsenal ideoloških i vrednosnih su- amples of the pseudo scientific process and dova, ali i političkih predilekcija. U skladu experts’ legitimisation of the re-marking of s time, kulturno nasleđe istovremeno se the system of social values in which the razume kao sadržaj i reprezentacija iden- unwanted memory is removed, substituted titeta, preko koga se na simboličkoj i pra- or re-labelled through extremely debat- gmatičkoj ravni ostvaruju odnosi unutar able and open conceptions of monument društva, kao i odnosi prema unutrašnjim protection such as “the importance of the ili spoljašnjim “drugim”. Činjenica da se building heritage” or the “protected urban kulturno nasleđe definiše putem njego- core”. Often, these and similar conceptions vog univerzalnog značaja i da se, legi- hide a whole arsenal of ideological and timisano aurom univerzalnosti, potom evaluative judgements behind a facade of nacionalizuje — samo je jedan od para- professionalism and expertise. In this light, doksa u složenom procesu konstrukcije cultural heritage is simultaneously under- identiteta putem pozivanja na materijal- stood as both a content and a representa- ne i nematerijalne tragove prošlosti koji tion of identity, through which relations in se institucionalizuju kroz različite režime society, as well as the relations toward the

18 Words of Lidija Kotur, employee of the Belgrade City In- stitute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments. Quoted ac- ture grada Beograda. Navedeno prema: Boris Vuković, “Gradski cording to: Boris Vuković, “Gradski trg bez duše i sadržaja”, Blic trg bez duše i sadržaja”, Blic (29. 12. 2009). (29. 12. 2009). 19 Reči Lidije Kotur, službenice Zavoda za zaštitu spomenika kul- 19 Words of Lidija Kotur, employee of the Belgrade City In- ture grada Beograda. Navedeno prema: Marija Krtinić, “Povodom stitute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments. Quoted najave o izgradnji Teslinog tornja na Slaviji”, Danas according to: Marija Krtinić, “Povodom najave o izgradnji (11. 05. 2011). Teslinog tornja na Slaviji”, Danas (11. 5. 2011).

130 proizvodnje značenja.20 Linije otklona, inner and outer “other”, are realised on a bliskosti i razlika poželjnog u odnosu na symbolic and pragmatic plain. neželjeni identitet očituju se ne samo u stručnim kriterijumima, koji definišu koji The fact that the cultural heritage is de- spomenici mogu biti svrstani u kategori- fined through its universal importance, ju “nacionalnih spomenika kulture”, i ne that it is legitimised by an aura of univer- samo u hijerarhijama kulturnog nasle- sality and then nationalised, is only one of đa. Te se linije povlače prvenstveno pu- the paradoxes in a complex process of contem izuzetno selektivnih, pred-stručnih structing identity by relying on material i pred-naučnih diskursa koji valorizuju and immaterial traces of the past which različite istorijske (ili kulturne) tradici- are institutionalised through different re- je, promovišući samo neke od njih kao gimes of production of meaning.20The lines “nacionalne”.21 U ovom procesu, koji se of deflection - the similarities and differ- odvija kontinualno i dinamično, istorijsko ences of desirability in relation to unwant- i kulturno nasleđe, definisano i sistema- ed identity, are embodied neither in the tizovano kao “nacionalno”, “po definiciji expert criteria, that defines which monu- mora ignorisati diverzitet sub-nacional- ments can be classified in the category of nih kulturnih i socijalnih iskustava”,22 o “national monuments of culture” nor in čemu dobro svedoči problem u vezi ime- the hierarchies of cultural heritage. These na i mesta trga Dimitrija Tucovića.23 lines are drawn primarily through highly selective, pre-expert and pre-scientific dis- Nedavna inicijativa da se na trgu Slavi- courses that valorise different historical ja podigne Teslina kula ili Teslin toranj (or cultural) traditions, promoting a few of čini se da predstavlja pokušaj da se očit them as “national”.21 In this continual and dynamic process, historical and cultural

20 Deklaracije o kulturnom nasleđu definišu njegove tri kategori- heritage, defined and systematized as “na- je: spomenike, ansamble i mesta koji svi imaju “univerzalnu i tional”, “by definition must ignore the di- jedinstvenu vrednost” sa gledišta istorije, umetnosti ili nauke. Videti: Svetislav Vučenović, Urbana i arhitektonska rekonstruk- versity of sub-national cultural and social cija, knj. I (Beograd: Društvo konzervatora Srbije, 2004), 19. experiences”.22 The issue of the name and 21 Videti, na primer, raspravu o konstrukciji nasleđa kao implic- itnom i unapred smišljenom odrazu nazora elita: David Crouch, place of Dimitrije Tucović Square is a testi- “The Perpetual Performance and Emergence of Heritage”, Emma mony of this process.23 Waterton and Steve Watson (eds.), Culture, Heritage, and Repre- sentation: Perspectives on Visuality of the Past (Farnham: Ash- gate, 2010), 57-71. 20 Declarations of cultural heritage define its three catego- 22 Laurajane Smith, Uses of Heritage (London: Routledge, 2006), ries: monuments, ensembles and places that have “univer- 30, 75. sal and unique value” from the standpoint of history, art or science. See: Svetislav Vučenović, Urbana i arhitektonska 23 U tom smislu, karakterističan je i primer Starog Sajmišta, rekonstrukcija, knj. I (Beograd: Društvo konzervatora Srbije, prostora u središtu Beograda kod koga je, prema Generalnom 2004), 19. urbanističkom planu iz 2003. godine, “vrednost graditeljskog nasleđa”, ali ne i sećanje na žrtve Holokausta u Srbiji, postala im- 21 See for example, the treatise on constructing heritage as perativ rekonstrukcije. U oba slučaja arhitektonska ili umetnička implicit and a reflection conceived beforehand of the elite’s vrednost, kao i krajnje selektivno shvaćen fenomen onoga što worldview: David Crouch, “The Perpetual Performance and se oficijelno imenuje kao “istorijski značaj”, usvajaju se kao Emergence of Heritage”, Emma Waterton and Steve Watson kriterijum zaštite spomenika i rekonstrukcije grada. Videti: Olga (eds.), Culture, Heritage, and Representation: Perspectives on Manojlović Pintar, Aleksandar Ignjatović, “Prostori selektovanih Visuality of the Past (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), 57-71. memorija: Staro sajmište u Beogradu i sećanje na Drugi svetski 22 Laurajane Smith, Uses of Heritage (London: Routledge, rat”, Tihomir Cipek, Olivera Milosavljević, (eds.), Kultura sjećanja: 2006), 30, 75. 1941. Povijesni lomovi i savladavanje prošlosti (Zagreb: Disput, 2008), 95-112. 23 In this sense, a characteristic example is the case of the

131 raskorak između nepoželjne memorije A recent initiative to erect the Tesla Tower i poželjne vizije budućnosti, do koga je on Slavija Square, seems to have been an došlo u valorizaciji i percepciji ovog topo- attempt to overcome the obvious discrep- sa, prevaziđe pozivanjem s jedne strane ancy between unwanted memory and a na univerzalni značaj nauke kao pokre- desirable vision of the future, with a ref- tača društva (doduše, u sasvim lapidarno erence to both the universal importance of postavljenoj perspektivi)24 i, s druge, na science as a driver of society (although in a simbolički potencijal nacionalnog heroja completely lapidary set perspective)24 and sa očitom namerom preoznačavanja lo- the symbolic potential of a national hero kalne memorije i sistema vrednosti koji with the intention of re-marking the local ona podrazumeva.25 U seriji predloga koji memories and the system of values which se nalaze u ideološkim okvirima postav- it assumes.25 The discrepancy was a result ljenim početkom prve decenije XXI veka, of the valorisation and perception of this navodi se čak i zamisao da se u Teslinoj topos. In a series of suggestions, which kuli na Slaviji “u srcu srpske prestonice i belong to the ideological framework that u neposrednoj blizini Hrama svetog Save” was established at the beginning of the projektuju “freske iz drugih srpskih crka- 21st century, there is a proposal to project va i manastira”.26 Upravo zbog svojevrsne “frescos from other Serbian churches and bizarnosti, navedeni primer ilustrativna monasteries”26 inside the Tesla Tower on je demonstracija fenomena vrednosne i Slavija, “in the heart of Serbian capital and ideološke fleksibilnosti, odnosno situaci- in the vicinity of the Saint Sava Temple”. onističke prirode kulturnog nasleđa.27 U Exactly because of its bizarreness, this ex- perspektivi podele na “nametnute” i “kon- ample is an illustration of the phenomenon struisane” simbole prošlosti i identiteta 28 koju je izložio Pjer Nora, gde prvu grupu Staro Sajmište space in central Belgrade, in which, according to the General Urban design plan from 2003: “the value karakteriše institucionalno i organizova- of the civic heritage” but not of the memory of the victims of the Holocaust in Serbia, become an imperative in reconstruction. In both cases, the architectural or artistic value, as well quite selectively understood phenomenon of what 24 “Predsednik Srbije Boris Tadić, predložio je danas tokom is officially named as “historical importance”, are adopted as razgovora sa studentima Univerziteta u Beogradu i učenicima criteria for monument protection and city reconstruction. Matematičke gimnazije da se na Slaviji sagradi Teslin toranj, koji See: Olga Manojlović Pintar, Aleksandar Ignjatović, “Prostori bi bio centar nauke u zemlji i priznjanje ovom velikom naučniku. selektovanih memorija: Staro sajmište u Beogradu i sećanje ‘Mi ne želimo da monopolizujemo Teslu, on je čovek sveta, ali na Drugi svetski rat”, Tihomir Cipek, Olivera Milosavljević, ideja da se na Slaviji sagradi takav toranj je jako dobra. To mesto (eds.), Kultura sjećanja: 1941. Povijesni lomovi i savladavanje bi moglo da bude muzej nauke, koji bi popularizovao nauku - prošlosti (Zagreb: Disput, 2008), 95-112. rekao je Tadić u muzeju Nikole Tesle.’” Navedeno prema: “Boris Tadić: Slavija je pravo mesto za Teslinu kulu”, Blic (9. 05. 2011). 24 “The president of Serbia Boris Tadić, suggested during the talks with students from the University of Belgrade 25 Videti: Marija Krtinić, “Povodom najave o izgradnji Teslinog and with students of the mathematical grammar school, tornja na Slaviji”, Danas (11. 05. 2011). to build a Tesla Turret on the Slavija Square, which would 26 “Tadić: Slavija je mesto za Teslinu kulu”, 24 sata (9. 5. 2011). be the country’s center of science and appreciation of this great scientist. “We can’t monopolize Tesla, he is a man of 27 “Nasleđe je istovremeno nešto daleko i odvojeno, dok se u isti the world but an idea to build such a turret on the Slavija is mah razume i identifikuje, komunicira kao nešto što nam pri- very good. That place could be a museum of science, which pada. Nasleđe se označava, proizvodi i konstituiše u kulturnim would popularize the science - said Tadić in the Nikola Tesla kontekstima; ono se komunicira kroz kulturnu medijaciju, museum”. Quoted according to: Boris Tadić: Slavija je pravo konzumira, razume kao da poseduje konkretnu materijalnu eg- mesto za Teslinu kulu”, Blic (9. 5. 2011). zistenciju i biva ‘čvrsto prigrljeno’ oličavajući tako sam smisao pripadnosti”: D. Crouch, op. cit., 57. 25 See: Marija Krtinić, “Povodom najave o izgradnji Teslinog tornja na Slaviji”, Danas (11. 5. 2011). 28 Pierre Nora, “Introduction to: Realms of Memory”, vol. III, Piere Norra (ed.), Realms of Memory: The Construction of French Past 26 “Tadić: Slavija je mesto za Teslinu kulu”, 24 sata (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), IX-XII. (9. 5. 2011).

132 no usvajanje određenih sistema znakova of ideological flexibility, i.e. of the situ- kao simbola zajednice, a drugu slojevitost ationalist nature of cultural heritage.27 različitih nanosa memorije, za trg Slavija može se reći da predstavlja mesto sećanja In light of the divide on “imposed” and koje konstituišu oba ova simbola. Kroz “construed” symbols of the past and iden- ono što sam Nora i, s druge strane, Simon tity that was put forth by Pierre Nora28 - in Šama nazivaju neprestanom sedimenta- which the first group is characterized by cijom novih značenja,29 urbani, politički i the institutionalized and organized adop- društveni prostor trga Slavija kao mesto tion of certain systems of signs as symbols sećanja i uprostoravanja identiteta, uka- of the community and the second by the zuje ne samo na kontinuitete i diskonti- layering of different sediments of memo- nuitete ideoloških i političkih sistema u ry, one could say that Slavija Square rep- modernoj istoriji Beograda i Srbije, već resents a place of memory which is con- nesumnjivo predstavlja i način da se, kroz stituted by both of these symbols. This is “simboličku istoriju”, bolje razume nacio- through what Nora and Simon Schama nalna i politička istorija. called the constant sedimentation of new meanings,29 the urban, political and so- Za mesto koje je docnije nazvano “Sla- cial space of Slavija Square, as a place of vija”, kao i za okolni prostor istočnog memory and establishing identities which Vračara, vezuju se prve ideje o urbanoj hints not only towards the continuities and rekonstrukciji velikog Beograda, odno- discontinuities of ideological and political sno Beograda koji je sredinom XIX veka systems in the modern history of Belgrade definitivno iskoračio izvan šanca.30 Na and Serbia but that also represents a way preseku starih komunikacionih pravaca to better understand national and political — pre svega Kragujevačkog i Carigrad- history through the “symbolic history”. skog druma, u periodu između sredine i kraja XIX veka, na ovom su se prostoru “Slavija” and the surrounding area of the ostvarile neke od važnih urbanističkih eastern Vračar, are connected to early ideas ideja oblikovanja prestonice nove drža- regarding the urban reconstruction of Great- ve na, kako se tada govorilo, “evropski er Belgrade, i.e. the Belgrade that “stepped

29 Videti: Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Vintage Books, 1996), 7; Lynn Hunt, Measuring Time, Making 27 “The heritage is at the same time something distant and History (Budapest and New York: Central European University distinct, but also something that is understood and identi- Press, 2008), 17. fied, and communicated as something that belongs to us. 30 Videti još uvek klasične studije: Svetlana V. Nedić, “Urbanističko The heritage is marked, produced and constituted in cultural uređenje Beograda od 1886-1914. godine”, Godišnjak grada contexts; it is communicated through cultural mediation, Beograda, knj. XIII (1976), 175-216; Branko Petričić, “Problem consumed. It is understood as if it possesses concrete mate- rekonstrukcije starog jezgra (Slavija)”, Godišnjak grada Beograda, rial existence and often being “tightly held” embodying in knj. XXVIII (1980), 281-291; Branko Maksimović i Branislav that way the sense of belonging”: D. Crouch, op. cit., 57. Kojić, Idejni razvoj srpskog urbanizma: period rekonstrukcije 28 Pierre Nora, “Introduction to: Realms of Memory”, vol. III, gradova do 1914. godine (Beograd: Srpska akademija nauka i Piere Norra (ed.), Realms of Memory: The Construction of umetnosti, 1978); idem, Ideje i stvarnost urbanizma Beograda French Past (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), 1830-1941 (Beograd: Zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture grada IX-XII. Beograda, 1983); Svetlana V. Nedić, “Urbanističko uređenje Beo- grada od 1886-1914. godine”, Godišnjak grada Beograda, knj. 29 See: Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: XIII (1976), 175-216; Branko Petričić, “Problem rekonstrukcije Vintage Books, 1996), 7; Lynn Hunt, Measuring Time, Making starog jezgra (Slavija)”, Godišnjak grada Beograda, knj. XXVIII History (Budapest and New York: Central European Univer- (1980), 281-291. sity Press, 2008), 17.

133 način”. One su, razume se, svakako pred- out of the ditch” in the mid 19th century.30 At stavljale tek deo obuhvatnijeg zahvata the intersection of old communication paths usvajanja, reprezentacije i manipulacije on the Kragujevac road and Constantinople kulturnim, društvenim i političkim mo- road, in the period between the middle to the delima moderne evropske demokratske i end of 19th century, the space witnessed a sekularne države u lokalnoj sredini druge series of important urban ideas related to polovine XIX stoleća. Paralelno i u tesnoj the shaping the capital of the new state in, vezi sa procesom političke emancipacije what was at the time claimed as the “the Srbije, upravo je prostor oko trga Slavija European way”. These represented part of postao ogledno polje za ostvarenje ideja an encompassing intervention in the adop- modernog urbanizma koji je nedvosmi- tion, representation and manipulation of sleno konotirao okvire identiteta države the cultural, social and political models i društva kakvim su ih zamišljale srpske of the modern European democratic and političke i intelektualne elite tog vreme- secular state, in the environment of the na. Tako se transformacija nekadašnjeg second half of the 19th century. In paral- “Simićevog majura” iz livada i zaraslih lel to a tight connection to the process of voćnjaka u modernu gradsku četvrt sa political emancipation of Serbia, the very ortogonalnom regulacijom, pravilnim space around Slavija Square become a test blokovima i savremenom komunalnom field for the realisation of ideas of modern mrežom, u čijem je fokusu bio sam trg, urbanism. These undoubtedly connoted može razumeti kao jedan od verovatno the framework of the state and society’s najreprezentativnijih i najočitijih simbo- identity, as they were conceived by Serbian la društvene i kulturološke tranzicije sa political and intellectual elites of the time. čitavim nizom konotacija. In that sense, the transformation of the former “Simić Majur” from meadows and Poslednje dve decenije XIX stoleća trg Sla- overgrown orchards into a modern city bor- vija i deo grada koji je postao poznat kao ough with orthogonal regulation, regular “Englezovac” — po Britancu Frensisu Ma- blocks and modern sewage system, which kenziju koji je od Đorđa Simića, poznatog had as its focus the square itself, can be diplomate i političara, 1878. godine kupio understood as one of the most representa- čitavo imanje koje se prostiralo na površi- tive and obvious symbols of this social and ni oko današnjeg trga31 — počeo je da se cultural transition. konstituiše kao specifično i jasno prepoznatljivo mesto. Između 1882. i 1886. go- 30 See some of the classical studies: Svetlana V. Nedić, “Urbanističko uređenje Beograda od 1886-1914. godine”, dine na prostoru koji se pružao od današ- Godišnjak grada Beograda, knj. XIII (1976), 175-216; Branko Petričić, “Problem rekonstrukcije starog jezgra (Slavija)”, njeg trga Slavija ka Laudanovom šancu, Godišnjak grada Beograda, knj. XXVIII (1980), 281-291; Branko Maksimović i Branislav Kojić, Idejni razvoj srpskog urbanizma: period rekonstrukcije gradova do 1914. godine 31 Fransis H. Makenzi (1833-1895) bio je inženjer koji je iz (Beograd: Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, 1978); idem, Engleske došao u Beograd na nagovor supruge diplomate i Ideje i stvarnost urbanizma Beograda 1830-1941 (Beograd: istoričara Čedomilja Mijatovića, Engleskinje Elodije Loton- Zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture grada Beograda, 1983); Mijatović. U Beogradu je ostao poznat kao “Englez”, a njegovo Svetlana V. Nedić, “Urbanističko uređenje Beograda od 1886- imanje dugo je nazivano “Englezovac”. Videti: Nestor Letopisac, 1914. godine”, Godišnjak grada Beograda, knj. XIII (1976), “Postanak Englezovca i Makenzijeve ulice”, Vreme (29. 6. 1923); 175-216; Branko Petričić, “Problem rekonstrukcije starog Milan Đ. Milićević, “Iz uspomena Milana Đ. Milićevića”, Srpski jezgra (Slavija)”, Godišnjak grada Beograda, knj. XXVIII književni glasnik¸ knj. XXXIII, br. 7 (1931), 499. (1980), 281-291.

134 ograničenom trima zrakasto postavljenim During the last two decades of the 19th ulicama (Kragujevački drum, danas Bule- century, Slavija Square and the part of the var oslobođenja; Avalska ulica, danas Sve- city that became known as the “English- tog Save; i Oraška ulica; danas Makenzije- borough” (“Englezovac”) - after the Briton va), regulisano je i izgrađeno pet urbanih Francis McKenzie, who in 1878 bought blokova pravilnog, pravougaonog oblika.32 the whole estate (from the famous Serbian Čitav prostor Englezovca bio je uključen diplomat and politician Đorđe Simić) 31 - u “građevinski rejon” Beograda, postav- began to be constituted as a specific and ši tako sastavni deo prestonice kao prvi clearly recognizable place. Between 1882 striktno i planski izgrađeni kvart.33 Tim and 1886, in the area spreading from to- entuzijasta i inženjera, sa Makenzijem day’s Slavija Square toward Laudan’s Ditch, i inženjerom Svetolikom Popovićem na which was bounded by three radially čelu, i uz stručnu pomoć arhitekte Fran- placed streets (Kragujevac road, today Bul- tišeka Nekvasila,34 preoblikovao je ovaj evar Oslobođenja; Avala street, today Sve- prostor po uzoru na engleska prigradska tog Save; and Oraška street, today McKen- naselja tog vremena, oličavajući ne toli- zie street), five urban blocks of regular rec- ko personalne nazore samog Makenzija tangular shape32 were regulated and built. — koji su se kretali između hrišćanskog The whole area of Englishborough was in- pijetizma do utopijskog socijalizma35 cluded in the “building area” of Belgrade, — koliko potrebu da Beograd potvrdi becoming in that way an inherent part of civilizacijsku paradigmu koju su usvoji- the capital and representing the first strict- le i pokušale da sprovedu elite. Makenzi ly planned district.33 A team of enthusiasts je tokom osamdesetih godina XIX veka and engineers, working with McKenzie celokupno imanje podelio na pravilne and the engineer Svetolik Popović as their parcele koje je prodavao na otplatu pod leaders under the expertise of architect “izvesnim uslovima, među kojima su bili Frantisek Nekvasil,34 reshaped this space zahtevi o načinu izgradnje kuća, higijen- 36 skim uslovima”. Tako se Makenzi sam 31 Francis McKenzie (1833-1895) was an engineer who came from England to Belgrade on the suggestion of the English woman Elodia Loton-Mijatovic, who was the wife of a diplomat and a historian Cedomir Mijatovic. He was known as the 32 Videti: Dubravka Stojanović, Kaldrma i asfalt, urbanizacija i evro- “Englishman” in Belgrade and his estate was for a long time peizacija Beograda, 1890 – 1914. (Beograd: Udruženje za društvenu called the “Englisborough” (Englezovac). See: Nestor Letopi- istoriju 2008); Svetlana V. Nedić, “Urbanističko uređenje Beograda sac, “Postanak Englezovca i Makenzijeve ulice”, Vreme (29. 6. od 1886. do 1914”, Godišnjak grada Beograda, XXIII (1976), 175- 1923); Milan Đ. Milićević, “Iz uspomena Milana Đ. Milićevića”, 217, pos. 177; Branko Maksimović, “Urbanistički razvoj Beograda Srpski književni glasnik¸ knj. XXXIII, br. 7 (1931), 499. od 1830. do 1914”, Istorija Beograda¸ knj. 2 (Beograd: Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti i Prosveta, 1974), 299-334, pos. 383-384. 32 See: Dubravka Stojanović, Kaldrma i asfalt, urbanizacija i evropeizacija Beograda, 1890 – 1914. (Beograd: Udruženje 33 Videti: Branko Bojović, “Urbanizam Beograda u XIX i XX veku”, za društvenu istoriju 2008); Svetlana V. Nedić, “Urbanističko Godišnjak grada Beograda, knj. XLIX-L (2002-2003), 114. uređenje Beograda od 1886. do 1914”, Godišnjak grada Beo- 34 František Nekvasil bio je jedan od čeških inženjera i stručnjaka grada, XXIII (1976), 175-217, pos. 177; Branko Maksimović, koji su bili angažovani u sprovođenju ovog urbanističkog, infra- “Urbanistički razvoj Beograda od 1830. do 1914”, Istorija strukturnog i arhitektonskog poduhvata. Pored samog Nekvasila, Beograda¸ knj. 2 (Beograd: Srpska akademija nauka i umet- ovde su bili uposleni drugi Česi “iskusni građevinarci”, kao što nosti i Prosveta, 1974), 299-334, pos. 383-384. su npr. Gašpar Beker i Perikle Zak. Videti: Milojko Gordić, “’Sala 33 See: Branko Bojović, “Urbanizam Beograda u XIX i XX veku”, mira’ u Beogradu”, Nasleđe, vol. I (1997), 145. Godišnjak grada Beograda, knj. XLIX-L (2002-2003), 114. 35 O Makenzijevom filantropizmu i intelektualnim nazorima vi- 34 Frantisek Nekvasil was one of the Czech engineers and ex- deti: Miodrag Protić, “Slavija”, Delo, vol. VI, br. 6 (1960), 738-743. perts who were engaged in the realization of this urban de- 36 Branko Vujović, Beograd u prošlosti i sadašnjosti (Beograd: sign, infrastructural and architectural enterprise. Apart from Draganić 1994), 254. Nekvasil other Czechs, “experienced builders” were also em-

135 pobrinuo da “broj stanovnika u naselju according to a model of English suburbs bude ograničen, i da se voda u bunarima of that time, embodying in that way not zaštiti od zagađivanja”, kao i da se poštuju so much the personal views of McKenzie stroga pravila o obliku stambenih kuća i - which ranged from Christian pietism to materijalima od kojih su one morale biti utopian socialism35 - but rather Belgrade’s podignute.37 U isto vreme, ovaj gradski need to endorse the civilizational paradigm kvart — koji je 1894. godine promenio that was aspired to by its elites. During the naziv u “Savinac,”38 simbolički ukazujući 1880s, McKenzie had divided the whole na rastući pritisak kulture nacionalizma estate into regular parcels which he sold kao revers istog procesa kulturne eman- in instalments under “certain conditions, cipacije sredine39 — dobio je apoteku, which included requirements about the dućan i hotel.40 Nazvan “Slavija” po isto- ways in which to build houses and hygienic imenoj gostionici u Pragu, gradu odakle conditions”.36 In that way, McKenzie manje došao arhitekta hotela Nekvasil koji aged to “limit the number of inhabitants in mu je, kako se veruje, i dao naziv, ovaj the borough and to protect the water in the objekat koji se snažno isticao u urbanom wells from contamination”, as well as to pejzažu okružja ubrzo je postao središte impose strict rules about the shape of the okupljanja lokalnih građana. houses and the materials which were used for construction.37 At the same time, this Stoga se prostor Istočnog Vračara i trga city block, which in 1894 was renamed as Slavija koji je predstavljao njegovo sim- “Savinac”38 got a pharmacy, grocery store boličko središte može razumeti kao svo- and a hotel.39 The renaming of the city jevrsni, konstruisani simbol ne samo block reflects the ever-growing pressure of urbanog preobražaja prestonice, već i the culture of nationalism as a token of the društvene emancipacije lokalne zajedni- process of the cultural emancipation of the ce koja se zasnivala na širokom rasponu community.40 The hotel that had stood high savremenih emancipatorskih politika i in the urban landscape of its surroundings ideologija. Novo naselje predstavljalo je paradigmatski primer novo ustanovljenih ployed, for example Gaspar Beker, Perikle Zak. See: Milojko Gordić, “’Sala mira’ u Beogradu”, Nasleđe, vol. I (1997), 145. društvenih i komunalnih odnosa, “kako u 35 With regards to McKenzie’s philanthropic and intellectual domenu urbane, higijenske i društvene, views refer to: Miodrag Protić, “Slavija”, Delo, vol. VI, br. 6 (1960), 738-743. 36 Branko Vujović, Beograd u prošlosti i sadašnjosti (Beograd: Draganić 1994), 254. 37 Fransis Mekenzi, “Pismo predsedniku Opštine i opštinskom odboru varoši Beograda”, Beograd između stvarnosti i sna: izbor 37 Fransis Mekenzi, “Pismo predsedniku Opštine i opštinskom tekstova, poseban broj časopisa Urbanizam Beograda, br. 66-67 odboru varoši Beograda”, Beograd između stvarnosti i sna: iz- (1982), 13-17. Cf. Svetlana Nedić, “Sala mira”, Godišnjak grada bor tekstova, Urbanizam Beograda, br. 66-67 (1982), Beograda, knj. XVLL (1995), 123. 38 According to a legend that the relics of the Saint Sava 38 Zbog predanja koje govori da su mošti svetog Save upravo were burned exactly at this place in 1594. See: “Rad Odbora na ovom prostoru spaljene 1594. godine. Videti: “Rad Odbora opštinskog. 19. redovni sastanak 31. marta 1894. god.” Beo- opštinskog. 19. redovni sastanak 31. marta 1894. god.” Beograd- gradske opštinske novine, vol. XII, no. 17 (1894), 75. ske opštinske novine, vol. XII, no. 17 (1894), 75. 39 See: Divna Đurić-Zamolo, Hoteli i kafane XIX veka u Beo- 39 Videti: Aleksandar Ignjatović, “Između žezla i ključa: naciona- gradu (Beograd: Muzej grada Beograda, 1988), 68-72. lni identitet i arhitektonsko nasleđe Beograda i Srbije u 19. i 40 See: Aleksandar Ignjatović, “Između žezla i ključa: prvoj polovini 20. veka”, Nasleđe, vol. 9 (2008), 51-73. nacionalni identitet i arhitektonsko nasleđe Beograda i 40 Videti: Divna Đurić-Zamolo, Hoteli i kafane XIX veka u Beo- Srbije u 19. i prvoj polovini 20. veka”, Nasledje, vol. 9 gradu (Beograd: Muzej grada Beograda, 1988), 68-72. (2008), 51-73.

136 tako i lične kulture”.41 O tome, između quickly became the centre for local gather- ostalog, svedoče i privatne kuće i zgrade ings. It was named “Slavija” after a tavern koje su po obodu trga Slavija podizane by the same name in Prague, the home- počev od 80-ih godina XIX veka i koje su town of Nekvasil, the architect of the hotel. odisale aurom “evropskog” — kao što je to, na primer, slučaj sa kućom porodice The area of the eastern Vračar and Slavija Vučo u Deligradskoj br. 2 (danas restoran Square, which represented its symbolic McDonalds), izvedenoj prema projektu centre, can be understood as a unique Dimitrija Leka 1893. godine.42 Ova i dru- and construed symbol of the urban trans- ge građevine u okruženju, oblikovane “u formation of the capital and of the social duhu evropske arhitekture istorijskih emancipation of the local community stilova”,43 predstavljale su vizuelne i ur- based on a wide range of modern eman- bane repere koji jasno ukazuju na proce- cipating policies and ideologies. The new se kulturne emancipacije i mogu se čitati borough represented a paradigmatic ex- kao važni sadržaji identiteta građanske ample of newly established social and klase i flagrantni reperi usvojenih vred- communal relationships, “both in the nosti demokratskog društva. domain of urban, hygienic and social, as well as personal culture”.41 Private hous- U okviru novog naselja podignuto je i po- es and buildings at the fringes of Slavija sebno izdvojeno komunalno središte, svo- Square built during the 1880s were in a jevrstan hram bez religijskih znamenja i similar vein; they had that “European” oltara, poznat pod nazivom “Sala mira” (sli- aura similar to, for example, the house of ka 1).44 Sam Makenzi bio je najviše zaslu- the Vučo family in Deligradska number žan za njenu izgradnju, budući da je sma- 2 (a McDonalds restaurant today), which trao “da je Beograđanima potrebna zgrada was built according to project by Dimitri- za skupove koji nemaju veze sa kafanskim je Leko in 1893.42 životom”.45 Kao odgovor na javne napade da pokušava podići nazarensku crkvu, Ma- The Vučo family residence and other kenzi je objavio odgovor u formi nezavisne buildings in the vicinity that were shaped publikacije pod naslovom Radi opravdanja “in the spirit of European architecture ili objašnjenje svega onoga što se odnosi na of historical styles”,43 represented visual nedeljnu školu za hrišćansku nauku u Sali and urban reference points which clearly pointed towards processes of cultural

41 Milojko Gordić, “’Sala mira’ u Beogradu”, Nasleđe, vol. I emancipation. These can be read as impor- (1997), 146. tant symbols of middle class identity and 42 Videti: Divna Đurić-Zamolo, Graditelji Beograda 1814-1914 (Beograd: Muzej grada Beograda, 1981), 67; Mirjana Roter- Blagojević, Stambena arhitektura Beograda u 19. i početkom 20. 41 Milojko Gordić, “’Sala mira’ u Beogradu”, Nasleđe, vol. veka (Beograd: Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu i I (1997), 146. Orion Art, 2006), 285-286. 42 See: Divna Đurić-Zamolo, Graditelji Beograda 1814-1914 43 M. Roter-Blagojević, op. cit, 285. (Beograd: Muzej grada Beograda, 1981), 67; Mirjana Roter- 44 Videti: S. Nedić, op. cit.; M. Gordić, op. cit. Cf. David A. Norris, Blagojević, Stambena arhitektura Beograda u 19. i početkom Belgrade: A Cultural History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 20. veka (Beograd: Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beo- 2008), 191. gradu i Orion Art, 2006), 285-286. 45 S. Nedić, “Sala mira”, 123. 43 M. Roter-Blagojević, op. cit, 285.

137 Slika 1 :: Trg Slavija sa Salom mira i Hotelom Slavija, razglednica iz 1890-ih godina Picture 1 :: The Slavija Square with the Hall of Peace and the Slavija Hotel, postcard dating from 1890s

mira na Englezovcu,46 ukazujući na svoju reference points of the adopted values of prosvetiteljsku, a nipošto nazarensku mi- democratic society. siju. Svetlana Nedić pisala je o tome kako je “[u] vreme kada je počelo zidanje Sale Within the new borough, a special and a mira, u nekim beogradskim dnevnim li- separate community centre was built, a stovima objavljeno [...] da Makenzi gradi kind of a temple but without any religious nazarensku crkvu”.47 Ovo tvrđenje Ma- tokens and shrines, known by the name kenzi je demantovao u septembru 1888, “The Hall of Peace” (picture 1).44 McKen- tekstom objavljenim u pet beogradskih zie was responsible for the building, given listova, istakavši da je zgrada namenjena that he thought, “that Belgraders needed razvijanju kulturnog života Beograđana.48 a building for gatherings which had nothing to do with the tavern life”.45 Svetlana Sala mira bila je jednostavna pravougana Nedic wrote that “around the time when zgrada sa jednim brodom, koju je po za- the Hall of Peace was built, some Belgrade misli samog Makenzija podigao Svetolik daily newspapers published (…) that Mc- Kenzie is building a Nazarene church”.46 46 F[ransis] Makenzi, Radi opravdanja ili objašnjenje svega onoga što se odnosi na nedeljnu školu za hrišćansku nauku u Sali mira na Englezovcu (Beograd: Štamparija Sv. Nikolića, 1892). 44 See: S. Nedić, op. cit.; M. Gordić, op. cit. Cf. David A. Nor- ris, Belgrade: A Cultural History (Oxford: Oxford University 47 S. Nedić, op. cit. Press, 2008), 191. 48 O percepciji nazarena u srpskoj javnosti videti: Bojan Aleksov, 45 S. Nedić, “Sala mira”, 123. Nazareni među Srbima: verska trvenja u južnoj Ugarskoj i Srbiji od 1850. do 1914. (Beograd, Zavod za udžbenike 2010). 46 S. Nedić, op. cit.

138 Popović 1888-1889. godine. Mekenzi je To this accusation McKenzie responded u Sali mira organizovao niz naučno-po- by an independent publication (Septem- pularnih predavanjima (kao npr. o astro- ber 1888) entitled: On justifying and ex- nomiji i biologiji);49 tamo je bila ugra- plaining everything that relates to Sunday đena i savremena oprema za projekcije school for Christian science in the Hall filmova,50 a sama institucija predstavljala of Peace in Englishborough.47 The article, je svojevrsnu istorijsku preteču socijali- along with subsequent ones he published stičkih narodnih domova i socijalističkih in different Belgrade papers, emphasised domova kulture. Pored toga, u Sali mira that his mission was one of enlighten- i u pridodatom prizemnom aneksu51 odr- ment for the cultural development of žavala su se i predavanja profesora Uči- the lives of Belgraders rather than one of teljske škole, koncerti Svetosavskog pe- Nazarenic evangelization.48 vačkog društva, kao i časovi Muške večer- nje škole za nepismene, te privatne škole The Hall of Peace was a simple rectan- za ženski ručni rad.52 Navedene aktivno- gular building with one nave, which was sti zadobile su sasvim specifično mesto built, according to the McKenzie’s original u urbanoj kulturi Beograda, svedočeći o conception, by Svetolik Popović in 1888- nazorima pojedinih delova elita i poku- 1889. It was here that McKenzie organ- šajima socijalne i kulturne emancipacije ized a series of popular science lectures zajednice putem filantropskih inicijativa (for example on astronomy and biology)49 i organizovanih prosvetnih aktivnosti. and had equipment for projecting moving Pored toga, ove aktivnosti nedvosmisle- images installed. 50 The institution repre- no ukazuju na onaj sistem društvenih i sented a historical predecessor of what političkih vrednosti (kulturna i društvena was to become the socialist “People’s Cen- emancipacija, socijalna pravda, građan- tre” or “Cultural Centre”. Professors from the Teacher School would hold lectures in 49 F. Makenzi, op. cit., 3. the Hall of Peace in the added annex51 on 50 Ibid. the ground floor, the Saint Sava Glee So- 51 Aneks u vidu jedne niže prostorije koja je uglavnom služila kao učionica podignut je 1890. godine. Videti: F. Makenzi, op. cit., 4. ciety had concerts there, while the Men’s 52 Škola za ženski ručni rad, koju je Makenzi otvorio 1891. go- evening School for the Illiterate and the dine uz odobrenje Ministarstva prosvete i koja je bila poznata private school for Women’s Handcrafts52 kao “Ženska radenička škola” ili “Radenička škola na Englezov- cu”, rečit je primer emancipatorskih ideja kao najvažnijeg obeležja aktivnosti koje su se odvijale u Sali mira. Građani koji 47 F[ransis] Makenzi, Radi opravdanja ili objašnjenje svega on- su stanovali u naselju Englezovac podržali su otvaranje škole, oga što se odnosi na nedeljnu školu za hrišćansku nauku u Sali dok je sam Makenzi delimično finansirao njen rad. Dok je za mira na Englezovcu (Beograd: Štamparija Sv. Nikolića, 1892). najsiromašnije polaznice škole (inače, devojčice uzrasta između 48 11 i 15 godina) pohađanje nastave bilo besplatno, imućiniji On the perception of Nazarenes in Serbian public see: građani su plaćali školarinu za svoju decu, a iznos školarine Bojan Aleksov, Nazareni među Srbima: verska trvenja u razlikovao se od slučaja do slučaja, shodno imovinskom stanju. južnoj Ugarskoj i Srbiji od 1850. do 1914. (Beograd, Zavod za Pored savladavanja različitih tehnika ručnog rada, učenice su udžbenike 2010). dobijale poduku iz veronauke i higijene, dok su za nepismene bili 49 F. Makenzi, op. cit., 3. organizovani posebni časovi na kojima se predavao srpski jezik. Videti: F. Makenzi, Radi opravdanja ili objašnjenje svega onoga 50 Ibid. što se odnosi na nedeljnu školu za hrišćansku nauku u Sali mira 51 Annex in a form of a lower room, which mainly served as na Englezovcu. Arhivska istraživanja Svetlane Nedić govore da a classroom, was built in 1890. See: F. Makenzi, op. cit., 4. su podaci o radu Ženske radeničke škole poznati zaključno sa školskom 1893/94. godinom: S. Nedić, op. cit., 125. Međutim, 52 The School for Women hand crafts which McKenzie opened natpisi iz periodike govore da je škola radila i nakon te godine, in 1891 with the approval of the Ministry of Education, and videti npr. “Listići”, Domaćica, vol. XVIII, br. 9 (1895), 250. which was known as the “Ženska radenička škola” (Women

139 ska samosvest i odgovornost itd.) koji će were also known to hold courses in the još dugo ostati prepoznatljivo obeležje building. These activities received a very čitavog prostora trga Slavija, i u deceni- specific place in Belgrade’s urban culture. jama nakon smrti Makenzija i promena They are evidence of the views of certain koje su usledile u inicijalnoj funkciji Sale sections of the elite and of the attempts mira koja je najpre postala sedište Srp- that were put in place to increase the ske crtačke i slikarske škole Kirila Kutlika social and cultural emancipation of the (1899-1900),53 a potom i Srpska slikarska community through philanthropic initia- škola Riste i Bete Vukanović.54 tives and organized educational programs. These activities point towards what was O emancipatorskoj auri Sale mira govo- geared to be a system of social and politi- ri i njen izvorni arhitektonski identitet.55 cal values (cultural and social emancipa- Sala je sagrađena kao slobodnostojeća tion, social justice, civic awareness and prizemna zgrada sa istaknutim ulaznim responsibility, etc), which for a long time pročeljem na kome su se izdvajali pseu- remained a recognizable feature of the do klasični timpanon i edikula sa lučnim whole area around the Slavija Square. otvorom za vrata flankiranim pilastrima i nadvišenim manjim trouglastim timpa- Today we can find visible traces of the nonom koji ponavlja oblike velikog. Kla- changes that took place in the role of the sični elementi, jednostavna morfologija, Hall of Peace in the decades that suc- prepoznatljiva klasicizirajuća spoljaš- ceeded McKenzie’s death. To begin with njost Sale mira i njena “dostojanstvena the building became the headquarters of skromnost”,56 svakako su svedočili ne the Serbian drawing and painting school samo o prepoznatljivom i nesumnjivo of Kiril Kutlik (1899-1990),53 and subse- jedinstvenom mestu ove građevine u ar- 57 working school) or “Radenička škola na Englezovcu” (work- hitektonskoj slici Beograda, već su na ing school in the Englishborough), is an excellent example izvestan način korespondirali sa eduka- of the emancipating ideas as the most important feature of the activities that were taking place in the Hall of Peace. tivnom i prosvetiteljskom ulogom Sale Citizens who lived in the Englishborough supported open- ning the school, and McKenzie himslef financed its running. mira u društvenom životu grada. Redu- The poorest attendants (girls the age between 11 and 15) didn’t have to pay any tuitions, more afluent citizens paid 53 Videti: Zdravko Vučinić (et al.), Kiril Kutlik — Srpska crtačka the tuition for their kids, and the amount differed from case i slikarska škola (katalog izložbe) (Beograd: Prodajna galerija to case, according to a financial status. Besides learning dif- Beograd, 2008); Lazar Trifunović, Srpska crtačko-slikarska i ferent techniques of hand crafts, the students also received a umetničko-zanatska škola u Beogradu (1895-1914) (Beograd: teaching in religious education and hygiene, while for the il- Univerzitet umetnosti, 1978); Stanislav Živković, “Srpska crtačka leterate special courses in serbian language were organized. i slikarska škola Kirila Kutlika”, Zbornik za likovne umetnosti Ma- See: F. Makenzi, Radi opravdanja ili objašnjenje svega onoga tice srpske, vol. V (1969), 239-255. što se odnosi na nedeljnu školu za hrišćansku nauku u Sali mira na Englezovcu. According to the archival research by 54 L. Trifunović, op. cit., 115-120; Vera Ristić, Beta Vukanović Svetlana Nedic there were records about the Women work- (Beograd: Topy i Muzej grada Beograda, 2004); Mira Sofronijević, ing school until the school year of 1893/4: S. Nedić, op. cit., “Učiteljica brojnih slikarskih generacija: 25 godina od smrti 125. However, sources from the periodicals indicate that the Bete Vukanović (1872-1972)”, Književne novine, vol. 49, no. 967 school continued working even after that year, see for ex- (1997), 13. ample “Listići”, Domaćica, vol. XVIII, br. 9 (1895), 250. 55 Videti: S. Nedić, op. cit., 123-131; Milojko Gordić, “’Sala mira’ u 53 See: Zdravko Vučinić (et al.), Kiril Kutlik — Srpska crtačka Beogradu”, 145-149; Radojka Božović Lopičić, “Restitucija ‘Sale i slikarska škola (katalog izložbe) (Beograd: Prodajna galerija mira’”, Nasleđe, vol. I (1997), 151-154. Beograd, 2008); Lazar Trifunović, Srpska crtačko-slikarska i umetničko-zanatska škola u Beogradu (1895-1914) (Beograd: 56 S. Nedić, op. cit., 124. Univerzitet umetnosti, 1978); Stanislav Živković, “Srpska 57 Videti: Divna Đurić-Zamolo, “Najznačajnija raskrsnica grada”, crtačka i slikarska škola Kirila Kutlika”, Zbornik za likovne Politika (29. 3. 1980), 11. umetnosti Matice srpske, vol. V (1969), 239-255.

140 kovani, moglo bi se čak reći i rigidni arhi- quently of the painting school of Rista and tektonski identitet Sale mira, sa puritan- Beta Vukanović.54 ski oblikovanim masama i svedenim ele- mentima čija je funkcionalna dimenzija The original architectural identity55 of the preovladavala nad dekorativnom, može Hall of Peace speaks about its emancipatory se posmatrati u istoj emancipatrskoj vi- aura too. The Hall was built as a free stand- zuri kao i delatnosti koje su se na ovom ing single floor building with a conspicuous mestu odvijale u kontinuitetu. entrance frontage that featured pseudo- classical tympanum and aedicule with an Na izvestan način, čitav ovaj urbanistič- arch opening for a door with flanked pilas- ko-socijalni kompleks, sa regulisanim ters and an over-hanging smaller triangular pravilima, edukativnom misijom i urba- tympanum that iterates the shape of the big no-komunalnom, ali i estetsko-didaktič- one. Classical elements, simple morphology, kom dimenzijom, predstavljao je pre kon- a recognizable classicizing of exterior of the tinuitet u odnosu na vreme nakon 1910. Hall of Peace and its “honourable modesty”,56 godine — kada je Sala mira, ali i čitav were indeed tokens of the recognizable and prostor trga Slavija, postao mesto širenja undoubtedly unique place this building held ideja uprostoravanja socijalizma, socijal- in the architectural image of Belgrade.57 In a ne demokratije i postepenog uobličavanja certain way these elements also correspond- radničkog pokreta u Beogradu. Aktivnosti ed to the educational and enlightening role koje su se dešavale u Sali mira i docnijem of the Hall of Peace within the social life of Socijalističkom narodnom domu mogu se the city. The rigid architectural identity of the posmatrati kao aspekti jedinstvene kul- building, with its puristically shaped masses turne paradigme koja je podrazumevala and reduced elements whose functional di- poštovanja socijalne pravde, univerzalnih mension prevails over the decorative, should ljudskih prava, prava glasa, ravnopravno- be viewed in the same emancipatory per- sti polova i opštih građanskih sloboda. spective as the activities that were taking place at this place continuously. Nakon 1900. godine Sala mira imala je sinkopičnu istoriju, ali je njena ini- This whole urban and social complex, with cijalna funkcija opstala još decenijama its regulated rules, educational mission and nakon što je u septembru 1900. godi- urban-communal but also aesthetically-dine, zajedno sa zgradom i svim okolnim dactic dimension, represented a continuity objektima, prodata Vračarskoj štedio- 58 nici. Deset godina docnije, Vračarska 54 L. Trifunović, op. cit., 115-120; Vera Ristić, Beta Vukanović štedionica prodala je Salu mira Srpskoj (Beograd: Topy i Muzej grada Beograda, 2004); Mira Sofronijević, “Učiteljica brojnih slikarskih generacija: 25 socijaldemokratskoj partiji i Glavnom godina od smrti Bete Vukanović (1872-1972)”, Književne no- radničkom savezu.59 Tada je Sala mira vine, vol. 49, no. 967 (1997), 13. 55 See: S. Nedić, op. cit., 123-131; Milojko Gordić, “’Sala mira’ preimenovana u Socijalistički narod- u Beogradu”, 145-149; Radojka Božović Lopičić, “Restitucija ‘Sale mira’”, Nasleđe, vol. I (1997), 151-154. 58 IAB 1292. f 18-8. Fond Tehničke direkcije. Videti: S. Nedić, op. 56 S. Nedić, op. cit., 124. cit., 125; M. Gordić, op. cit., 146. 57 See: Divna Đurić-Zamolo, “Najznačajnija raskrsnica grada”, 59 IAB OGB-TD-GO-Ф XVIII-8-29. Politika (29. 3. 1980), 11.

141 Slika 2 :: Trg Slavija sa Socijalističkim narodnim domom, fotografija iz 1911. godine Picture :: The Slavija Square with the Socialist People’s Centre, photo dating from 1911

ni dom, postavši društveno i političko in relation to the time after 1910 - when the sedište socijalističkog i radničkog po- Hall of Peace, and also the whole area of the kreta u Beogradu (slika 2). Sama zgra- Slavija Square, became places dedicated to da nekadašnje Sale mira pretrpela je spreading ideas of the spatial embedding of rekonstrukciju, proširenje i zadobila je socialism, social democracy and the gradual novi vizuelni identitet (sa istaknutim forming of the labour movement in Bel- detaljima crvene boje).60 Socijalistič- grade. Activities that took place in the Hall ki narodni dom svečano je otvoren 7. of Peace and later in the Socialist People’s septembra 1910. godine uz zvuke “In- Centre, can be viewed as aspects of a unique ternacionale” i govor sekretara Srpske cultural paradigm, aimed at respecting jus- socijaldemokratske partije Dimitrija tice, universal human rights, voting rights, Tucovića, kao i sekretara Glavnog rad- gender equality and civil liberties. ničkog saveza Dragiše Lapčevića.61 Sve After 1900, the Hall of Peace had a cheq- uered history but its initial function 60 Tako je, na primer, iznad ulaza u zgradu na mestu gde se nekada nalazila ploča sa imenom “Sala mira” postavljena crvena held out for decades until it was sold tabla sa natpisom “Socijalistički narodni dom”; prozorski ramovi 58 na zgradi bili su obojeni crvenom bojom, a u samoj sali nalazile to Vračarska Štedionica in September su se crvene zastave, kao i bista Karla Marksa. of 1900, along with the building and 61 “Socijalistički narodni dom”, Radničke novine, vol. X, no. 133 (6. 9. 1910); “Beogradskim radnicima i ostalim građanima”, Radničke novine, vol. X, no. 133 (6. 9. 1910); “Svečano otvaranje Socijalističkog narodnog doma”, Radničke novine, vol. X, no. 135 58 IAB 1292. f 18-8. Fond Tehničke direkcije. Videti: S. Nedić, (11. 9. 1910). op. cit., 125; M. Gordić, op. cit., 146.

142 do 1914. godine Socijalistički narodni surrounding objects. Ten years later, dom korišćen je za redovne sastanke i Vračarska Štedionica sold the Hall of partijske kongrese; na istom mestu na- Peace to Serbian Social-democratic Party lazila se redakcija “Radničkih novina”, and the Main Labour Association.59 The “Borbe” i “Jednakosti” (list žena socijal- Hall of Peace was then renamed into So- demokrata), kao i naknadno sagrađena cialist People’s Centre, becoming in that socijalistička knjižara.62 Pored toga, u way a social and political centre of so- Socijalističkom narodnom domu orga- cialist and labour movements in Belgrade nizovana su javna predavanja i bogat (picture 2). The building of the former kulturno-umetnički i kulturno-zabavni Hall of Peace underwent restructuring program nastavljajući, u izvesnom smi- work, and an extension and gained a slu, izvorne tradicije Sale mira.63 new visual identity (with distinguished details in red colour).60 The Socialist Peo- Trg Slavija obeležili su brojni događaji iz ple’s Centre was officially opened on 7th istorije socijalizma i radničkog pokreta u of September in 1910 to the sounds of Srbiji vezani za delatnost Dimitrija Tuco- the “The Internationale” and was inau- vića, Vase Pelagića, Mite Cenića, Radova- gurated with speeches by the Secretary na Dragovića i Dušana Popovića. Upravo of the Social-democratic Party Dimitrije je na ovom trgu, 8. marta 1890. godine Tucović and by the Secretary of the Main spaljena Pelagićeva prethodno cenzuri- Labour Association Dragiša Lapčević.61 sana knjiga Narodna prava ili naše neod- Until 1914 the Socialist People’s Centre ložne potrebe (1889).64 Trg Slavija bio je, was also used for regular meetings and osim toga, stecište građana koji su podr- party congresses; the editorial boards of žavali Socijaldemokratsku stranku i koji the “Radničke Novine”, “Borba” and “Jed- su se okupljali u Sali mira, u hotelskoj nakost” (a journal of the women social- kafani, ili na samom otvorenom prosto- democrats) were in the same place, as ru trga — kao npr. nakon državnog udara well as at the subsequently built socialist 1890. godine. Godine 1911. i 1912. prvo- bookshop.62 Besides that, public lectures majske povorke koje je organizovala Srp- and a rich artistic and cultural program ska socijaldemokratska partija završavale were organized in the Socialist People’s su se zborovima na samom trgu, ispred Centre, continuing in that way the origi- Socijalističkog narodnog doma (slika 3).65 nal tradition of the Hall of Peace.63

59 IAB OGB-TD-GO-Ф XVIII-8-29. 62 Videti: S. Nedić, op. cit., 127-128. 60 For example, above the building’s entrance, on the spot where 63 U Socijalističkom narodnom domu održavala su se predavanja a plaque with the name “The Hall of Peace” used to hang, a red subotom, kao npr. predavanje Dušana Popovića o Lavu Tolstoju, signboard “Socialistic People’s Centre” was mounted; the win- koje je održano 11. 12. 1910. godine. Navedeno prema: S. Nedić, dows frames on the building were painted in red, and there op. cit., 127, n. 34. Pored toga, u sali su organizovane bioskopske were red flags in the hall, as well as a Karl Marx bust. projekcije pod okriljem Narodnog bioskopa — institucije koju je osnovala Socijaldemokratska partija. U aneksu Socijalističkog 61 “Socijalistički narodni dom”, Radničke novine, vol. X, no. 133 narodnog doma je, sudeći po oglasima u Radničkim novinama, (6. 9. 1910); “Beogradskim radnicima i ostalim građanima”, radio i restoran “pogodan da u njemu radničke porodice provode Radničke novine, vol. X, no. 133 (6. 9. 1910); “Svečano otva- vreme”: Radničke novine, vol. XI, no. 202 (10. 9. 1911); Radničke ranje Socijalističkog narodnog doma”, Radničke novine, vol. novine, vol. XI, no. 262 (19. 11. 1911). X, no. 135 (11. 09. 1910). 64 Navedeno prema: B. Vujović, op. cit., 254. 62 Videti: S. Nedić, op. cit., 127-128. 65 O tome svedoče fotografski prikazi prvomajskih parada. Videti: 63 In the Socialist People’s Centre they held lectures on Sat-

143 Slika 3 :: Prvomajske demonstracije na trgu Slavija, fotografija iz 1912. godine (www.skyscrapercity.com) Picture 3 :: The May Day parade on the Slavija Square, photo dating from 1912 (www.skyscrapercity.com)

Posle Prvog svetskog rata i stvaranja Slavija Square was marked by many events Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, relating to the history of socialism and the ovo mesto postalo je centar aktivno- Serbian labour movement that are con- sti novoosnovane Socijalističke rad- nected to work of Dimitrije Tucović, Vasa ničke partije Jugoslavije (komunista), Pelagić, Mita Cenić, Radovan Dragović and kasnije preimenovane u Komunistička Dušan Popović. It was on this very square partija Jugoslavije, koja je tu delovala that they burned Pelgić’s previously censored sve do zabrane u decembru 1920. go- book: People’s rights or our irremissible rights dine.66 Uz nekadašnju Salu mira nala- (1889)64 on the 8th of March 1890. In addtion zila se i štamparija koja je nosila ime to this,Slavija Square was a juncture for citi- socijalističkog vođe Dimitrija Tucovića, zens who supported the Social-democratic koji je poginuo 1914. godine. Upravo Party and who would gather in the Hall of je ime osnivača Socijaldemokratske partije Srbije, glavnog urednika lista urdays, such as for example a lecture by Dusan Popovic on Leo Tolstoy, which took place on 11.12.1910. Quoted accord- “Borba” i jednog od najznačajnijih ide- ing to: S. Nedić, op. it., 127, n. 34. Besides that, in the Hall they aslo organised movie screenings under the tutorship of ologa ne samo socijalističkog pokreta, People’s Cinema- an institution which was founded by the Social-democratic Party. Judging by the advertisements in the Radničke Novine, there was a restaurant “suitable for “Sa majske demonstracije u Beogradu”, Radničke novine, vol. XII, worker’s families to spend time in it”: in the annex of the no. 91 (20. 4. 1912); Edib Hasanović (ur.), Prvi maj u Srbiji (1983- Socialist People’s Centre, Radničke novine, vol. XI, no. 202 1914) (Beograd: Rad, 1954), fotografija objavljena posle str. 214. (10. 9. 1911); Radničke novine, vol. XI, no. 262 (19. 11. 1911). 66 M. Protić, op. cit., 738-743. 64 Quoted according to: B. Vujović, op. cit., 254.

144 već i jednog od nosilaca emancipator- Peace, in the hotel tavern, or on the square’s skog zahvata u Srbiji postalo sinonim open space. In the year 1911 and 1912, the specifičnog seta ideja koje se mogu ve- May Day parades that were organized by the zati za ovaj trg. Međutim, Trg Slavija i Serbian Social-democratic Party ended up in Sala mira nisu prestali da budu težište rallies on the square, in front of the Socialist oko koga su se i u narednom periodu People’s Centre (picture 3). 65 zabrane Komunističke partije okupljali oni koji su zastupali socijalističke ideje. After the First World War and the found- Nakon ideoloških razilaženja u krugo- ing of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and vima jugoslovenskih socijalista i osni- Slovenes, Slavija Square became the centre vanja nezavisne Socijalističke radničke of activity of the newly founded Socialist partije Jugoslavije (komunista) 1919. Labour Party of Yugoslavia (the commu- godine, “Socijalistički Narodni Dom, So- nists), later renamed into Communist Party cijalističku Knjižaru i Štampariju zvanu of Yugoslavia, which was active there until ‘Tucović’ sa celim nameštajem i ma- its ban in 1920.66 Next to the former Hall terijalom u Makenzijevoj ulici br. 3”67 of Peace, there was a printing office, which dobila je na korišćenje novoosnovana was named after the socialist leader Dimi- stranka zajedno sa Glavnim radničkim trije Tucović, who died in 1914. The name savezom, ponovo osnovanim iste godi- of the founder of the Social-democratic ne. Paralelno sa radom štamparije, koja party of Serbia, the editor in chief of the je bila smeštena u jednom od ranije “Borba” newspaper and one of the most im- dograđenih aneksa, u Socijalističkom portant ideologists of not only the socialist narodnom domu održavala su se redov- movement but also one of the bearers of na predavanja naučno-popularnog ka- the emancipatory intervention in Serbia, raktera.68 U januaru 1929. godine, kada became a synonym of the specific set of je zabranjena Socijalistička radnička ideas which can be tied to this square. partija Jugoslavije, Salu mira nastavio je da koristi Radnički savez sve do 31. Slavija Square and the Hall of Peace nev- decembra 1940. godine, kada je i ova er stopped being a centre of gravity, even organizacija raspuštena. Tokom turbu- during a period in which the communist lentnih 1930-ih obeleženih političkim party was banned. Both places remained sukobljavanjima, zabranama i oštrim gathering spaces for all those who pro- ideološkim podelama, nekadašnja Sala fessed socialist ideas. After the ideological mira data je u zakup najpre Potrošačkoj divergence in the circles of Yugoslav social- zadruzi, a potom je postala ugostiteljski ists and the founding of the independent objekat sa bioskopom. I pored toga, to- Socialist Labour Party of Yugoslavia (the kom demonstracija 27. marta 1941. ko- communists) in 1919, “the Socialist Peo- munisti su upravo na Slaviji držali za- paljive govore, za razliku od demokrata 65 Evidence of this one can find in the photgarphic newsre- ports about the May Day parades. See: “Sa majske demonstracije u Beogradu”, Radničke novine, vol. XII, no. 91 (20. 67 IAB 1292. f 18-8. Fond Tehničke direkcije. Videti: M. Gordić, 4. 1912); Edib Hasanović (ur.), Prvi maj u Srbiji (1983-1914) op. cit., 146. (Beograd: Rad, 1954), fotografija objavljena posle str. 214. 68 O tome videti: S. Nedić, op. cit., 128. 66 M. Protić, op. cit., 738-743.

145 koji su se masi obraćali na Terazijama.69 ple’s Centre, the Socialist bookshop and the Uklanjanje simboličkih repera vremena printing office called “Tucović” with all the socijalizma iz topografije Beograda tokom furniture and material in McKenzie street poslednjih decenija, zapravo je bilo samo number 3”67 were given on disposal to the sastavni deo složenih procesa koji su pre- newly founded party, together with the oblikovali društvenu, političku i kulturnu Main Labour Association, founded again in paradigmu kroz nedvosmislen preokret si- the same year. Concurrently to the running stema vrednosti. U tom smislu simptoma- of the printing office, which was located in tične su i neke istorijske paralele. Naime, one of the earlier built annexes, regular lec- kada je 1935. godine u kontekstu izmenje- tures on popular science would take place68 ne društvene i političke klime u Kraljevini in the Socialist People’s Centre. In January Jugoslaviji nekadašnja Sala mira postala 1929, when the Socialist Labour Party of ugostiteljski objekat, postojali su predlozi Yugoslavia was banned, the Labour Asso- da se prilikom rekonstrukcije ove zgrade, ciation continued to use the Hall of Peace koja je, kao “stara i preživela građevina”70 until 31 of December 1940, when the or- prepoznata kao nepoželjni recidiv jednog ganisation was disbanded. During the tur- specifičnog sistema vrednosti, temeljno bulent 1930s, marked by political confron- prepravi uprkos, kako se tada isticalo, mo- tations, bans and sharp ideological divides, dernosti njenog izgleda. Sama zgrada je the former Hall of Peace was rented first dograđena, njena fasada “modernizovana”, to Potrošačka Zadruga and subsequently zaklanjajući kao kulisa samu Salu mira i became a catering establishment with a sve dograđene prostorije. Novo arhitek- cinema. Despite all that, during the demon- tonsko ruho, čiji su autori bili arhitekte strations on 27 of March 1941, the commu- Žarko Pajević i Svetomir Lazić, oblikovano nists held their fiery speeches at the Slavija u najboljoj tradiciji “modernog” idioma ka- Square, as opposed to the democrats who rakterističnog za sredinu četvrte decenije addressed the masses at Terazije Square .69 XX veka,71 konačno je iz javnog prostora uklonilo vizuelnu i značenjsku vezu ne- Removing the symbolic socialist markers kadašnjeg socijalističkog doma i savreme- from the topography of Belgrade during nog života Beograda. Simbol socijalističkih the last decades is only a part of complex ideja i emancipatorskih ideologija je tada, processes that have reshaped the social, baš kao i 1991. godine kada je Sala mira political and cultural paradigm through an porušena do temelja, postao nepoželjno unambiguous reversal of the system of val- mesto sećanja u kome više nije bilo mo- ues. In that sense, some historical parallels guće održavati simbolički potencijal koji je are symptomatic, namely when in 1935, sažimalo ime Dimitrija Tucovića. in the context of the changed social and

67 IAB 1292. f 18-8. Fond Tehničke direkcije. Videti: M. 69 Desimir Tošić, “Jedno viđenje studentskih političkih kretanja Gordić, op. cit., 146. pred Drugi svetski rat”, Tokovi istorije, no. 3 (2006), 229-267. 68 About that see: S. Nedić, op. cit., 128. 70 M. Gordić, op. cit., 149. 69 Desimir Tošić, “Jedno viđenje studentskih političkih kre- 71 O arhitektonskoj intervenciji iz 1934-35. godine videti: M. tanja pred Drugi svetski rat”, Tokovi istorije, no. 3 (2006), Gordić, loc. cit.; S. Nedić, loc. cit. 229-267.

146 Slika 4 :: Trg Slavija, razglednica iz prve polovine 1970-ih godina Picture 4 :: The Slavija Square, postcard from the first half of the 1970s

Nakon oslobođenja 1944. godine celoku- political climate in the Yugoslav Kingdom, pno imanje je prešlo u ruke organizacije the former Hall of Peace became a cater- Jedinstveni sindikati Srbije, koja je u Sali ing establishment there were some sugges- mira otvorila bioskop sa prvim radničkim tions to thoroughly reconstruct this build- domom kulture u Beogradu,72 na čiju je ing despite its modern looks. The building fasadu 1958. godine postavljena spo- was labelled as “old and antiquated”70 and men-ploča koja je prolaznike podsećala seen as an unwanted recidivate of a specif- da je ta zgrada bila Socijalistički narodni ic value system. The building was thus up- dom.73 Bioskop, koji je od 1947. godine graded: its façade was “modernized” and in radio pod imenom “Bioskop Radničkog that way covered as a coulisse the Hall of doma kulture”, a potom postao komerci- Peace and all the annexed rooms. The new jalna sala poznata pod imenom “Bioskop architectural attire, designed by the archi- Slavija”, održao se sve do početka posled- tects Žarko Pajević and Svetomir Lazić, was nje decenije XX veka (slika 4). shaped in the best tradition of “modern” idiom, characteristic of the fourth decade Nekadašnja Sala mira konačno je poruše- of 20th century.71 This finally removed from na u junu 1991. godine, simptomatično public space the visual and semantic rela- označavajući urušavanje i sistema vred- tion between the former socialist House

70 M. Gordić, op. cit., 149. 72 IAB OGB-TD-GO XIX-28-1931. Videti: S. Nedić, op. cit., 129. 71 On architectural intervention from 1934-25 see: M. Gordić, 73 S. Nedić, op. cit., 129. loc. cit.; S. Nedić, loc. cit.

147 nosti socijalističkog društva i jugoslo- and modern life in Belgrade. This symbol of venske zajednice u ratu koji je započeo socialist ideas and emancipatory ideologies nepunih mesec dana kasnije, uprkos či- had then, as in 1991 when it was finally njenici da je deset godina pre toga ovaj razed to the ground, become an undesir- objekat bio proglašen za spomenik kultu- able place of memory, in which it was no re.74 Jedna od velikih ironija istorije je da longer possible to maintain the symbolic je u Detaljnom urbanističkom planu, koji potential that was the essence of the name je i sankcionisao rušenje Sale mira, bilo Dimitrije Tucović. izričito naglašeno da se ova građevina mora rekonstruisati “u svom istorijskom, After liberation in 1944, McKenzie’s estate izvornom izgledu”. Nedavna ideja da se went into hands of the United Syndicates porušeni objekat Sale mira proglasi za of Serbia organisation, which opened a spomenik kulture najvišeg značaja čini se cinema in the Hall of Peace housing the da predstavlja zadocneli, iako ne i nevaž- first Labour Cultural Centre in Belgrade.72 ni omaž ovom specifičnom mestu sećanja On its façade, in 1958, a memorial plaque čije je mesto u memorijalnoj topografiji was mounted, a reminder to passer-bys Beograda sasvim jedinstveno. that this building was a Socialist People’s Centre.73 The cinema, which operated un- *** der name “The Cinema of the Labour Cul- tural Centre” until 1947 when it became Međutim, u brojnim slojevima kultu- a commercial hall known as the “Cinema rološkog i ideološkog nasleđa Slavije, Slavija”, held up until the last decade of the posebno se izdvaja simbolika polaganja 20th century (picture 4). posmrtnih ostataka Dimitrija Tucovi- ća novembra 1949. godine.75 Na izbor The former Hall of Peace was finally torn Slavije kao mesta koje će poneti njego- down in June 1991, symptomatically mark- vo ime i dobiti njegovu bistu, uticao je ing the collapse of the socialist value sys- svakako dugi istorijat trga. Polaganjem tem and the Yugoslav community, despite Tucovićevih kostiju, centralni gradski the fact that ten years previously the build- trg je dobio nov aktivni sadržaj, koji se ing had been declared a listed building.74 temeljio na ideji izgradnje kontinuiteta One of the big ironies of history is that in socijalističke misli i prakse u Beogradu. the Detailed Urban Plan, which sanctioned Polaganjem posmrtnih ostataka, najzna- tearing down the Hall of Peace, it was ex- čajnijeg socijalističkog mislioca sa ovih plicitly stated that this building must be re- prostora (pored Svetozara Markovića) i constructed “in its historical, original looks”. odlučnog kritičara srpskog nacionalizma A recent motion to declare the demolished i ekspanzionizma, na simboličnoj ravni building of the Hall of Peace a “listed build-

74 Videti: “Odluka o proglašavanju određenih nepokretnosti za 72 IAB OGB-TD-GO XIX-28-1931. Videti: S. Nedić, op. cit., 129. kulturna dobra”, Službeni list grada Beograda, vol. XXVIII, no. 19 (1981), 913. 73 S. Nedić, op. cit., 129. 75 Na trgu Slavija sahranjeni su posmrtni ostaci Dimitrija 74 See: “Odluka o proglašavanju određenih nepokretnosti za Tucovića, tvorca modernog radničkog pokreta u Srbiji, videti nat- kulturna dobra”, Službeni list grada Beograda, vol. XXVIII, pis u dnevnom listu Politika (21. 11. 1949). no. 19 (1981), 913.

148 istovremeno je brisano neželjeno seća- ing of the outmost importance” seems like a nje na vojnike Crvene armije koji su tu late, if not irrelevant homage to this place sahranjeni pet godina ranije, ali i mnogo of memory, whose place in the memorial to- toga više.76 pography of Belgrade is quite unique.

U prvim posleratnim danima, naime, na *** nekoliko beogradskih trgova obeležena su mesta na kojima su sahranjeni vojnici In the numerous layers of cultural and ideo- Crvene Armije. Prvo spomen —obeležje logical heritage that are represented in Slav- palim crvenoarmejcima podignuto je na ija Square, the burying of the remains of Di- nekada Pozorišnom, danas Trgu Republike. mitrije Tucović in November 1949 still main- 28. oktobra 1944. Upravo je ovde održana tains an important symbolism.75 The square’s velika sahrana sovjetskih vojnika na kojoj long history was one of the main factors that su bili prisutni generali Crvene Armije i influenced the decision to pick the Slavija NOV-a. U neposrednoj blizini Vukovog spo- Square as a place that would carry his name menika u Beogradu, sahranjeni su vojnici and get his bust. By burying Tucović’s re- Crvene armije koji su poginuli u Mađarskoj mains, the central city square received a new i kako je isticano u novinama neposredno active content, based on the idea of building po oslobođenju „u skladu sa svojom po- a continuity of socialist thought and prac- slednjom željom sahranjeni u Beogradu”.77 tice in Belgrade. Laying to rest the remains U zimskim danima iščekivanja i strepnji of one of the region’s most important social- štampa je prenosila njihove izjave koje je ist thinkers (besides Svetozar Marković) and trebalo da osnaže osećaje bliskosti izme- a resolute critic of Serbian nationalism and đu građana Jugoslavije i Crvene Armije.78 expansionism, erased the unwanted memory Spomenici poginulim crvenoarmejcima - in the symbolic plain, of the Red Army sol- koji su nicali širom Srbije, sjedinjavali su diers who were buried there five years earlier krst i petokraku i predstavljali prve primere as well as of the tumultuous events that it uprostoravanja komunizma u Srbiji. Mapi- had witnessed up to that date.76 rali su pejzaž sećanja u kome su pali vojnici Crvene Armije označeni kao heroji i marti- In the first days after the war, in several ri nove zajednice u nastajanju. Pored dva squares around Belgrade, places in which pomenuta prostora, u Beogradu su grobovi the Red Army soldiers had been buried palih vojnika obeleženi i na trgovima Slavi- were marked. The first memorial to the fallen Red Army soldiers was erected on the 28th of October 1944 in the former 76 Posmrtni ostaci Dimitrija Tucovića su preneti iz Lazarevca, preko Aranđelovca i Mladenovca u Beograd 35 godina posle nje- Theatre Square, known today as the Square gove pogibije. Videti: “Posmrtni ostaci Dimitrija Tucovića preneseni su juče u Beograd”, u Politika, (20. 11. 1949), 3. 75 The remains of Dimitrije Tucovic, the founder of modern 77 Videti: Olga Manojlović Pintar, “ ‘Široka strana moja rodnaja’: labor movement in Serbia, were buried on the Slavija Square, Spomenici sovjetskim vojnicima podizani u Srbiji 1944-1954”, u see the article in the daily newspaper Politika (21.11.1949). Tokovi istorije, no. 1-2 (2005), 134-145. 76 The remains of Dimitrije Tucovic were transported from 78 Posebno je isticana navodna izjava kapetana Striževa: “Biću Lazarevac, via Arandjelovac and Mladenovac to Belgrade, Nemce bez milosti, ali nijednu granatu neću da pustim na slov- 35 years after his death. See: “Posmrtni ostaci Dimitrija enski Beograd” kao dokaz bliskosti koju su vojnici Crvene Armije Tucovića preneseni su juče u Beograd”, in Politika, (20. 11, imali prema Beogradu i njegovim građanima. Ibid. 1949), 3.

149 ja i Autokomanda, u blizini raskrsnice ulica of the Republic. In this very place, a large Nemanjine i Miloša Velikog. burial of soviet soldiers took place and was attended to by the generals of the Red Army Narodnooslobodilačka vojska koja je od and NOV (People’s Liberation Army). In the 1944. godine, odnosno posle uspostavlja- vicinity of the Vukov Spomenik in Belgrade, nja dijaloga sa Čerčilom i nastavka zva- the press reported that after liberation the ničnih razgovora sa Staljinom etablirana soldiers of the Red Army who died in Hun- na međunarodnom planu kao jedna od gary were laid to rest “according to their last saveznica antifašističke koalicije, podsti- will to be buried in Belgrade”.77 During those cala je manifestacije i simbole kojima je dark winter days, the newspapers published isticana uloga Crvene Armije u oslobođe- statements that were supposed to strength- nju zemlje. Preimenovanjem ulica 1946. en the feeling of closeness between the godine u javnom prostoru su se našla citizens of Yugoslavia and the Red Army.78 imena Generala Ždanova i Maršala Birju- Monuments to the fallen Red Army soldiers zova. Kroz prikaz bliskosti sa Sovjetskim sprouted all over Serbia, uniting a cross and Savezom, jugoslovensko komunistič- a red star that represented the first exam- ko rukovodstvo je pokušavalo da osnaži ples of the spatial embedding of commu- svoje pozicije u samoj zemlji, dokazujući nism in Serbia. They mapped the landscape istovremeno moćnoj saveznici svoju prin- of memory in which the fallen soldiers of cipijelnu i faktičku odanost. Veoma je in- the Red Army became denoted as the heroes teresantna činjenica da su brojne akcije and martyrs of a new society in its forming. podizanja spomenika crvenoarmejcima, Besides the two already mentioned spaces iako inicirane od samih građana, uvek in Belgrade, the graves of the fallen soldiers koordinirali narodno-oslobodilački odbo- were also marked on the Slavija and Auto- ri, čijem se uspostavljanju Staljin odlučno komanda squares and in the vicinity of the suprotstavio još na samom početku rata. junction between Nemanjina and Miloš Ve- Poginuli vojnici Crvene Armije su sveča- liki streets. no sahranjivani u prisustvu građana, uz opela sveštenika Srpske pravoslavne cr- From 1944, while a dialogue with Churchill kve i govore političkih komesara. had been established and talks with Stalin were proceeding, the People’s Liberation Iako je kult Crvene armije brižljivo nego- Army arose on the international plain as van od prvih dana oslobođenja, kroz niz one of the allies of the anti-fascist coali- komemoracija koje su u centar javnog tion. It encouraged demonstrations and polja postavile figuru crvenoarmejca kao symbols that emphasized the role of the oslobodioca i velikog saveznika, partizan- Red Army in the liberation of the Country. ska vojska je i u tim prvim danima jasno 77 See: Olga Manojlović Pintar, “ ‘Široka strana moja rodnaja’: isticana kao nosilac revolucionarnog pre- Spomenici sovjetskim vojnicima podizani u Srbiji 1944- obražaja društva. Postepenim uobličava- 1954”, in Tokovi istorije, no. 1-2 (2005), 134-145. njem ratnog narativa sve je jasnije krei- 78 An alleged statement by the Captain Srtizev was especially emphasized:” I will fight Germans mercilessly, but I won’t rana predstava kontinuiteta socijalističke drop a single grenade on the Slavic Belgrade” as a proof of closeness that red Army soldiers had for Belgrade and its revolucionarne misli i borbe. U javnom citizens. Ibid.

150 prostoru to je, međutim, postalo uočljivo By renaming the streets in 1946, the names tek posle političkog razlaza jugosloven- of General Ždanov and Marshal Birjuzov skih i sovjetskih komunista 1948. godine. emerged in the public space. Through a de- Tada je, naime, započela organizovana piction of closeness with the Soviet Union, praksa podizanja spomenika i spomen- the Yugoslav communist leadership tried ploča koji su slavili partizanske žrtve i to strengthen its position in the country, ideju autentičnog čitanja marksizma ju- proving to its powerful allay its principal goslovenskih komunista. and factual loyalty. It is noteworthy that on the numerous occasions in which citi- Slavija kao mesto sećanja koje je oktobra zens initiated the erecting of monuments 1944. godine jasno obeleženo sahranji- for the Red Army soldiers, these were al- vanjem poginulih crvenoarmejaca, pet ways coordinated by people-liberation as- godina kasnije je dobila novi aktivni semblies, whose founding Stalin decisively sadržaj postavljanjem groba Dimitri- opposed from the beginning of the war. The ja Tucovića. Na simboličnoj ravni on je dead soldiers of the Red Army were cere- afirmisao ideju kontinuiteta i autohto- monially buried in the presence of citizens, nog jugoslovenskog puta u socijalizam, with a requiem by the priests of the Ser- negirajući predstavu socijalizma u Jugo- bian Orthodox Church and speeches by the slaviji kao importa Crvene armije. Drža- political commissars. va je gradila tradicije koje je trebalo da jasno istaknu revolucionarnu inicijativu The cult of the Red Army was carefully jugoslovenskih komunista. Rituali su nourished from the first days of liberation, interpretirali ratno iskustvo i davali mu through a series of commemorations that jasna tumačenja tokom decenja postoja- presented the figure of a Red Army soldier nja socijalističke Jugoslavije. as the liberator and a big allay to the public. Nevertheless, the partisan army was al- Istorijske predstave (stvarne, ali i ima- ways depicted as a bearer of the revolution- ginarne) zauzimaju simbolička mesta i ary transformation of the society. By the kreiraju društveni i kulturni identitet za- gradual shaping of the war narrative, an jednice, koja sebe zamišlja i konsekven- image of continuity with regards to social- tno gradi kroz različite reprezentativne ist revolutionary thought and struggle was forme. Na prostoru Slavije se tokom čita- created. In public spaces, this only became vog XX veka kristalisalo nasleđe koje je u visible after the political split between the svojoj osnovi imalo ideju socijalne pravde Yugoslav and Soviet communists, when the i ravnopravnosti i koje je indirektno ute- organised practice of erecting monuments meljivalo ideje socijalizma u zajednicu. and mounting memorial plaques that cel- Današnje derutno stanje trga i nemoguć- ebrated the partisan sacrifice and the idea nost konstituisanja narativa koji bi ga of an authentic reading of Marxism by the uobličio, analizirano na simboličnoj ravni, Yugoslav communists was born. čini se da proizilazi iz pokušaja negiranja memorije prostora. Sve inicijative za pre- Slavija’s importance as a place of memory imenovanje i promenu koncepta trga Sla- was initially marked by the burial of the

151 Red Army soldiers in October of 1944 and five years later, by the setting up the Di- mitrije Tucović tomb. In the symbolic plain, the tomb asserted the idea of continuity and an autochthon Yugoslav path into socialism, negating the image of socialism in Yugoslavia as an import of the Red Army. The state was building traditions that were supposed to clearly single out the revolutionary initiative of the Yugoslav communists. The rituals were interpreting the war experience and in so doing, giving it unequivocal interpretations of the identity of socialist Yugoslavia.

Historical representations (real or imaginary) occupy symbolic places and create the social and cultural identity of a community, in the process of which it is imagining and consequently building itself through different symbolic forms. In the Slavija area, during th Slika 5 :: Naslovna strana reprinta knjige Dimitrija Tucovića iz 1913. godine: the entire 20 century, a heritage that had “Srbija i Arbanija: jedan prilog kritici zavojevačke politike srpske buržoazije” at its base an idea of social justice and equal- (Beograd: Radnička štampa, 1974). ity was crystallised and thus indirectly paved Picture 5 :: Cover of the reprint of the book “Srbija i Arbanija: jedan prilog kritici zavojevačke politike srpske buržoazije” (Belgrade: Radnička štampa, the way for theories of socialism in the com- 1974) written by Dimitrije Tucović in 1913 munity. The current state of disorder of the square and the impossibility to construct a narrative that can shape it, seems a conse- vija, odnosno Dimitrija Tucovića, polazile quence of attempts to negate the memories su, kao što je već rečeno, od ideje brisanja of the space. All the initiatives to rename sećanja koju nosi nasleđe Tucovićeve mi- and change the conception of Slavija, i.e. Di- sli u Srbiji. Savremeno društvo je poku- mitrije Tucović square, began with the idea šalo da izgradi distancu prema radikalnoj of erasing the memory of the heritage that kritici nacionalne politike koju je artiku- bears the thought of Tucović in Serbia. lisao Tucović, pre svega u delu Srbija i Arbanija, jedan prilog kritici zavojevačke Contemporary society has tried to distance politike srpske buržoazije (1914) (slika 5). itself from the radical critique of national Njegove analize balkanskih političkih re- politics that was articulated by Tucović, alnosti, sublimirane u stavu da je “Srbija above all in the work Serbia and Arbania, rđavom politikom odgurnula albanski a contribution to the critique of the impe- narod u mržnju prema svemu srpskom”, rialistic politics of the Serbian bourgeoisie predstavljale su potpuno odbijanje pro- (1914) (picture 5). His analyses of Balkan

152 jekata državnog širenja. Danas posle sto political realities, condensed in the claim godina, Tucovićeva tumačenja ostavljaju that “through bad politics, Serbia has snažan utisak. Ističući da je Srbija “htela pushed Albanian people into hatred of eve- izlazak na more i jednu svoju koloniju, ali rything Serbian”, represented a complete je na kraju ostala bez izlaska na more, a rejection of the project of state expansion. od zamišljene kolonije stvorila krvnoga Today, after hundred years, Tucović’s inter- neprijatelja”, posmatrane iz istorijske per- pretations give a powerful impression: they spektive i sa vremenske distance otvara- observe that Serbia “wanted an access to ju prostor za nove analize i tumačenja the sea and a colony but ended up with no prošlosti. Otvaraju pitanje: koliko su i da- access to the sea and made a sworn enemy nas određeni procesi još uvek snažni na out of an imagined colony”. The statement ovim prostorima.79 opens up space for new analyses and interpretations of the past while begging the Tucovićevo rešenje problema na Balkanu question: to what extent are certain proc- nastalih povlačenjem Turske, polazilo je esses still strong in this region.79 od ideje grupisanja i razvijanja uzajam- nosti zemalja i naroda Balkana. Za njega Tucović’s solution for the problems in the je to bio jedini put koji je mogao rezulti- Balkans, generated by the retreat of the rati privrednim, nacionalnim i političkim Turks, started off with the idea of group- oslobođenjem. Ideja Balkanske federacije ing and developing reciprocity between the koju je promovisao, polazila je od stava da countries and nations that make up the Bal- sve “balkanske državice hoće pristaništa kans. For him, this was the only approach i teritorije (...) a ne vide da to svi mogu that would result in economic, national and imati samo u zajednici”. On je bio među political liberation. The idea of a Balkan fed- rodonačelnicima ideje nužnosti objedi- eration which he promoted, was based on an njavanja balkanskog prostora, kao jedi- idea that all “Balkan little states want har- nog preduslova i mogućnosti za razvoj. bours and territories (…) but can’t see that they could all have it only when in a commu- U evropskoj tradiciji i u vremenskoj i u nity”. Tucović was one of the founders of the prostornoj perspektivi trg označava mesto notion that there was a necessity of uniting susreta i razmene, dijaloga ideja i dobara. the Balkan region and that this was the only Zaokružena celina trga otvara mogućnost condition necessary to forward development. uspostavljanja kulture dijaloga i kon- In European tradition and from a perspec- sekventno izgradnje ideala tolerancije. tive of time and space, a square denotes Traganje za načinom koji će Slaviju kao a place of meeting and of dialogue, of ex- mesto sećanja preobraziti u moderni trg change of ideas and of goods. The com- XXI veka, ostaće bez rezultata sve dok pleteness of a square opens up a possibility se slojevi memorijalnog nasleđa ne od- for establishing a culture of dialogue and viju i kritički ne preispitaju. Uključivanje consequently building up an ideal of toler-

79 Videti: Dimitrije Tucović, Srbija i Arbanija, jedan prilog kritici 79 See: Dimitrije Tucović, Srbija i Arbanija, jedan prilog zavojevačke politike srpske buržoazije (Beograd: Nova štamparija kritici zavojevačke politike srpske buržoazije (Beograd: Nova S. Radenkovića i Brata, 1914). štamparija S. Radenkovića i Brata, 1914).

153 neželjene, a zapravo potisnute memo- ance. A search for the ways in which Slavija rije preduslov je kreiranja kontinuiteta as a place of memory could be transformed kao osnova funkcionisanja prostora kroz into a modern square of the 21st century, nove sadržaje. Od načina na koji će ju- will remain without a result until the layers goslovensko iskustvo socijalizma, kao i of the memorial heritage unroll and until preispitivanje međunacionalnih odnosa they are critically examined. Including the na Balkanu biti uključeno u promišljanje unwanted but suppressed memory is a con- savremenog trenutka u Srbiji, zavisiće i dition for creating continuity as a basis for sistem vrednosti zajednice. Na primeru the space’s functioning through new con- Slavije postaje jasno da funkcionisanje tents. The system of values of the commu- društva nije moguće bez uspostavljanja nity will depend on the ways in which the istorijskih kontinuiteta. To je, čini se, Yugoslav experience of socialism, as well as moguće samo kritičkim i konstruktivnim examining inter-national relationships in odnosom prema prošlosti, a ne njenim the Balkans, will be included in the thinking brisanjem, zaboravljanjem i stavljanjem of a contemporary moment in Serbia. The u zagrade.80 case of Slavija Square makes it clear that society cannot function without establishing historical continuities. That, it seems, is only possible through critical and constructive relation toward the past, not by erasing it, forgetting it or putting it in brackets.80

80 This text is a result of the work in the framework of the projects “Serbian art of the 20th century — national 80 Ovaj tekst je rezultat rada na projektima “Srpska umetnost and Europe “, Project No. 177013 and “Tradition and XX veka — nacionalno i Evropa”, br. proj. 177013, i “Tradicija transformation – historical heritage and national identities i transformacija – istorijsko nasleđe i nacionalni identiteti u in Serbia in the 20th century”, Project No. 47019, which are Srbiji u XX veku”, br. proj. 47019, koje finansira Ministarstvo financed by the Ministry of Education and Science of the prosvete i nauke Republike Srbije. Republic of Serbia.

154

Gradski trg kao mesto istorije, sećanja i identiteta Urban Square as the Place of History, Memory, Identity

PROF. DR Bertrand Levy Univerzitet u Ženevi University of Geneva

Prevela sa engleskog Translated from English by Marijana Simu Tokom rada na prevodu konsultovan je tekst Bertranda Levya „Gradski trg u Evropi kao idealno mesto“ koji je objavljen u publikaciji „Mesta Evrope“ (Biblioteka XX vek, 2010) u prevodu Olje Petronić i Snežane Spasojević.

Idealan gradski trg The ideal urban square Javni trg je konstrukcija nasleđena The public square is a construction inher- iz prošlosti, očuvana do danas kao ited from the past that remains today as najvažniji element evropskog grada. the quintessential element of the European Gradski trg se može smatrati mestom u town. The public square is a place, in so far onoj meri u kojoj predstavlja značajno as it is a significant urban feature and to obeležje grada i u kojoj poseduje svo- the extent in which the four characteristics jstva koja prema Marcu Augéu definišu of place, given by Marc Augé, are respected mesto: 1) da je istorijsko, 2) da je prožeto as being: 1) historical, 2) imbued with hu- identitetom ljudi, 3) da je relaciono, 4) man identity, 3) relational and 4) charged da ima simbolički smisao.1 with symbolic meaning.1

U kontekstu globalizacije, trg kao mesto In the context of globalization, the square predstavlja određenu stalnost u prostoru, as a place represents a certain permanence nasuprot nemestima koja su nastala kao in space, as opposed to non-places pro- rezultat nadmodernosti i rastuće po- duced by excessive modernity and grow- kretljivosti.2 Mesta oblikuju prostorni i ing mobility.2 Places structure space and ljudski identitet. Urbano mesto ima eg- human identity. The urban place touches

1 Augé, Marc, Non-lieux, Seuil, Paris, 1992, str.100. 1 Augé, Marc, Non-lieux, Seuil, Paris, 1992, p.100. 2 Balandier, Georges, Le Grand Système, Fayard, Paris, 2001, str. 2 Balandier, Georges, Le Grand Système, Fayard, Paris, 2001, 62-76. pp. 62-76.

156 zistencijalnu dimenziju, zbog čega je u on existential factors, which is why it is humanističkoj geografiji definisano kao defined in humanistic geography as a cen- pojava od centralnog značaja za ljuds- tral locus of human spatial awareness, enko poimanje prostora, koje pojedincu abling the individual to create – through omogućava da kroz sećanje izgradi ko- memory – a coherent personal and social herentan lični i društveni identitet. Za identity. Contrary to the streets, that em- razliku od ulica, koje otelovljuju tokove body flows of physical circulation through fizičkog kretanja kroz grad, trgovi pred- the city, squares represent periods of rest stavljaju periode odmora i pauze. and of pause.

U savremenim gradovima trgovi pos- In contemporary cities, squares become taju sve neophodniji jer mesta protoka increasingly necessary as gradually places i ukrštanja postepeno preovladavaju of flow and crossing points tend to surpass nad mestima odmora, koja su po svo- the places of rest, which are also funda- joj suštini ujedno i mesta na kojima se mentally places where mankind can stop ljudi mogu zaustaviti i razmisliti o gradu, and think about the city and its personal svom ličnom identitetu i sudbini. Nara- identity and destiny. One could of course vno, neko se može usprotiviti mišljenju counteract that urban squares are not the da su gradski trgovi jedina mesta koja only places to present the characteristics poseduju osobine mesta za odmor i da, na of rest and that public parks, for example, primer, javni parkovi takođe ispunjavaju also fulfill that role; however the essential ovu ulogu. Međutim, suštinska razlika difference between a public park and a između javnog parka i javnog trga je ta public square is that on a square, the citi- što na trgu građanin nije u dodiru sa pri- zen is not connected to manifestations of rodom već sa samom suštinom gradske nature but to the heart of urban culture, kulture, istorije i sećanja. history and memory.

Guido Ceronetti u svom, gotovo Guido Ceronetti (1996), in his rather icon- ikonoklastičnom „Putovanju u Italiju“ oclast A Travel in Italy, writes that when (1996), piše da ste dok sedite na grad- sitting in an urban square, one is bound skom trgu pupčanom vrpcom vezani to the umbilical cord of the city and to its za grad i za njegov suštinski identitet deepest identity and history. This is the i istoriju. Ovo je razlog zbog koga grad- reason for which urban squares represent ski trgovi predstavljaju veoma ose- a very sensitive issue: even a small modifi- tljivo pitanje: čak i najmanja promena cation or transformation made in a square ili transformacija trga doživljava se is felt as a symbolic change affecting the kao simbolična promena koja utiče na type of relations between the civitas (the odnos civitas - urbs (zajednica građana community of citizens) and the urbs (the - izgrađeni grad). built town).

Austrijski urbanista Camillo Sitte istra- Austrian urban planner Camillo Sitte ex- živao je strukturalne promene gradova plored the structural changes of cities

157 u drugoj polovini XIX veka.3 Sitte je do- in the second part of 19th century.3 Sitte kazao da je radijalno-kružni grad, koji demonstrated that the radial and circula- je nastao tokom Ring perioda4 i koji je tory city, born during the Ring period and poslužio kao model urbanističkog plani- used as a model for all city planning in ranja u Evropi u drugoj polovini XIX Europe in the latter half of the 19th century veka (Hausmannov Pariz, Eixample u (Hausmann’s Paris, Barcelona’s Eixample, Barseloni, Fazyeva Ženeva...), u suprotnosti Fazy’s Geneva…), is opposed in his mind sa “gemütlichkheitom”5 srednjovekovnog to the “Gemütlichkheit”4 of the medieval grada i urbanizma zasnovanog na odbrani. town and its protective urbanism. Sitte’s Sitteova studija iz 1899. prati veliku ur- study (1899), traces the great urban trans- banu transfomaciju bečkog Ringa – pros- formation of Vienna’s Ring – an environ- tora isprekidanog prostranim šetalištima ment punctuated by vast esplanades and i ukrašenog vrtovima. Po njemu, Ring se decorated with gardens. In his view, the sastoji od otvorenih prostora koji se razli- Ring is made up of open spaces that distin- kuju od uskih ulica i intimnog karaktera guish themselves from the narrow streets srednjovekovnih gradova. and intimate character of cities in the Middle Ages. Zasigurno, savremena arhitektura i urbanizam su se umnogome promenili u Certainly, contemporary architecture and odnosu na srednji vek i renesansu. Sitte urbanism have changed a lot since the ne odgovara na sva pitanja koja mi danas Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Sitte postavljamo, ali njegov rad razjašnjava šta does not answer all the questions we pose je sve neophodno za stvaranje kvalitetnih today, but his work clarifies what goes into urbanih okruženja, od kojih najbolja op- the making of successful urban environ- staju kao najcenjenije ikada sagrađene ments, the best of which survive as the urbane forme. most admirable urban forms ever built.

Kriterijumi za idealan trg po Sitteu The ideal criteria of the urban square Ustanovivši da je trg mesto geografske according to Camillo Sitte konvergencije i istorijskog sećanja, ne Having established that the square is a možemo da se ne složimo sa tvrdnjom place of geographic convergence and his- Jacquesa Dewittea6 da je glavna funk- toric memory, one can but agree with cija trga da simbolizuje arhetip susre- Jacques Dewitte5 that its foremost func- tanja ljudi i podstakne razmišljanje o tion is to symbolize the archetype of human encounters and encourage urban con- 3 Sitte, Camillo, City Planning According to Artistic Principles, 1965. templation. Camillo Sitte’s work addresses 4 Period urbanističkog razvoja Beča (sredina XIX veka) tokom kog je značajno razvijena urbana infrastruktura, a umesto gradskih zidina izgrađena ulica Ringstrasse, po kojoj je period i dobio naziv: http://www.wien.gv.at/english/history/overview/ringstrasse. 3 Sitte, Camillo, City Planning According to Artistic Princi- html, (stranici pristupljeno u novembru 2011.) (prim. prev.) ples, 1965. 5 Pristupačnost, udobnost (prim. aut.) 4 Approachability/cozyness. 6 Dewitte, Jacques, “ Eloge de la place. Camillo Sitte ou 5 Dewitte, Jacques, “ Eloge de la place. Camillo Sitte ou l’agoraphilie ”, La ville inquiète, Le temps de la réflexion, VIII, l’agoraphilie ”, La ville inquiète, Le temps de la réflexion, VIII, Gallimard, Paris, 1987, str. 150-177. Gallimard, Paris, 1987, pp. 150-177.

158 gradu. Sitteov rad bavi se morfologijom the morphology and aesthetics of the i estetikom trga pre nego njegovom square rather than its functionality or use. funkcionalnošću ili upotrebom. Sitteovi Sitte’s ideal criteria may be summarized as morfološko-estetski kriterijumi za ideal- follows:6 an gradski trg su sledeći:7 Ideal morphological-aesthetical criteria of – zatvoren i zaštićen prostor; the urban square: – slobodan centar (da bi se omogućio – closed and protected space; pogled ka i od); – the center should be free (to enable – spomenici smešteni po ivicama; sight-lines to and from); – element iznenađenja (uske, viju- – monuments are placed on the gave ulice); perimeter; – arhitektonski privlačne fasade – the element of surprise (narrow, ("Handwerk"); crooked streets); – konkavnost i dekorativno – attractiveness of architectural façades popločavanje. (“Handwerk”); – concavity and aesthetic paving. Kriterijumi funkcionalnosti koji su u skladu sa savremenim funkcijama i zahtevima za Other criteria to do with present-day func- udobnošću mogu biti dodati pomenutim tions and amenities may be added to these topografsko-estetskim kriterijumima. ideal topographical-aesthetic criteria:

Kriterijumi funkcionalnosti gradskog Functional criteria of the town square trga su: – closed to traffic/pedestrian accessibility; – zatvorenost za saobraćaj/dostupnost – restoration/rehabilitation of ancient pešacima; buildings; – obnavljanje/vraćanje u upotrebu – provision of various kinds of landscaped starih zgrada; seating; – postojanje više različitih pejzažno – close to commercial activities uređenih celina za odmor/sedenje; (pedestrian flows); – blizina trgovinskim/komercijalnim – diverse animation (music, sadržajima (ulicama kojima prolazi dance, theatre…). veliki broj pešaka); – postojanje različitih sadržaja zabavnog Jean-Bernard Racine considers that the ur- karaktera (muzika, ples, pozorište…). ban square should remain as a “collective property”; a space of shared citizenship that Jean-Bernard Racine smatra da gradski trg is inhospitable to commercial demands and treba da ostane „kolektivno vlasništvo“,

7 Levi, Bertran, “ Gradski trg u Evropi kao idealno mesto ”, in Stela 6 Levi, Bertran, “ Gradski trg u Evropi kao idealno mesto ”, in Ghervas, Fransoa Rose (ur.), Mesta Evrope, Urednik Ivan Čolović, Stela Ghervas, Fransoa Rose (eds.), Mesta Evrope, Urednik Ivan Biblioteka XX vek, s francuskog prevele Olja Petronić i Snežana Čolović, Biblioteka XX vek, translated from French by Olja Spasojević, Beograd, 2010, str. 88-115. Petronić and Snežana Spasojević, Belgrade, 2010, pp. 88-115.

159 prostor zajedničkog pripadanja istom speculation.7 The urban square is a space gradu, negostoljubiv prema komercijal- of co-(community, communication, com- nim zahtevima i trgovini.8 Gradski trg munion, continuity) rather than of dis- je prostor ko- (komune, komunikacije, (discrimination, disparity, discontinuity). komunia,9 kontinuiteta) pre nego prostor Indeed, the roots of Sitte’s work stem from dis- (diskriminacije, dispariteta, diskonti- a deep concern for the very idea of commu- nuiteta). Koreni Sitteovog dela potiču iz nity.8 Sitte anticipated that circulatory flows ozbiljnog bavljenja samom idejom za- invade and kill the nature of urban square jednice.10 Sitte je predvideo da će kružni when they become crossroads, urban hubs tokovi narušiti prirodu gradskog trga, or vast esplanades conceived for mass dem- pretvarajući ih u raskrsnice, saobraćajne onstrations or mass socio-cultural events. čvorove ili prostrana šetališta predviđena Nowadays, squares from the late 19th and za masovne demonstracije ili velike so- 20th century have become crossroads and re- cio-kulturne događaje. Danas su trgovi s designing such piazzas is at heart of urban kraja XIX i iz XX veka postali raskrsnice i regeneration and memory. However, both ponovno uređenje takvih mesta je u srži types of urban squares, those that respect urbane regeneracije i sećanja. Međutim, the ideal morpho-esthetic criteria of Sitte obe vrste gradskih trgova, oni koji zado- and those that do not, are concerned by the voljavaju idealne morfološko-estetske problematic of how to incorporate elements kriterijume prema Sitteu i oni koji ih ne of history, memory and identity into an al- zadovoljavaju, odražavaju pitanje kako ready built-up urban square. uključiti istoriju, sećanje i identitet u već izgrađen trg. History, memory and identity elements on an urban square Elementi istorije, sećanja i identiteta A distinction should be made between his- na jednom gradskom trgu torical urban squares, saturated with the Potrebno je napraviti razliku između isto- symbols of urban history and memory – rijskih gradskih trgova prepunih simbola “the intouchables” as one might be inclined gradske istorije i sećanja – „nedodirljivih“, to define them – and between incomplete kako se mogu definisati – i onih koji su urban squares, born out of crossroads or nepotpuni, nastali na raskrsnicama ili bloc systems, which are perfectible follow- među blokovima zgrada, onih koji bi ing Sitte’s criteria or those of contemporary mogli postati savršeni prema Sitteovim public policies. kriterijumima ili prema kriterijumima savremenih javnih politika. What types of elements define an ancient urban square? To begin with, the elements 8 Racine, Jean-Bernard, “Villes idéales et rêves de villes: de Tombouctou à Jérusalem, regards croisés sur quelques villes vécues en vrai ou en imaginaire ”, u: Lévy, B., Raffestin, C. (ur.), 7 Racine, Jean-Bernard, “Villes idéales et rêves de villes: de Ma ville idéale, Metropolis, Genève, 1999, str. 187-240. Tombouctou à Jérusalem, regards croisés sur quelques villes 9 komunio - zajednica, naročito crkvena, verska; pričest; vreme kad vécues en vrai ou en imaginaire ”, in Lévy, B., Raffestin, C. se pričešćuje (u katoličkoj crkvi); zajedničko učešće. (prim. prev.) (eds.), Ma ville idéale, Metropolis, Genève, 1999, pp. 187-240. 10 Dewitte, Jacques, “ Eloge de la place. Camillo Sitte ou 8 Dewitte, Jacques, “ Eloge de la place. Camillo Sitte ou l’agoraphilie ”, La ville inquiète, Le temps de la réflexion, VIII, l’agoraphilie ”, La ville inquiète, Le temps de la réflexion, VIII, Gallimard, Paris, 1987, str. 150-177. Gallimard, Paris, 1987, pp. 150-177.

160 Koji elementi definišu stari gradski trg? Za are designed to form a whole, to give a početak, namena elemenata je da formira- personality to the public square, a sort of ju celinu, da daju jedinstven karakter jav- “brand” that makes these places original nom trgu, kao neka vrsta zaštitnog znaka and inimitable. Monuments (a church, a koji ova mesta čini originalnim i jedinst- campanile, a statue, a fountain...) situated venim. To se može postići postavljanjem on the perimeter may be evoked, so that spomenika (crkva, zvonik, statua, fontana...) an asymmetry is created. Such is the case po obodu trga tako da se stvara asimetri- for Michelangelo’s David in Piazza della ja. Takvi su primeri Mikelanđelova skulp- Signoria in Florence or of Piazza San Mar- tura „David“ na trgu Piazza della Signoria co’s campanile in Venice. Many churches u Firenci i zvonik na Trgu svetog Marka u are integrated into the fabric of buildings Veneciji, kao i mnoge crkve koje su utkane hemming the square. We can also focus in među građevine koje oivičavaju trgove u on characteristics of the facades along the ovim gradovima. Pažnja se može usmeriti square. For instance, if we consider Piazza i na karakteristike fasada po obodu trga. del Campo in Siena, the absence of balconies Na primer, ako posmatramo trg Piazza del reflects a strictly egalitarian will while the Campo u Sijeni, odsustvo balkona odražava curvature of certain buildings, an adapta- strogu ujednačenost dok zakrivljene linije tion of the site’s natural circular formation. pojedinih zgrada odražavaju prilagođavanje This circularity reflects a collective will and prirodno kružnom obliku mesta. Kružni identity; it symbolizes the spirit of union oblik odražava kolektivnu volju i identitet, and of concord in a city historically beset by simbolizuje duh zajedništva i saglasja u turf wars. Such is also the role of the Palio, a gradu koji je kroz istoriju bio pritiskan rato- bi-yearly horse race in which the city’s dif- vima. Sličnu ulogu ima i Palio, konjička trka ferent “contrade” (neighborhood factions), koja se održava dva puta godišnje i u kojoj race in circles around the square, in order se stanovnici grada, podeljeni u kontrade11 to symbolize the competition and diversity prema kvartovima u kojima žive, utrkuju of the different neighborhoods. The figure of u krug oko trga simbolizujući nadmetan- the circle is used to express unity, gather- je i različitost delova grada. Oblik kruga je ing and encounter. The division of Siena’s korišćen da izrazi jedinstvo, okupljanje i Piazza del Campo into nine parts (symbol- susretanje. Podela trga Piazza del Campo izing the Government of the Nine) and their na devet delova (koji simbolizuju Vladu linear convergence in front of the Torre del devetorice) i njihovo susretanje ispod torn- Mangia (the main architectural feature that ja Torre del Mangia - glavna arhitektonska dominates over the square), also symbolizes odrednica koja dominira trgom - takođe a desire for the political unity of the differ- simbolizuje želju za jedinstvom različitih ent forces of the city. političkih snaga u gradu. With these urban squares deeply steeped in Ono što je važno kada su u pitanju gradski history, what is important is the preserva- trgovi duboko ukorenjeni u istoriju, jeste tion of the message printed in the past, not the adding of new elements. Nowadays,

11 contrada (ital.) - deo grada, kvart (prim. prev.) the struggle of these squares is mainly di-

161 Slika 1 :: Trg Piazza del Campo u Sijeni predstavlja idealnu formu gradskog trga koja prema Sitteu podrazumeva otvoren, konkavan i kružan prostor u zgusnutom gradskom pejzažu. (fotografija: Bertrand Levy) Picture 1 :: The Campo of Siena represents an ideal form of urban square as described by C. Sitte: an open space in a dense urban landscape, concave and rounded. (photo by Bertrand Levy)

očuvanje poruke utisnute u prošlosti, a ne rected towards the conservation of their dodavanje novih elemenata. U današnje historical elements against vandalism vreme, bitka za ove trgove je pretežno us- and private groups who may seek to use merena na očuvanje njihovih istorijskih the site for commercial purposes. These elemenata, protiv vandalizma i interesnih squares are also under the pressure of dif- grupa koje pokušavaju da iskoriste mesto ferent groups who may wish to organize za komercijalne namene. Ovi trgovi su occasional cultural, festive or commercial takođe pod pritiskom različitih grupa koje events (picture 1). povremeno nastoje da organizuju kulturne događaje, svečanosti, predstave i komerci- Some examples in Geneva jalne sadržaje različitog tipa (slika 1). The problematic is quite different for the “imperfect squares”. These squares require Neki primeri u Ženevi sporadic or definitive redesigning from Problematika je dosta drugačija kada su which the question of placing elements of u pitanju „nesavršeni trgovi“. Oni zahte- artistic and nostalgic value is often raised. vaju delimičnu ili potpunu rekonstruk- Let us take some examples from Geneva: ciju koja često otvara pitanje načina Place Neuve is a traditional cultural agora raspoređivanja elemenata koji nose stemming from the end of 19th century umetničku i nostalgičnu vrednost. that gathers some edifices of prestige such

162 Pozabavimo se primerima u Ženevi: trg as Le Grand Théâtre (the Opera House), the Place Neuve predstavlja tradicionalnu Rath Museum, the Conservatory of music, kulturnu agoru još od kraja XIX veka na and the University Park (les Bastions). At kojoj se nalaze prestižna zdanja kao što the center of the space stands the statue su zgrada Opere (Le Grand Théâtre), Mu- of général Henri Dufour, an engineer, urban zej Rath, Muzički konzervatorijum, kao planner, cartographer and politician of the i univerzitetski park Les Bastions. Cen- 19th century who helped build the adjacent tralni prostor trga zauzima statua gene- street, la rue de la Corraterie and who paci- rala Henri Dufoura, inženjera, urbaniste, fied Switzerland during the Sonderbund kartografa i političara iz XIX veka, koji War – the civil Swiss war opposing the je pomogao izgradnju susedne ulice Cor- catholic and protestant cantons in 1847. raterie, i koji je doprineo uspostavljanju mira u Švajcarskoj tokom građanskog Place Neuve does not respond to Sitte’s ide- rata između katoličkih i protestantskih al criteria – it is too vast and too open – and kantona 1847. (Sonderbundški rat). has become over time a crossroad, jammed with private and public traffic. In 1997, an Place Neuve ne odgovara Sitteovim krite- urban project was established with the rijumima idealnog gradskog trga – suviše aim of suppressing private traffic in order je prostran i otvoren – i vremenom je po- to create a pedestrian zone throughout the stao raskrsnica zagušena saobraćajem. square and the adjacent streets that make Godine 1997. pokrenut je projekat sa cilj- up the Quartier des Banques. The people em da se na trgu onemogući saobraćaj pri- of Geneva rejected the project by popular vatnim vozilima kako bi se cela površina referendum. It is remarkable to observe trga i okolne ulice koje čine Bankarski how this public square became an object kvart (Quartier des Banques) pretvorile u of discord among the population: the bour- pešačku zonu. Građani Ženeve su na refe- geois neighborhoods of the city accepted rendumu odbacili ovaj projekat. Značajno the new project whereas the working class je primetiti kako je javni trg postao pred- ones rejected it. The reason for this can met neslaganja među građanima: u de- be seen in the different social uses of the lovima grada koji su naseljeni imućnijim square amongst the two factions: people slojem projekat je prihvaćen, dok je u from the non-affluent parts of Geneva, onima naseljenim pripadnicima radničke use the square and its adjacent streets for klase odbačen. Razlog za ovo se može free parking when going out in town in pronaći u različitoj društvenoj upotre- the evening and did not want in future to bi trga od strane dve grupe: ljudi iz ma- have to pay high rates for private under- nje bogatih kvartova Ženeve koriste trg i ground parking. In addition to this, these okolne ulice kao besplatan parking pro- people did not customarily visit the square stor prilikom večernjih izlazaka i ne žele in order to make use of its prestigious neo- da u budućnosti plaćaju visoke troškove classical edifices of culture. Conversely, the korišćenja privatnih podzemnih parkinga. privileged inhabitants of the area were con- Osim toga, ovi ljudi ne posećuju trg često tent to use the underground parking zones, kako bi uživali u neoklasicističkim zda- as were the affluent when going out to the

163 njima na trgu i kulturnim sadržajima koje opera or to the concert hall. The ecological ona nude. Nasuprot tome, imućni stanov- party, despite a partial pedestrianization nici dela grada oko trga bili su spremni of the area, was mostly against the project da koriste podzemne parkinge, kao što because it involved building new parking su i češće posećivali Operu ili koncertnu zones in the historic city, hence attracting dvoranu. Uprkos delimičnom pretvaranju increased flows of cars. prostora trga u pešačku zonu, ekološki pokret je uglavnom bio protiv projekta We are here faced with a question of land jer je on podrazumevao izgradnju novih use of the square, as opposed to one of sheer parking zona u istorijskom jezgru grada, memory. From a commemorative point of intenzivirajući na taj način saobraćaj i view, the square reflects the glorious side povećavajući broj vozila. of Geneva history, not the negative one. For instance, under one of the old town’s walls, Ovde smo suočeni s pitanjem korišćenja another classical statue was erected: the zemljišta na trgu od strane građana, nasu- bust of Henri Dunant, one of the founders prot pitanju samog sećanja. Sa stanovišta of the Red Cross in 1863. What is ignored sećanja, trg odražava slavnu stranu istorije or erased is that on that very same spot, Ženeve. Na primer, ispod jednog od zidova the executioner of the Republic of Geneva starog grada podignuta je bista Henria Du- used to decapitate prisoners of the old re- nanta, jednog od osnivača Crvenog krsta gime. Prestigious urban squares are not at 1863. Činjenica koja je pri tome potpuno ease when a request is made to expose the ignorisana i izbrisana je da je na istom tom negative face of the city or of the nation’s mestu dželat Republike Ženeve odrubljivao history. Place Neuve is also used as a site glave zatvorenicima starog režima. Izazov for popular demonstrations. In 2010, when za gradske trgove nastaje onda kada na nji- Swiss people rejected the construction of ma treba da se prikažu i negativne strane new minarets in the country, a group of grada ili nacionalne istorije. Place Neuve je young demonstrators built a symbolic min- takođe mesto masovnih demonstracija. Go- aret close to the statue of General Dufour dine 2010. kada je narod Švajcarske odba- and danced around it, in protest against cio zahtev za izgradnjom novih minareta u the results of the referendum – which had državi, grupa mladih ljudi je demonstrirala been positive in the canton of Geneva. Re- sagradivši simboličan minaret blizu spome- cently another provocative artistic work nika generalu Dufouru i plešući oko njega u was temporarily displayed: the giant spider znak protesta protiv rezultata referenduma by the contemporary sculptor Louise Bour- koji je u Ženevskom kantonu bio pozitivan. geois (1911–2010), an often misinterpret- Nedavno je na trgu privremeno bio izložen ed symbol that is meant to represent her provokativan umetnički rad, džinovski pauk mother – so as a result, a piece of individu- vajarke Louise Bourgeois (1922-2010). Rad al rather than of collective memory. A spi- je često pogrešno tumačen, a zapravo je der may be viewed as an invading predator, zamišljen da simbolizuje majku umetnice – but one that is supposed to reflect qualities i kao takav pre je izraz ličnog, a ne kolektiv- of the mother: the indispensability, tenac- nog sećanja. Pauk može biti posmatran kao ity, patience.

164 grabljivac, ali i onaj koji odražava kvalitete A few steps away from Geneva’s Place majke: neophodnost, istrajnost, strpljenje. Neuve, the Rond-Point de Plainpalais (Plainpalais Roundabout) was redesigned Par koraka od trga Place Neuve nalazi in the 1990s and then again in the 2000s. se kružni tok Plainpalais kome je najpre The purpose was to diminish private traf- 1990-tih, a potom i početkom 2000-tih fic in order to increase the ground surface promenjen izgled. Cilj je bio da se sma- that was to be devoted to a future tramway nji intenzitet saobraćaja privatnih vozi- and, in so doing, make the square more la kako bi se povećao prostor namenjen pedestrian-friendly. The square is very budućoj tramvajskoj liniji što bi kao rezul- close to the Faculty of Letters of the Uni- tat učinilo trg prilagođenijim za pešake. versity of Geneva. A contemporary column Trg se nalazi veoma blizu Fakulteta za was erected to set pedestrians on the cen- književnost Univerziteta u Ženevi. Na tral boardwalk; benches were installed for trgu je podignut visoki stub kako bi usme- passersby and three bronze statues were ravao pešake ka centralnom šetalištu uz designed especially for the square, each of obalu, za prolaznike su postavljene klupe, which could be said to resemble the com- a za trg su posebno izrađene i tri bronza- mon man on the street. ne statue od kojih se za svaku može reći da podseća na slučajnog prolaznika. One of the statues represents the writer Michel Butor, standing with luggage. Butor Jedna od statua predstavlja pisca Miche- was a great traveler and he used to teach la Butora kako stoji sa prtljagom. Butor French literature in the nearby university. je dosta putovao a predavao je francusku Therefore, Butor’s statue can be viewed as književnost na obližnjem fakultetu. Stoga a piece of individual and collective memory se ova skulptura može posmatrati kao iz- belonging to the neighborhood. The statues raz individualnog i kolektivnog sećanja koje are on a scale of 1/1 and are placed at eye pripada delu grada u kome se nalazi. Statue level. This is a trend that was developed su napravljene u prirodnoj veličini i postav- in Western Europe from end of the 1980s ljene su u nivou očiju. Ovaj trend je počeo da with the re-discovery of the human body se razvija u Zapadnoj Evropi od kraja 1980- perceiving the city in a phenomenological tih sa ponovnim otkrićem ljudske figure way. As a result, it overcame the monu- koja spoznaje grad na fenomenološki način, mentalism of the 19th century. što je, kao rezultat, dovelo do prevazilaženja monumentalizma XIX veka. Hopefully one day Georges Haldas (1917- 2010), one of Geneva’s major authors who Georges Haldas, jedan od najvećih was born a few steps away from the Rond- ženevskih pisaca, rođen je nekoliko ko- Point, will also be reflected in an urban raka dalje od kružnog toka Plainpalais. landmark. A bookshop located on the same Nadajmo se da će jednoga dana neka square carries his name but it closed its urbana znamenitost podsećati i na nje- doors two years ago, victim of the crisis ga. Knjižara na istom trgu nosi njego- of the independent bookstore. The works vo ime, ali je pre dve godine zatvore- of Georges Haldas are published by L’Age

165 na usled posledica krize u nezavisnom d’Homme in Lausanne, a major publishing knjižarstvu. Haldasove radove objavila house in the French part of Switzerland, je najveća izdavačka kuća u francuskom founded and developed by Vladimir Dimi- delu Švajcarske, L’Age d’Homme iz Loza- trijevich (1943–2011), a publisher of Ser- ne, čiji je osnivač Vladimir Dimitrijević bian origin who defined himself as a passer (1943-2011), izdavač srpskog porek- between Eastern and Western Europe. The la koji je sebe definisao kao prolaznika tiny memory remaining on this square is između Istočne i Zapadne Evrope. Tako je thus rightly devoted to literature. It has to komadić sećanja preostao na ovom trgu be noticed that these installations have not s pravom posvećen književnosti. Mora se been imbued with a political meaning. istaći da pomenuti objekti nisu prožeti političkim značenjima. Place des Nations, a modern square designed according to the guidelines of Le Cor- Trg nacija (Place des Nations), moderan busier and bound to the edifice of The Palais trg projektovan prema smernicama Le des Nations, is not affected in the same way Corbusiera, koji se nalazi uz zdanje Pa- as the Rond-Point and Place Neuve. From an late nacija (Palais des Nations), razlikuje architectural point of view, the square was se po obimu intervencija od kružnog toka never completed, leading to a discontinu- Plainpalais i trga Place Neuve. Sa arhitek- ity of its front frame. A derelict lawn that tonskog stanovišta, trg nikad nije dovršen, resembles a piece of wasteland occupied što je dovelo do diskontinuiteta njegovog the centre of the square. This is often the prednjeg pročelja. Zapušteni travnjak koji case on roundabout squares that have been je podsećao na ogoljeno parče tla zau- transformed into traffic crossroads. zimao je centralni deo trga. Ovo je čest slučaj na trgovima kružne osnove koji su The ideal square suggests a freeing of space pretvoreni u saobraćajne raskrsnice. into the full structure of a town as opposed to a square that is settled a posteriori into a Koncept idealnog trga pretpostavlja free space. Place des Nations is based on an oslobađanje prostora unutar već izgrađene American-style block system (a concept in strukture grada, nasuprot trgu koji je urban planning which implies dividing of smešten a posteriori u slobodan pro- land into square-shaped lots for building or stor. Trg nacija je projektovan po uzoru other purposes) in which the square occu- na američki sistem blokova (u suštini, pies the space of a missing block. This kind koncept urbanističkog planiranja po of square does not possess the closed and kome je zemljište isparcelisano na pra- protected nature of the ideal urban square vougaone površine za gradnju ili dru- and it engenders a lot of urban planning ge namene), po kom trg zauzima mesto problems. Indeed, deprived of a contiguous jednog (nedostajućeg) bloka. Ovakav tip urban fabric, this type of square resembles trga ne poseduje osobinu zatvorenosti i an unstructured space or quite simply a zaštićenosti, jednu od karakteristika ideal- traffic junction. If urbanization is denser nog trga, i zbog toga prouzrokuje dosta and the square located on a traffic node problema u urbanističkom planiranju. arranged on several levels (such as Pots-

166 Zaista, lišen urbanog tkiva u svom nepos- damer Platz in Berlin or numerous modern rednom okruženju, ovakav trg podseća na station squares), their redevelopment is nestrukturisani prostor ili jednostavno complicated by traffic constraints.9 na saobraćajno čvorište. U slučaju zgus- nute urbanizacije i trga smeštenog na The traffic constraints of Place des Nations saobraćajnom čvoru organizovanom na consisted in bringing a new planned tram- više nivoa (kakav je npr. Potsdamer Platz way into the square while maintaining u Berlinu ili mnogi savremeni „stanični accessibility for private traffic. The major trgovi“ u svetu), njihovo preuređenje i challenges were as follows: strengthening razvoj bivaju otežani ograničenjima koje the traffic node by focusing on public trans- nameće saobraćaj.12 portation and creating an aesthetic and user-friendly space on the raised central Jedno od takvih ograničenja na Trgu na- pavement of the square. The general socio- cija ogleda se u uvođenju nove tramvajske political context of the square, a space that linije koja ide preko trga, uz istovremeno remains open to small or mass demonstra- zadržavanje mogućnosti pristupa trgu tions, was underestimated by the urban i privatnim vozilima. U ovakvoj situa- project that won the competition launched ciji glavne izazove predstavljalo je jačanje by the city authorities. This project, de- saobraćajnog čvora stavljanjem akcenta na signed by the Roman architect Massimilia- javni prevoz i stvaranje estetski privlačnog no Fuksas, was attacked by a popular refer- i korisnicima prilagođenog prostora na izdi- endum that took place in 1998. The people gnutom centralnom pločniku trga. Opšti of Geneva rejected the project by 52,4 %, društveno-politički značaj Trga nacija, after a failed campaign of graphic commu- prostora koji ostaje otvoren za demons- nication. The project designed on the offi- tracije manjeg ili većeg obima, podcenjen cial electoral booklet that had been sent to je urbanističkim projektom koji je pobedio the city’s citizens, was an extremely com- na konkursu gradske uprave. Ovaj projekat, plex two-dimensional design that lacked a delo rimskog arhitekte Massimiliana Fuk- landscape configuration of the future plaza. sasa, osporen je na javnom referendumu The people’s reaction to this Pharaonic un- održanom 1998. Nakon neuspešne kam- dertaking was one of mistrust towards the panje za projekat, građani Ženeve su ga authorities. The left-wing parties support- odbacili sa 52.4% glasova protiv. Naime, ed this campaign because, in their view by prezentacija projekta na zvaničnoj referen- installing successive basins on the square, dumskoj brošuri, koja je podeljena stano- Fuksas’ project would help to prevent large vnicima grada Ženeve, sastojala se od kraj- gatherings. Ten years later, a compromise nje složenog dvodimenzionalnog prikaza led to a regenerated Place des Nations, in koji nije uključio urbani pejzaž u okruženju which the architect’s idea of animating budućeg trga. Kod ljudi je ovakav poduhvat fountains was used but not his irreversible faraonskih razmera izazvao nepoverenje and anti-populist hard design.

12 Nielebock, Henry, Berlin und seine Plätze, J. Strauss Verlag, 9 Nielebock, Henry, Berlin und seine Plätze, J. Strauss Verlag, Potsdam, 1996. Potsdam, 1996.

167 Slika 2 :: Trg nacija (Place des Nations) u Ženevi je bio prazno šetalište na kom su postavljene reverzibilne fontane, dok je u centru postavljena skulptura „Slomljena stolica“ ispred glavnog ulaza u zgradu Ujedinjenih nacija. (fotografija: Bertrand Levy) Picture 2 :: Place des Nations, Geneva, was an empty esplanade where reversible fountains have been installed. In the center, the Broken Chair that faces the main building of the United Nations. (photo by Bertrand Levy)

prema vlastima. Stranke levice su podržale The use of reversible waterjets in public kampanju jer je po njihovom viđenju pos- squares is nowadays widespread in West- tavljanje više uzastopnih udubljenja is- ern Europe and is understood to counter- punjenih vodom na trgu moglo da spreči act the appearance of certain formal and masovna okupljanja. Deset godina kasnije solemn places (picture 2). Place du Palais postignuto je kompromisno rešenje koje je Madame in Turin or Place Fédérale in Bern, dovelo do obnavljanja Trga nacija, u okviru also have such water games installed. kog je primenjena ideja arhitekte o postav- These facilities are mostly used by children ljanju fontana koje oživljavaju prostor, ali which often results in a popular appropria- ne i njegov projekat u celosti jer je bio anti- tion of the place. populistički i nije omogućavao vraćanje na prethodno stanje. Two memorial elements stand on Place des Nations: first, “the broken chair” memo- Upotreba reverzibilnih vodoskoka da- rial, which serves to commemorate those nas je rasprostranjena na javnim trgo- maimed and killed in the mine fields of An- vima Zapadne Evrope i poima se kao gola and that broadly symbolizes the fight suprotstavljanje strogom i ozbiljnom iz- against anti-personnel landmines. This gledu određenih mesta (slika 2). Na trgo- monumental wooden sculpture was in- vima poput onog ispred Palazzo Madama stalled before the redesigning of the square;

168 u Torinu ili Bundesplatz - Place Fédérale it was conceived by the Swiss artist Dan- u Bernu postavljene su slične fontane. iel Berset and constructed by the carpenter U ovim instalacijama uglavnom uživaju Louis Genève in 1997. It is made of 5.5 tons deca, što doprinosi lakšem vezivanju of wood and is 12 meters high, after an idea građana za dato mesto. of Paul Vermeulen, founder and director of Handicap International Switzerland. The Na Trgu nacija postoje dva elementa sculpture was erected at the main entrance memorijalnog karaktera. Prvi je memori- of the Palais des Nations in August 1997, jal „Slomljena stolica“ postavljen u znak where it was supposed to remain for just sećanja na ranjene i poginule na minskim three months, until after the signing of the poljima u Angoli. Pored toga, on u širem Ottawa Convention banning anti-personnel smislu simbolizuje i borbu protiv upo- mines in December 1997.10 The chair was trebe nagaznih mina. Ova monumental- so popular that it remains in place to this na skulptura od drveta bila je postavljena day – although in 2005, during the rede- pre rekonstrukcije trga i izvedena je 1997. velopment of the Place des Nations, it was prema konceptu švajcarskog umetnika removed, leading to a prolonged debate on Daniela Berseta koji je realizovao stolar whether to keep it. The U.N. were reluctant Louis Genève. Ideja za skulpturu visoku to leave it where it was because it was con- 12 metara, za čiju je izradu potrošeno sidered as a symbol that was too “hard” and 5,5 tona drveta, potekla je od Paula Ver- disturbing. The City of Geneva (led by a po- meulena, osnivača i direktora organiza- litical majority green and rose) was eventu- cije Handicap International Switzerland. ally able to impose it on the U.N. and have Skulptura je postavljena ispred glavnog it resettled in the same place on February ulaza u Palatu nacija u avgustu 1997, 26th, 2007. (picture 3) gde je trebalo da ostane svega tri meseca, do potpisivanja Otavske konvencije o za- To soften the impression of disharmony brani nagaznih mina u decembru 1997.13 caused by the broken chair on the Place des Međutim, „Slomljena stolica“ je postala Nations, the City of Geneva commissioned a toliko popularna da je do današnjeg dana 60-meter-long mural from the artist Hans ostala na tom mestu – iako je 2005. Erni – born in Lucerne in 1909 – as a sign bila uklonjena kako bi se omogućila re- of attachment to an artist who celebrates konstrukcija Trga nacija. Uklanjanje je peace in his works. The work, inaugurated izazvalo dugotrajnu debatu o tome da li in 2009, was conceived in his Lucerne work- skulptura treba da se vrati na mesto ili shop and laid out on ceramic materials, dene. Ujedinjene nacije su bile neodlučne signed to withstand the moods and depre- po pitanju vraćanja skulpture jer je dations of time. Its name is “ta panta rei”, ona smatrana suviše uznemirujućim i in Greek: “everything in movement”. It sym- „teškim“ simbolom. Gradska vlast Ženeve bolizes the hope of freedom and human dig- je 26. februara 2007. konačno uspela da nity that numerous people come in here to

13 Više informacija o ovome na: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ 10 More info at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Broken_Chair Broken_Chair (internet stranici pristupljeno: 20.10.2011). (accessed October 20, 2011).

169 nametne svoju odluku Ujedinjenim naci- jama, kada je skulptura ponovo postavljena na isto mesto (slika 3).

Kako bi ublažile atmosferu nesloge iza- zvanu ovom situacijom, gradske vlasti Ženeve naručile su od umetnika Hansa Ernia – rođenog u Lucernu 1909. – izradu šezdeset metara dugačkog murala, kao znak povezanosti sa umetnikom koji slavi mir u svojim radovima. Ovo delo, otkriveno 2009, osmišljeno je u umetnikovoj radionici u Lucernu i izve- deno na keramičkim pločama kako bi odolelo zubu vremena. Mural je nazvan „Ta panta rei“, što na grčkom znači „sve teče“. Slika simbolizuje nadu u ostvarenje slobode i ljudskog dostojanstva koju ispoljavaju brojni ljudi koji na to mesto dolaze. Za razliku od „Slomljene stolice“, Slika 3 :: „Slomljena stolica“ (rad Daniela Berseta, 1997), Trg nacija u Ženevi, simbolizuje borbu protiv upotrebe nagaznih mina. (fotografija: Bertrand Levy) ovaj dugački mural u plavim i sivim to- Picture 3 :: The Broken Chair (by Daniel Berset, 1997), Place des Nations, novima diskretno se uklapa u okruženje, Geneva, symbolizes the fight against anti-personal landmines. izražavajući osećaj sklada i mira, kroz (photo by Bertrand Levy) predstave ljudskih lica i životinja (go- lub) u pokretu koji asocira na kretanje po demonstrate. Contrary to the broken chair, nebu. Mural je postavljen na betonski zid, this long mural in blue and gray tones fits sagrađen da pojača zaštitu ulaza u zgradu discreetly into the landscape of the place. Ujedinjenih nacija (slika 4). It expresses a sense of harmony and peace, with human faces and animals (a dove), de- Zaključak picted in a movement of celestial dynam- Pouka koja se može izvući iz iskustva sa ics. The mural is located on a concrete wall, Trgom nacija u Ženevi, posmatrano sa built to enhance the protection of the entry njegovog komemorativnog aspekta, je to the United Nations. (picture 4) ta da javnost ponekad prihvata simbole tragične istorije lakše nego političari. Conclusion „Slomljena stolica“ ostaje upečatljiv pri- A lesson that may be retained from a com- mer budući da daje ton i značenje ovom memorative point of view of the experience mestu, koje je nekada predstavljalo „crnu of Place des Nations, is that sometimes the rupu“ u urbanističkom smislu. Možemo public adopts the symbols of tragic history govoriti i o novom obliku monumenta- with greater ease than politicians. The Bro- lizma, bitno različitom od onoga s kra- ken Chair remains impressive: it sets the ja XIX veka u Zapadnoj Evropi, kada su tone and gives meaning to this place, for-

170 Slika 4 :: Mural „Sve teče“ Hansa Ernia, 2009. Mural simbolizuje nadu u ostvarenje slobode i ljudskog dostojanstva koju ispoljavaju brojni ljudi koji na to mesto dolaze. Trg nacija u Ženevi. (fotografija: Bertrand Levy) Picture 4 :: Hans Erni Fresco, 2009, “Everything in movement”. It symbolizes the hope of freedom and human dignity that numerous people come in here to demonstrate. Place des Nations, Geneva. (photo by Bertrand Levy) monumentalne statue „heroja nacija“ merly a “black hole” in terms of urbanism. bile uzdizane na pijedestale – trend koji We may also speak of a new form of monu- je danas prisutan kod novih balkanskih mentalism, quite different from that of the država koje su nestrpljive u jačanju svojih 19th century in Western Europe, when the nacionalnih identiteta. monumental statues of “heroes of the nations” were erected on pedestals – a trend Zanimljiva činjenica koja se odnosi na that is common in the new Balkan nations oba novopostavljena simbola na Trgu that are anxious to strengthen their na- nacija jeste da predstavljaju simbole me- tional image. đunarodne i univerzalne vrednosti – ra- zličita ljudska lica naslikana na muralu The interesting fact concerning both of the simbolizuju multikulturalnost današnjeg newly implemented symbols on Place des sveta, bez posebnog naglašavanja. Nji- Nations, is that both represent internation- ma nije potreban pijedestal – ima li šta al and universal values – it should be noted uobičajenije od stolice, predmeta iz sva- that the different human faces drawn on kodnevnog života? – oni su inkorporirani the fresco represent multiculturalism in u prethodno postojeće elemente trga i today’s world, but without emphasis. They pripadaju sećanju našeg doba. Oni takođe do not need any pedestal – what is more predstavljaju izraze dva različita umet- common than a chair, an object of every-

171 nička jezika: art brut u slučaju „Slomljene day life? – they are incorporated into pre- stolice“, odnosno klasična i sofisticirana existing elements of the square and belong umetnost u slučaju murala. Kako su ve- to the modern memory of our period. They oma blizu jedan drugom i postavljeni na are also expressions of two distinct artistic veoma prometnom mestu (glavni ulaz u languages: a form of art brut for the Bro- kompleks Ujedinjenih nacija), oni stva- ken Chair and a form of classical and so- raju tenziju unutar mesta i ne dopuštaju phisticated art for the Fresco. As they are nikome da ostane ravnodušan prema nji- very close to one another and are located hovom prisustvu. on a nevralgic point (the main entrance of United Nations complex), they create a ten- sion within the place and allow no one to remain indifferent to their presence.

172 Literatura Literature

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173 Umetnost pamćenja prošlosti Art to Remember the Past

DR Katharina Blaas Pratscher Public Art Program Lower Austria

Prevela sa engleskog Translated from English by Slavica Radišić

U prvom delu ovog teksta ukratko ću In the first part of this paper I will explain opisati koncept programa “Umetnost u the concept of public art in Lower Austria, javnom prostoru – Donja Austrija” koji je a practice that has since become a model od svog nastanka bio model na koji su se for other countries. ugledale druge regije u Austriji. In the 1980s, Lower Austria had a per- Pokrajina Donja Austrija je osamdesetih cent for art regulation like the one still in godina XX veka uvela standardnu “1% place in many other European countries. za umetnost” odredbu, istu onu koja je This regulation stipulated that a certain još uvek na snazi u mnogim drugim ev- percentage of the cost of every new state ropskim zemljama. Ovom odredbom je building project had to be spent on art for ustanovljeno da se određeni postotak the same site. After a few years this law sume namenjene za izgradnju građevina proved difficult to implement. The archi- u vlasništvu države mora odvojiti za tecture was often uninteresting or the ar- umetnička dela postavljena u ili na toj chitect and the artist could not work to- građevini. Međutim, nakon nekoliko go- gether. In these cases, the budget for art dina se pokazalo da je ovaj zakon teško was lost, as it wasn’t spent on the building implementirati. Arhitektura je često concerned. bila nedovoljno zanimljiva ili arhitekta i umetnik nisu bili u stanju da rade za- Around the same time, there was also a jedno. U oba slučaja budžet namen- movement in the art scene that pushed for

174 jen za umetnost u javnom prostoru bio the use of public space for a wide diversity bi izgubljen zato što se mogao trošiti of projects that were independent of the samo za dela vezana za tu određenu building sector. This movement had its roots građevinu. Negde u isto vreme, nezavis- in the 1970s, when artists began to show no od građevinskog sektora, počeo je da their works in public space and not only in se razvija umetnički pokret usmeren ka galleries and museums. It is since this shift, temama upotrebe i animacije javnih pro- that art in public space has grown in signifi- stora. Ovaj umetnički pokret ima svoje ko- cance. Nowadays, public art is taught as a rene u sedamdestim godinama XX veka, separate discipline at art colleges and has kada su umetnici prvi put počeli da izlažu become a key element of culture and art i realizuju radove u javnim prostorima programs in many parts of the world. a ne isključivo u galerijama i muzejima kao do tada. Počevši od tog vremena, In 1996, the Lower Austrian government umetnost u javnom prostoru dobija sve decided to pass a new law: this law stipu- više na značaju. Danas se na mnogim lated that the budget available for art was umetničkim fakultetima umetnost u to be collected in one pool. Public space javnom prostoru predaje kao zasebna projects could be realized from this pool of umetnička disciplina. Pored toga, umet- funds, independently of the building proj- nost u javnom prostoru postala je ključan ects themselves. This new and very pro- deo različitih kulturnih i umetničkih progressive law brought the forced marriage grama u svim delovima sveta. between architecture and art to an end. To- day, temporary and interdisciplinary works Tokom 1996. godine, vlada pokrajine can be completed that do not necessarily Donja Austrija odlučila je da donese novi have anything to do with a construction zakon u oblasti umetnosti u javnom pro- project. In addition, there is a jury consist- storu. Novim zakonom je utvrđeno da sva ing of 10 experts (artists, architects and art sredstva namenjena umetnosti u javnom theorists) who change every 3 years. This prostoru treba da se sakupljaju u jedan jury selects artists to submit concepts in zajednički fond. Svi projekti vezani za ja- what are usually invited entry competi- vni prostor bi trebalo da se realizuju na tions. osnovu sredstava iz ovog zajedničkog fonda i nezavisno od građevinskih projekata Important mediation work can also be paid koji bi generisali finansijska sredstva. for from the overall budget. This mediation Ovaj novi i vrlo progresivan zakon us- is often needed for the projects, as the en- peo je da privede kraju do tada postojeći counter between art and the general public usiljeni spoj između arhitekture i umet- often leads to debate and sometimes also to nosti u Donjoj Austriji. Pored toga, novi scandal or controversy. A website has been zakon dao je mogućnost da se realizuju created in order to provide relevant infor- privremeni i interdisciplinarni umetnički mation worldwide.1 In addition, a book is projekti koji nisu direktno vezani za neki published every 2 years that presents theo- građevinski projekat. Šta više, uveden je i

žiri sastavljen od deset eksperata (umet- 1 www.publicart.at

175 nici, arhitekte i teoretičari umetnosti) retical approaches on the issues relating to koji se menja svake tri godine. Rad žirija art and the public. Both the realized and the je organizovan na temelju tzv. konkursa unrealized projects are documented in these po pozivu, što znači da članovi žirija bi- books. 'Landpartien' (country excursions) are raju umetnike koji potom treba da im subsequently organized which have proved predstave svoje umetničke koncepte. particularly popular: these take the form of coach tours that on weekends take interested Važan aspekt nove organizacije programa visitors to visit a wide range of artworks. je i to što je sad i posao medijacije plaćen iz opšteg budžeta. Medijacija je često Since the beginning of the 1990s, over 500 neophodna za realizaciju projekata pošto public art projects have been completed, u susretu umetnosti i šire javnosti često ranging from designs for public squares dolazi do debata pa čak i do skandala i to performative concepts. Commemora- kontroverzi. Načinjen je i websajt koji tive monuments have remained a key treba da pruži relevantne informacije o topic in this context. Temporary projects programu i van Austrije.1 Takođe, uve- can play a key role in promoting a useful dena je praksa da se svake dve godine engagement with permanently installed objavljuje katalog u kojem su predstav- artworks, especially commemorative mo- ljeni teorijski tekstovi na temu odnosa numents. They attract media attention, umetnosti i javnog domena. U katalogu awaken memories and promote discus- se dokumentuju podjednako i realizovani sion among local residents. i nerealizovani projekti. U okviru programa "Umetnost u javnom prostoru – The idea of erecting a monument goes back Donja Austrija" redovno se organizuju i to the advanced civilizations of the Middle landpartien ture (obilasci pojedinih sela) East and antiquity. In general, monuments koje su se pokazale kao vrlo popularne. are political symbols or symbols of collec- To su vikend autobuske ture tokom kojih tive memory used in order to commemorate zainteresovani mogu da obiđu veliki broj particular people or events and can be used umetničkih instalacija postavljenih po as indicators of the way a society deals with celoj regiji. its history. Discussions on aesthetic forms of thinking are currently being held every- Od početka devedestih, u okviru pro- where: monument debates in Vienna, Ber- grama je realizovano više od pet stotina lin and New York are concentrated on the različitih projekata umetnosti u javnom recurring issue of how to communicate the prostoru, od projekata uređenja trgova pa unthinkable. What does a monument that sve do performansa. Ipak, posebna pažnja makes sense today look like? Is the classical data je temi komemorativnih spomenika. immutable artwork a suitable artistic ex- Privremeni umetnički projekti zajedno sa pression of commemoration? How can past stalno postavljenim radovima komemo- events be made visible on location? rativnog karaktera imaju ključnu ulogu u Over the last few years, several permanent

1 www.publicart.at and temporary artworks that engage with

176 promociji angažovanog pristupa temama historical events have been completed in sećanja. Oni privlače značajnu pažnju small towns and rural public spaces of medija, bude sećanja i promovišu diskus- Lower Austria. These artworks have a spe- iju među lokalnim stanovništvom. cial significance for the cultural history of the region. Some of them are dedicated to Ideja podizanja spomenika može se da- the countless victims of the Nazi terror re- tirati daleko u prošlost sve do civilizacija gime. Most of these 'silent' monuments are Bliskog istoka i antike. U suštini, spomenici to be found in Jewish cemeteries, in parks su politički simboli ili simboli kolektivnog and on the margins of the social narrative. sećanja kojima se obeležavaju određeni These monuments are mostly clear, simple događaji i odaje počast određenim ljudi- and reduced. Sadly, however, there are very ma. Oni su najbolji indikatori na koji način few of them, in contrast with the large se jedno društvo bavi svojom prošlošću. number of memorials that glorify war — Rasprave o estetskim formama komemo- monuments that are immovably situated racije se odvijaju u svim sredinama. De- on main squares and that prudently ignore bate o spomenicima u Beču, Berlinu i Nju the horror of the Nazi regime. Jorku su usmerene ka istoj temi koja se stalno ponavlja, a to je kako iskazati ne- An example of these silent works can be zamislivo. Kako treba da izgleda smisaon found in the two memorials in the Jewish spomenik danas? Da li je klasična, tačno cemetery in Krems. Silent, primarily be- definisana forma spomenika prikladan cause only a select few know where the key umetnički izraz komemoracije? Na koji to the cemetery is kept. At the entrance of način se događaji iz prošlosti mogu pred- the cemetery to what was formerly a key staviti na samoj lokaciji? Nazi town, the artist Hans Kupelwieser has installed a 48-metre-long band of steel to Tokom poslednjih par godina nekoliko make it more difficult to enter the cemetery stalnih i privremenih umetničkih ra- (picture 1). You have to step over the object, dova koji se bave različitim istorijskim effectively a small obstacle or a threshold, događajima realizovano je u naseljima in order to reach the graves. The names i ruralnim javnim prostorima Donje and the dates documenting the expulsions Austrije. Ova umetnička dela imaju of 129 Jewish residents are carved into this poseban značaj za kulturnu istoriju re- band. Grass grows through the letters. giona. Neka od njih su posvećena brojnim žrtvama nacističkog terora. Većina When you go further into the cemetery, ovih “tihih” spomenika se mogu naći you reach the work of Michael Clegg and na jevrejskim grobljima, u parkovima Martin Guttmann. These two artists have i na marginama društvenog narativa. installed a public library in the cemetery. Ovi spomenici su uglavnom svedeni, The Open Library and the resulting com- jednostavni i jasni. Na žalost, njihov munication are subjects with which the broj je još uvek mali, pogotovo u odno- duo has been engaging for years. A collec- su na broj klasičnih spomenika koji tion of books about death, Jewish law and veličaju rat – spomenika uglavnom tra- philosophy are housed in 3 cabinets spread

177 jno postavljenih na glavnim trgovima, spomenika koji oprezno ignorišu horor nacističkog režima.

Dobri primeri ovih “tihih” umetničkih radova su dva memorijala postavljena na Jevrejskom groblju u Kremsu. Ovi spomenici su “tihi” pre svega zato što samo retki znaju gde se nalazi ključ od groblja. Na ulazu u groblje ovog nekada ključnog nacističkog grada, umetnik Hans Ku- pelwieser instalirao je traku od gvožđa dugu četrdeset osam metara da bi ulazak u groblje učinio težim (slika 1). Da biste došli do grobova morate zakoračiti preko objekta, u suštini manje prepreke ili pra- ga. U ovu traku su urezana imena i datu- mi koji dokumentuju progon sto dvadeset

i devet jevrejskih stanovnika. Kroz slova Slika 1 :: Hans Kupelwieser, Spomenik na jevrejskom groblju u Kremsu, Krems raste trava. an der Donau, 1996. Autor fotografije Margherita Spiluttini Picture 1 :: Hans Kupelwieser, Denkmal für den Jüdischen Friedhof in Krems / Monument for the Jewish cemetery in Krems, Krems an der Donau, Kako uđete dublje u groblje dolazite do 1996. Copyright Margherita Spiluttini rada Michaela Clegga i Martina Guttman- na. Ova dva umetnika su postavila javnu biblioteku na groblju. Otvorene biblioteke i komunikacija koja pri tom nastaje, su throughout the cemetery. Visitors can bor- tema kojom se ovaj par umetnika bavi row or contribute a limited number of godinama. Zbirka knjiga o smrti, jevrej- books. The artists wanted to add a little life skim zakonima i filozofiji, smeštena je u to this abandoned location. tri vitrine raspoređene duž čitavog groblja. Posetioci mogu da pozajme knjige In contrast, the two works by VALIE EX- ili da doniraju određeni broj knjiga, a PORT and Ricarda Denzer in Allentsteig, uvođenjem elementa interaktivnosti are more in the public eye. They were umetnici su pokušali da unesu životnost erected to commemorate the expulsion and u ovaj napušteni prostor. forced relocation of local residents by Hit- ler's regime, in order to make way for mili- Nasuprot ovim radovima, radovi VALIE tary exercise grounds. EXPORT i Ricarde Denzer u Allentsteigu više su izloženi pogledu javnosti. Ove The landscape knife created by VALIE umetničke intervencije postavljene su EXPORT virtually cuts into the lake, its da obeleže progon i nasilno preseljenje metal blades reflecting both the sun and lokalnih stanovnika za vreme Hitlerovog the water. A glass slab has been erected

178 režima, na čijim imanjima su podignuti next to the object, depicting the names poligoni za vojnu obuku. of the vacated villages and farmhouses in an area now being used for military exer- Rad “Pejsažni nož” čiji autor je umetnica cises. Just as the expulsion all those years Valie Export, praktično zaseca jezero ago left a dramatic incision in everyone's a njegove metalne oštrice reflektuju isto- lives, VALIE EXPORT also wanted to ex- vremeno i sunce i vodu. Pored objekta je press how moved she was by these peo- postavljena staklena ploča sa imenima ple's fate. ispražnjenih sela i imanja na čijem mestu se i sada nalaze poligoni za vojnu obuku. The exercise grounds are still used for ma- Na isti način kao što je progon pre toliko neuvers today and the site is considered godina načino dramatičan presek u životu the largest military exercise grounds in Eu- ljudi tako je i Valie Export želela da izrazi rope. The roads around it are closed when svoju potresenost zbog njihove sudbine. soldiers are using the grounds for their maneuvers. This means that history is still Ovi poligoni za obuku se i danas koriste present as local residents can always hear za vojne manevre a mesto se smatra shots being fired. najvećim vojnim poligonom za obuku u Evropi. Tokom trajanja manevara svi Slika 2 :: Ricarda Denzer, Simboličko obeležje za Stadtberg u Allentsteigu, Allentsteig, 2003- 2005. Autor fotografije Christian Wachter okolni putevi su zatvoreni za korišćenje. Picture 2 :: Ricarda Denzer, Zeichen für den Stadtberg in Allentsteig / A symbolic landmark for Stadtberg Ovo znači da je istorija i dalje prisutna jer in Allentsteig, Allentsteig, 2003- 2005. Copyright Christian Wachter lokalni stanovnici i dan danas redovno slušaju ispaljivanje municije.

Umetnica Ricarda Denzer je na glavnom trgu instalirala objekat kojim je pokušala da lokalnim stanovnicima simbolički povrati njihova izgubljena imanja (slika 2). Denzer je instalirala veliki periskop na Stadtbergu u Allentsteigu kroz koji se može posmatrati vidik koji se prostire iza crkvenog tornja, zamka i baraka, pejsaž u okolini naselja u kojem nikom nije dozvoljeno da živi. Umetnica se bavi problemom migracije aludirajući svojom instalacijom na vojnu tehnologiju, koju koristi da vizuelno prevaziđe udaljenost. Koristeći periskop visok osamnaest metara, kojem daje naziv “Mamac” (decoy), umetnica nam pokazuje panorams- ki pogled na obližnji krajolik. Stojeći na dnu ove instalacije posmatrač ima mogućnost da upravlja mehanizmom The artist Ricarda Denzer installed an ob- koji okreće kameru za trista šezdeset ject on the main square that returns a little stepeni. Na vrhu uređaja instalirana je of the lost places to the people who live kružna metalna traka na kojoj se nalaze there (picture 2). različite reči, koje se kao titlovi integrišu u slike krajolika. Denzer has installed a tall periscope on Stadtberg in Allentsteig, that shows a Poseban značaj za austrijsku istoriju view beyond the church tower, castle ima Erlauf, mesto koje je imalo ključnu and barracks, and out into the surround- ulogu tokom uspostavljanja mira po ing countryside, where nobody is allowed završetku Drugog svetskog rata. Erlauf je to live. The artist reacts to this migration malo mesto u kojem su se 8. maja 1945. problem with an allusion to military tech- godine, sreli sovjetski i američki gen- nology used to overcome distance visu- erali radi zvaničnog potpisivanja kraja ally: the 18-metre-tall periscope, which rata. Pedesetu godišnjicu ovog ključnog the artist has entitled Decoy, shows a pan- događaja gradonačelnik Erlaufa odlučio oramic view of the surrounding country- je da obeleži postavljanjem komemora- side. Standing at the bottom, the visitor tivnog umetničkog dela. Tadašnja Za- is presented with a mechanism that turns jednica nezavisnih država poslala je za the camera 360 degrees. A circular metal ovu priliku skulptora Olega Komova, i band is installed at the top of the device poklonila Erlaufu grupnu skulpturu koja that supports different words, which are je postavljena na glavnom trgu. Zvanični integrated into these images of the coun- žiri programa “Umetnost u javnom pro- tryside like subtitles. storu – Donja Austrija” istovremeno je predložio da svetski poznata umetnica Especially significant for Austrian history, Jenny Holzer bude pozvana da predstavi is the place that played a key role in the svoju ideju spomenika i ona je prihvatila establishment of peace following World poziv koji su joj uputili predstavnici lo- War II: Erlauf. kalne zajednice. Erlauf is a small community where a So- U svom radu Oleg Komov je koristio viet and an American general met on 8 tradicionalni skulpturalni jezik. Nje- May 1945 to seal the end of the war. The gova realistična grupna skulptura izliv- mayor of Erlauf decided to celebrate the ena u bronzi, prikazuje dva oficira i 50th jubilee of this key event with a com- devojčicu sa buketom cveća u rukama memorative artwork. The Soviet Union, koji bi trebalo da simboliše radosnu pri- as it was then, dispatched the sculptor godu (slika 3). Oleg Komov, and presented Erlauf with a sculpture group standing on the main Jenny Holzer je svoj rad instalirala na square. The Lower Austrian public art drugoj strani trga. Njen memorijal se jury also recommended that the world sastoji iz tri dela: graviranih ploča, stu- famous artist Jenny Holzer be invited to ba sa zrakom svetlosti i leja sa cvećem, submit a concept for a memorial and she

180 Slika 3 :: Oleg Komov, Ratni memorijal na Hauptplatzu u Erlaufu, Erlauf, 1995. Autor fotografije Christian Wachter Picture 3 :: Oleg Komov, Friedensdenkmal am Hauptplatz in Erlauf / War memorial on Hauptplatz in Erlauf, Erlauf, 1995. Copyright Christian Wachter

koje su posađene u saradnji sa Mariom accepted the local community’s subse- Auböck. Oko celog mesta je u obliku quent invitation. kruga aranžirano belo i sivo grmlje i cveće. Gravirane ploče sa tekstovima Oleg Komov employed a traditional sculp- oblikuju staze koje vode ka central- tural language. The realistic sculpture nom delu spomenika. Pored toga, Jen- group cast in bronze shows 2 army officers ny Holzer stvara i svetlosnu poeziju, and a little girl holding a bunch of flowers koristeći protivavionski reflektor koji in her hands to symbolize a joyful occasion se uključuje svako veče. Kao i u većini (picture 3). drugih njenih radova, njujorška umetnica u radu za Erlauf kao glavni medij Jenny Holzer has installed her work at the koristi jezik, stvarajući kratke koncizne other side of the square. Her memorial poruke sastavljene od svega nekoliko consists of three parts: engraved plaques, reči, koje podsećaju na izreke ili parole. a pillar with a beam of light and a flow- Gravirane ploče u njenom radu pozivaju erbed, the planting of which was done in na tradiciju memorijalnih ploča iako u collaboration with Maria Auböck. White suštini izražavaju antiratnu poziciju. and grey shrubs and flowers are arranged Kroz poruke urezane u staze Jenny in a circle around the post. The texts are Holzer se bavi bespomoćnošću, ratom, shifted to the centre of the memorial and nasiljem i očajem (slika.4). sculpted into the paths. Jenny Holzer re-

181 Slika 4 :: Jenny Holzer, Mirovni memorijal na Hauptplatzu u Erlaufu, Erlauf, 1995. Autor fotografije Christian Wachter Picture 4 :: Jenny Holzer, Friedensdenkmal am Hauptplatz in Erlauf / War memorial on Hauptplatz in Erlauf, Erlauf, 1995. Copyright Christian Wachter

Zanimljivo je primetiti da su ova dva acts with the poetry of light, which is umetnika za isti trg razvili dve dijam- beamed from an anti-aircraft spotlight etralno suprotne koncepcije, koncepcije switched on every evening. As in many koje predstavljaju dva posve različita of her artworks, the New York artist also pristupa umetnosti. employs language as a medium in her project for Erlauf, where there are brief Zahvaljujući zalaganju lokalnog gradona- concise messages consisting of only a few čelnika, Frany Kuttnera, mirovni memorial u words, like mottos or sayings. In their Erlaufu postigao je veliki uspeh. Sledećih par presentation as engraved plaques, they godina, tokom Kuttnerovog mandata, orga- are reminiscent of memorial plaques nizovano je više privremenih umetničkih in- even if they basically express a radically stalacija koje su se bavile pitanjima sećanja, anti-war position. With her aphorisms ksenofobije i Holokausta. Ovi umetnički carved into the paths, Jenny Holzer ad- projekti se nisu fokusirali na istoriju već na dresses powerlessness, war, violence and savremene rasističke tendencije i različite despair (picture 4). načine suočavanja sa istorijom. It is interesting to note that the two artists Na ovom mestu bi trebalo predstaviti developed diametrically opposed concepts još neke primere koji mogu ilustrovati for the same square, concepts that represent raznovrsnost formalnih pristupa i načine entirely different notions of art.

182 na koje se umetnici kroz svoj rad bave pi- Thanks to the commitment of the local tanjem društvenog konteksta, sve u cilju mayor, Franz Kuttner, the Erlauf peace ilustrovanja paradigmatske promene memorial was a major success. There u umetnosti koja je najbolje vidljiva u were also temporary exhibitions in the privremenim instalacijama. following years during Herr Kuttner’s term as mayor, which had curators and U godinama nakon podizanja spomenika engaged with the subject of memory, xe- potpisivanju mira u Erlaufu realizovano je nophobia and the Holocaust. These art više zanimljivih radova, kao što je na prim- projects did not focus on history but on er rad Milice Tomić pod nazivom “Bilbord”. current racist tendencies and on ways of Svojim konceptom rad ulazi u direktnu engaging with history. komunikaciju sa spomenikom Olega Ko- mova iz 1995. godine. Rad Milice Tomić At this point it would help to provide direktno upućuje na ovu, u realističkoj some further examples that demonstrate tradiciji nastalu skulpturu, uzimajući je the broad diversity of the different formal kao polaznu tačku za fotografije na kojima approaches that artists take – including je devojčica koja stoji između američkog what can be achieved by artists who use i sovjetskog heroja zamenjena fotografi- their work to engage with the social con- jama umetnicinih prijatelja i ljudi iz lo- text –and to talk about this paradigmatic kalne zajednice. Umetnica je izabrala ljude shift in art, which is particularly visible in iz svoje generacije, stare između trideset temporary works. i četrdeset godina, koji su samo slušali o Drugom svetskom ratu, i pokušala i njih i There were some interesting examples to posmatrače da izazove da razmisle o temi be seen in Erlauf in the years that followed „biti-između“ danas i nekada. Ove foto- the erecting of the peace memorial, e.g. grafije su bile postavljene kao bilbordi uz Milica Tomić’s work: Billboard. put na izlazu iz mesta. With her concept, Tomić entered into Teme sećanja su posebno interesantne a direct dialogue, so to speak, with the umetnicima koji u svom radu koriste per- 1995 memorial by Oleg Komov. She di- formativne i procesualne pristupe i strate- rectly referenced the sculpture made in gije, i bave se pitanjima komunikativnih the realist tradition, by taking it as the struktura i društvene interakcije uopšte. starting point for her photographs and Ovi umetnici se kroz istraživački rad na replacing the little girl standing be- samoj lokaciji bave postojećim javnim i tween the two representative heroes of ličnim narativima. Soviet and American origin with images of friends and people from the commu- Nemačka umetnica Pia Lanziger je svoj nity. The artist selected people from her rad u Erlaufu bazirala na istraživanju own generation, 30- to 40-year-olds, who sprovedenom među prodavcima na lo- had only heard about the Second World kalnoj pijaci, pokušavajući da se kroz War and challenged them and the visitor razgovore sa ovim ljudima upozna sa to think about ‘being in-between’ today

183 njihovim ličnim pričama i lokalnom is- and then. The photographs were installed torijom. Umetnica je uradila intervjue sa along the exit road. četiri stanovnika Erlaufa koji su (ili su bili) u braku sa strancima pokušavajući Subjects like the theme of memory are pri tom da sazna više o njihovoj sva- particularly interesting for artists whose kodnevnici, trenutnoj životnoj situaciji, approaches and strategies concentrate on migraciji i ratu. Njihove životne priče, the performative, the processual, on social koje svedoče o promenama u društvu, interaction and communicative structures. mogle su da se čuju preko telefona, a Artists research on location and engage za ovu priliku je u Erlaufu postavljena with public and private narratives. i posebna telefonska govornica. Ovim radom pod naslovom “Greifen Sie zum The German artist Pia Lanzinger, under- Telefon: Erlauf ist dran, Nachbarinnen took research in the Erlauf market com- erzählen über Familie, Krieg, Migration munity on location and had to feel her und Arbeit” (“Javite se na telefon: Erlauf way into local history and private nar- zove, susedi govore o porodici, ratu, mi- ratives with great sensitivity. She in- graciji i radu”), Lanziger je ispričala sub- terviewed four Erlauf residents who are jektivne verzije događaja iz skorašnje is- (or had been) married to foreigners, on a torije, prevodeći ih iz privatne sfere u ja- range of topics connected with their ev- vnu. Obrađeni intervjui daju sliku na koji eryday lives, current affairs, migration način se sećanje i zaboravljanje ogleda u and war. These life stories, that show the subjektivnim viđenjima skorašnje isto- changes in society, could be heard via a rije. Zvučni zapis je bio praćen i privat- dedicated phone box in Erlauf or via nor- nim predmetima – uspomenama žena mal telephone. With her contribution, en- uključenih u istraživanje, koji su bili titled Greifen Sie zum Telefon: Erlauf ist izloženi u izlogu kafića na Marktplatzu. dran, Nachbarinnen erzählen über Fami- lie, Krieg, Migration und Arbeit (Reach for Sa druge strane, umetnik Werner Ka- the Phone: It’s Erlauf, Neighbours Talk ligowski je svojom umetničkom insta- About Family, War, Migration and Work), lacijom pokušao da skrene pažnju na Lanzinger told subjective accounts of re- izbrisana sećanja na jevrejske porodice cent history, she made the private realm iz Erlaufa i borce pokreta otpora. On je public. The edited interviews convey an ulicama Erlaufa dao druga, nova imena, image of remembering and forgetting posvećujući ih sećanju na ove ljude. Ka- in subjective accounts of recent history. ligowski se bavio temom zaborava u The audio was accompanied by private društvu, a njegov rad je nastao na osnovu mementos from the women concerned, istraživanja sprovedenog u samom mestu which were then displayed in a shop win- i po lokalnim arhivama. Rad je bio pokušaj dow of the café on Marktplatz. da se obeleži sećanje na zaboravljene jevrejske žrtve iz grada. Jedan od grad- With his installation, Werner Kaligowski skih trgova – Marktplatz – u okviru ove wanted to create awareness of the erased akcije bio je posvećen borcu pokreta ot- memories of Jewish families in Erlauf and

184 pora i stanovniku Erlaufa Josefu Munku, of a resistance fighter. He gave the streets koji je radio za železnicu i bio član Aus- of Erlauf new street names, dedicating trijske komunističke partije (KPÖ). Nje- them to the commemoration of these govo ime simboliše ulogu koju je pokret people. Kaligowski addressed forgetting otpora imao u Erlaufu. Preimenovanje in society, his work was the result of re- ulica, a posebno „Josef-Munk“ trga, na search on location and in local archives. kraju je dovelo i do intezivne javne de- It was an attempt to commemorate the bate u Erlaufu. Cela akcija omogućila je forgotten Jewish families of the town. da se započne diskusija o potisnutim i za- Marktplatz, was dedicated to the resis- kopanim pričama iz ratnog perioda. Zbog tance fighter and resident of Erlauf Josef protesta vlasnika natpisi sa novim imeni- Munk, who had worked for the railway ma ulica nisu ni postavljeni na dve kuće. and been a member of the Austrian Com- Ove erlaufske rasprave, karakteristične munist party (KPÖ). His name symbolizes za celu Austriju, otkrile su da ljudi još the role played by the resistance in Erlauf. uvek imaju problematičan odnos prema The renaming of the streets, especially of pristalicama pokreta otpora i sa svojom ‘Josef-Munk-Platz’, subsequently led to in- nacističkom prošlošću. tense discussion in Erlauf. It also provided an opportunity to address suppressed and Čineći vidljivim ove tabue, podsvesna buried narratives from the period. Two i potisnuta sećanja, duboko usađena u house number plaques were not replaced kolektivno sećanje sa jakim uticajem with the new name as their owners prona sadašnjost, ove umetničke interven- tested. These Erlauf discussions — rep- cije su izazvale veliku debatu u Erlaufu. resentative for all of Austria — revealed Gradonačelnik Kuttner se suočio sa that people still have a difficult relation- agresijom usmerenom ka njemu lično. ship to supporters of the Resistance and to Na vrhuncu konflikta u Erlauf su poz- their own Nazi past. vani istoričari da održe predavanja i organizuju diskusije koje su na kraju us- Making visible these subconscious, ta- pele da smire situaciju. Njihov cilj je bio boo and suppressed memories, which are da se produbi znanje, prenesu postojeća anchored in the collective memory and sećanja i nađu odgovori na pitanja – koju impact on the present, provoked a major vrstu društvene snage donosi sećanje i discussion in Erlauf. Mayor Kuttner was koje su društvene funkcije zaboravljanja. confronted with aggression directed at him personally. At the peak of the con- Za stanovnike Erlaufa privremene umet- flict, historians were invited to Erlauf to ničke instalacije predstavljale su veliki iza- hold lectures and discussions that even- zov, i neretko stvarale konfliktne situacije. tually succeeded in calming the situa- Na umetnike se često gledalo sumnljičavo tion. The aim was to add depth of knowl- kao na izazivače nereda. Međutim, kroz edge and pass on shared memories: What rad na ovakvim projektima postalo je kind of social power does remembering jasno da su umetnici u stanju da stvore yield? And, what are the social functions posebne, pionirske radove u situacijama of forgetting?

185 kada su primorani da istraže nove produk- For the inhabitants of Erlauf, the tem- cione mogućnosti u seoskom i prirodnom porary art events presented a major okruženju, izvan njihovog “zaštićenog” challenge and were accompanied by a okruženja i bez uticaja narativa određene number of conflict-laden situations. The lokacije. Distanca između umetnosti u artists too, were often regarded as trou- javnom prostoru i muzeja omogućuje da blemakers and looked at with suspicion. se razviju nove forme rada za koje se na However, we have found that artists of- početku ne zna u kom pravcu će se raz- ten produce pioneering work while hav- vijati. Izložbe u javnim prostorima Erlaufa ing to explore the production possibili- zbog svog društveno-političkog značaja ties available in the countryside, outside bile su mnogo više nego samo umetnički of their ‘protected’ living conditions and projekti, one su bile mnogo provokativnije intruding on the narrative of the loca- nego što to ikad može biti autonoman tion. The distance to the art public and klasični spomenik. museum space enables furthermore, the development of a new form of engage- Na kraju, predstavićemo dva najnovija ment and one doesn’t know in advance rada, oba zamišljena za istu lokaciju i oba where it will lead. The exhibitions in the izabrana preko otvorenog konkursa. Prvi public space of Erlauf were more than rad, rad umetnice Catrin Bolt, je stalna purely art projects in their socio-political instalacija. Drugi, rad Tatiane Lecomte, je significance; they also provided more in- privremena intervencija. Tema raspisanog cendiary material than most autonomous konkursa je bila da se obeleži postojanje classical monuments do. dva koncentraciona logora smeštena u blizini St. Pöltena tokom 1944-45. Sve do To conclude, I would like to present two 2005. godine postojanje ova dva logora current works that have both been con- nije bilo istorijski dokazano. Dve godine ceived for the same location and are the pre nego je zvanično potvrđeno da su na result of an open competition. One work, ovoj teritoriji postajali koncentracioni by the artist Catrin Bolt, is a permanent logori, 2003 godine, predviđeno je da cela installation. The second one, which is by oblast bude pretvorena u rekreacioni park. Tatiana Lecomte, is a temporary one. The subject of the competition was two con- Vazdušni snimci koje je napravilo centration camps that were run close to američko vazduhoplovstvo 1945. godine St. Pölten from 1944–45. The existence of pokazuju da je na ovoj lokaciji, na mestu these camps was not historically proven današnjeg jezera, postojao logor u ko- until 2005. In 2003 the whole area was ap- jem je bilo smešteno sto dvadeset i šest proved as a recreational park. Jevreja. Na pet različitih lokacija Catrin Bolt je postavila ogromne panele sa ovim As is shown in this aerial photograph, vazdušnim snimcima a crvenim tačkama which was taken by the US Air Force in je obeležila poziciju posmatrača. Logori 1945, there was a camp with 126 Jews su označeni brojevima i u legendi je dato situated under what is today a lake. At objašnjenje. Na isti način su predstav- five different locations, Catrin Bolt mount-

186 Slika 5 :: Catrin Bolt, Memoraijalno obeležje za radne logore na teritoriji mesta St. Pölten-Viehofen, St. Pölten-Viehofen, 2010. Autor fotografije Wolfgang Woessner Picture 5 :: Catrin Bolt, Mahnmal für die Zwangsarbeitslager St. Pölten-Viehofen / Memorial for the St. Pölten-Viehofen forced labour camps, St. Pölten- Viehofen, 2010. Copyright Wolfgang Woessner ljene i druge značajne lokacije smeštene ed large panels showing this aerial pho- na obali reke Traisen, čiji tok je regulisan tograph and a red dot marking visitors’ prisilnim radom zarobljenika (slika 5). whereabouts. The camps are numbered Paneli su delimično ugrađeni u pejsaž, i and explained with a key, along with oth- usmeravaju pogled prema mestu gde su er significant locations along the banks of bili radni logori. Na taj način umetnica the river Traisen – a river that was regu- postiže preplitanje prošlosti i sadašnjosti. lated using forced labor (picture 5). The Catrin Bolt izbegava patos i umetničke panels are, in part, embedded in the land- reference, i neusiljeno promoviše svesno scape so that they guide the view towards bavljenje istorijom lokacije. the labor camps. The past and the present overlap here. Catrin Bolt avoids pathos Drugi projekat, rad Tatiane Lecomte, do- and artistic self-reference, and casually punjuje rad Catrin Bolt. Tokom jedne go- promotes a conscious engagement with dine, dvadeset hiljada stanovnika St. Pöl- the history of the location. tena trebalo je da u svojim poštanskim sandučićima nađe na njih lično adresira- The second project, by Tatiana Lecomte, ne i rukom ispisane razglednice. Slike na complements the project by Catrin Bolt. razglednicama pokazuju neupadljive mo- Over the course of a year, 20,000 resi- tive fotografisane u distriktu Viehofen u dents of St. Pölten were to find a per- St. Pöltenu. Ovo su bila mesta nacističke sonally addressed, handwritten postcard

187 eksploatacije i istrebljenja u toku Drug- in their letterboxes. The images on the og svetskog rata. Na svakoj razglednici postcards depicted unremarkable-looking je plavim mastilom, rukom ispisana motifs photographed in the Viehofen dis- rečenica: „Ich bin gesund, es geht mir gut“ trict of St. Pölten: These were the sites (zdrav sam i dobro sam) – rečenica koja of Nazi exploitation and extermination je morala da bude uključena u tekst svih during the Second World War. Each card razglednica poslatih iz koncentracionih bears the handwritten sentence in blue logora u Trećem rajhu. U ovom radu je ink: “Ich bin gesund, es geht mir gut” (I lična adresa primaoca konfrontirana sa am healthy and doing fine) — a line that bezimenim pošiljaocem; pojedinci su pri- had to be included on every postcard mili podsećanje na sudbinu velikog bro- sent from concentration camps in the ja ljudi primoranih da pišu ovakve reči. Third Reich. The personal address con- Tatiana Lecomte je napravila spomenik trasts with a nameless sender; individu- posve drugačiji od postojećih formi veza- als were being sent a commemoration of nih za kulturu komemoracije. Ona je kon- the countless people who had been forced struisala novi fiktivni nivo komunikacije to write these words. Tatiana Lecomte između prošlosti i sadašnjosti u želji da developed a memorial far removed from potakne razgovore i debatu. traditional forms in the culture of commemoration. She constructed a fictitious Ovi umetnički projekti bave se preispi- level of communication between the past tivanjem mogućnosti dijaloga i veza- and the present that was intended to en- ma umetnosti i društva. Publika kojoj courage conversation and debate. umetnost nije bliska suočena je sa novim idejama koje se bave kulturnim i These projects, too, questioned the capac- političkim identitetom lokalne zajed- ity for dialogue as well as the relation- nice. Protivljenje dela lokalne zajednice ship between art and society. A public razglednicama u jednom trenutku je bilo that is not familiar with art is confronted baš jako, tako da je ceo projekat morao by new ideas that relate to the cultural biti prekinut uz organizovanje javnih de- and political identity of the local popu- bata na tu temu. lation. Opposition by some of the recipi- ents to the postcards was at one point so Upravo ovaj tip konfrontacija je glavni strong, that the project had to be inter- element procesa medijacije istorije. U rupted for a time and accompanied by ovakvim situacijama institucije koje se public discussions. bave umetničkom produkcijom prihvata- ju na sebe veliku političku i društvenu od- Precisely this kind of confrontation is a key govornost. Naposletku, ovo je vrlo važno element in the mediation of history. It is pošto se bave osetljivim temama sećanja here that the art producers adopt politi- vezanih za Drugi svetski rat. Uzimajući cal and social responsibility. After all, we Erlauf i St.Pölten-Viehofen za primere, are engaging with the sensitive areas of postaje jasno da za oživljavanje istorije memory surrounding the Second World uz pomoć savremenih umetničkih praksi, War. Using Erlauf and St.Pölten/Viehofen

188 različite privremene umetničke instalaci- as examples, it becomes very clear that je postaju važna dopuna već postojećim bringing history to life using contemporary državnim spomenicima. Ovi umetnički artistic positions, especially in the form of radovi najbolje promovišu komunikaciju i temporary events to supplement the state diskusiju koje su neophodne za bavljenje memorials, is important. It promotes dis- potisnutim sećanjima i istorijom. cussion, which is fundamental for dealing with suppressed memories.

189 Skrivene ekonomije oko Trga Slavija *1 Hidden Economies Around Slavija Square *

DR Zoran Erić Muzej savremene umetnosti, Beograd Museum of Contemporary Art, Belgrade

Preveo sa engleskog Translated from English by Novica Petrović Lektura i korektura Proofread by Dušan Đorđević Mileusnić

* Prvobitna verzija ovog teksta objavljena je na nemačkom jeziku pod naslovom „Der ‚Disfunktionale’ Ort und seine verborgenen Oekonomien“ u: Annette Weisser & Ingo Vetter, Arbeiten 1996 – 2006, Revolver Verlag, Frankfurt, 2006 (str. 65-83). The version of this text was first published in German under the title “Der‚ Dis- funktionale’ Ort und seine verborgenen Oekonomien”, in Annette Weisser & Ingo Vetter Arbeiten 1996 – 2006, Revolver Verlag, Frankfurt, 2006. (pp. 65-83).

Javna umetnost više nije junak na konju Public art isn’t a hero on a horse anymore Arlin Rejven Arlene Raven

Junak na konju versus Hero on a horse vs. context specific art kontekst-specifična umetnost The historical role of the “hero on the horse”, Istorijska uloga „junaka na konju“, kako je as Arlene Raven summarized this centuries- Arlin Rejven sažeto predstavila ovaj ve- long “image” we identify with the public kovima stari „prizor“ koji poistovećujemo monument, was to represent social ideals sa javnim spomenikom, sastojala se and embody the political or cultural mem- u tome da predstavi društvene ideale ory of a certain nation. This kind of monu- određene nacije i da otelotvori politička, ment existed in order to “commemorate”, odnosno, kulturna sećanja. Ova vrsta in permanent materials, the deeds of great spomenika postojala je da bi se, posred- citizens, the examples of national heroes, stvom trajnih materijala, „ovekovečila“ the causes for civic pride and the incen- dela velikih građana, primeri nacionalnih tives of high resolve which are offered by heroja, izvori građanskog ponosa i podsti- the past”.1 It is clear that the message con- caji za visok stepen odlučnosti koje nudi tained in monuments placed in important prošlost.1 Jasno je da poruka sadržana u public spaces, like for example city squares,

1 Iskaz Čarlsa Malforda Robinsona, naveden u: Rosalyn Deutsche, 1 The statement of Charles Mulford Robinson, as quoted by Evictions – Art and Spatial Politics, Cambridge Massachusetts: Rosalyn Deutsche, Evictions - Art and Spatial Politics, Cam- MIT Press, 1988 (str. 23). bridge Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1988. (p. 23).

190 spomenicima koji se nalaze na značajnim is to express visible signs of authority. Pub- javnim mestima, recimo, na gradskim lic monuments are therefore used to assert trgovima, treba da izrazi vidljive znake power through a particular idea of history, vlasti. Javni spomenici se stoga koriste za of nationhood and of the celebration of su- iskazivanje moći posredstvom određenog perior individual achievements.2 poimanja istorije, nacije i slavljenja izuzet- nih pojedinačnih dostignuća.2 Public art maintains this role, which is still highly present in the urban environments Javna umetnost zadržava ovu ulogu, koja of cities like Belgrade and countries like je još uvek veoma prisutna u urbanim Serbia, in spite of numerous alternative sredinama gradova kao što je Beograd i approaches to artistic interventions in the zemalja kao što je Srbija, uprkos brojnim urban core, whose development we have alternativnim pristupima umetničkim been witnessing since 1960s in the form of intervencijama u gradskom jezgru, čiji site specific and context specific art, coun- razvoj pratimo od šezdesetih godina ter-monuments, community based art, etc. XX veka u formi prostorno-specifične Eventually, Belgrade city officials and the (site specific) i kontekst-specifične (con- cultural establishment tend to give room text specific) umetničke prakse, protiv- to the solutions of artists or urban design- spomenika, umetnosti zasnovane na ers that can be treated as “embellishment” radu sa određenom zajednicom (com- of the city. However, any kind of research- munity-based art), itd. U krajnjem bi- oriented, analytical, not to mention critical lansu, beogradski zvaničnici i kulturni form of intervention, is out of focus and far establišment pokazuju sklonost da daju from public attention. prostor rešenjima umetnika ili urbanista koja se mogu smatrati „ulepšavanjem“ If we were to concentrate on examples grada. Međutim, bilo kakva istraživački that are busy vivisecting the context of nastrojena, analitička, da ne kažemo the urban tissue where such work is being kritička intervencija nije u žiži interes- placed, i.e. context specific art practices, we ovanja i daleko je od pažnje javnosti. would have to introduce a few basic methodological assumptions. The term spatio- Kada bismo se koncentrisali na primere analysis could serve here as a theoretical kojima se ukazuje na vivisekciju kon- tool for the process of “unfolding” all of the teksta urbanog tkiva u okviru koga se historical layers that are superimposed in takva dela smeštaju, npr. u domenu a certain location of a city. The term could kontekst-specifičnih umetničkih prak- also be used for the analysis of the way in si, morali bismo poći od nekoliko os- which these layers were produced in spe- novnih metodoloških pretpostavki. Po- cific socio-political contexts. It is therefore jam prostorne analize mogao bi ovde important to emphasise that the physical da posluži kao teorijsko oruđe za proces form of the cityscape is inseparable from

2 Eric Hobsbawm (predgovor katalogu): Art and Power, London: 2 Eric Hobsbawm, pref. cat.: Art and Power, London: Hayward Hayward Gallery, 1996 (str. 12). Gallery, 1996. (p. 12).

191 „razotkrivanja“ svih istorijskih slojeva the specific society in which it develops. koji su bili naneti na nekoj lokaciji u Cities, as a result, are not perceived to be određenom gradu. Taj pojam takođe bi constituted solely by material artefacts; se mogao koristiti pri analizi načina na they are also seen as open ground for the koji su ti slojevi stvarani u određenim projection of ideologies, the expression of društveno-političkim kontekstima. Stoga cultural values and the demonstration of je važno naglasiti da je fizička forma ur- power. The organization and shaping of the banog pejzaža neodvojiva od konkretnog city, as well as the attribution of meaning društva u kome se razvija. Kao rezul- to its different spaces, might be viewed as tat toga, gradovi se ne posmatraju kao social processes. Spatial forms are seen as nešto sačinjeno isključivo od materijal- social structures and the reorganization of nih artefakta; oni se takođe posmatraju urban space as a component of full-scale kao otvoreno tle za projektovanje ide- social restructuring. In short, the produced ologija, izražavanje kulturnih vrednosti and reproduced space of the city represents i demonstriranje moći. Organizovanje the site and the outcome of social, political i uobličavanje grada, kao i pridavanje and economic struggles.3 značenja raznim njegovim prostorima, mogli bi se posmatrati kao društveni Having set the methodological tools for procesi. Prostorne forme posmatraju se the analysis, our case study will be the kao društvene strukture, a reorganiza- installation that in 2001 artists from cija urbanog prostora kao komponenta Germany, Annette Weisser and Ingo Vet- potpunog društvenog restrukturisanja. ter, placed on the edge of the site known Ukratko rečeno, proizvedeni i reprodu- as Mitić’s Hole, an empty lot located on kovani prostor grada predstavlja mesto Slavija Square in Belgrade.4 i ishod društvenih, političkih i ekonomskih sukoba.3

Pošto smo uspostavili metodološko oruđe za analizu, u okviru naše studije slučaja pozabavićemo se instalacijom koju je 3 For this line of argument see, among others, David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity, Cambridge MA and Oxford: 2001. godine umetnički par iz Nemačke, Blackwell, 1990; Edward Soja, Postmodern Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory, London and Anet Vajser i Ingo Feter, postavio na ivicu New York: Verso, 1989, and Rosalyn Deutsche, Evictions – Art prostora poznatog kao „Mitićeva rupa“ na and Spatial Politics, Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 1988. Trgu Slavija u Beogradu.4 4 The work was realized within the project “Dysfunctional places / Displaced functionalities” held in the framework of the 2001 Belgrade Summer Festival. The curators were Heike Munder, Stevan Vuković and Zoran Erić; the partici- 3 Za ovu liniju argumentacije videti, između ostalih, David Har- pating artists were Annette Weisser and Ingo Vetter, Mischa vey, The Condition of Postmodernity, Cambridge MA and Oxford: Kuball, Ben Cain and Tina Gverović, Talent Factory, Apso- Blackwell, 1990; Edward Soja, Postmodern Geographies: The lutno and Milorad Mladenović. The project invited artists to Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory, London and New investigate different “dysfunctional” sites, and foresaw a re- York: Verso, 1989, i Rosalyn Deutsche, Evictions – Art and Spatial search phase involving the analysis of urban, architectural, Politics, Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 1988. topographic, cultural, historical and geo-strategic aspects. 4 Taj rad bio je realizovan u okviru projekta „Nefunkciona- Each artistic project was expected to develop context-spe- lna mesta / Izmeštene funkcionalnosti“, segmenta Beogradskog cific interventions that demonstrated other potentials of the letnjeg festivala 2001. Kustosi su bili Hajke Munder, Stevan chosen site, or to construct new types of functionality taking Vuković i Zoran Erić; u projektu su učestvovali umetnici Anet into consideration the many contextual limitations imposed Vajser i Ingo Feter, Miša Kubal, Ben Kejn i Tina Gverović, Tal- upon the location.

192 Priča o trgu koji je zapravo kružna raskrsnica Story about the square Od sredine XIX veka, kada je bila nenas- that is actually a roundabout tanjena i kada su imućni Beograđani tu From the mid 19th century, when it was išli u lov na patke, do današnjeg dana, unpopulated and used by rich Belgrade okolina Trga Slavija prošla je kroz veo- citizens for shooting ducks, to the present ma osoben istorijski razvoj u domenu day, the area around Slavija Square has urbanog planiranja. Tokom ovog peri- undergone a very peculiar history of urban oda, bilo je nekoliko ključnih trenuta- development. Throughout this period, there ka kada su značajne zgrade ili spo- were several decisive moments with land- menici označavali društveno-prostorne mark buildings or monuments that marked preobražaje ovog mesta. Prva ideja o ur- socio-spatial transformations of that site. banizovanju ovog prostora potekla je od The very first idea of urbanizing this area škotskog preduzetnika Frensisa Meken- came from a Scottish entrepreneur Francis zija, koji je kupio to zemljište i pripremio Mackenzie, who bought the land and pre- ga za kasniju gradnju. Taj prostor je u to pared it for subsequent development. The vreme još uvek zakonski bio izvan grad- area was at that time still legally beyond skog atara, tako da je bio znatno jeftiniji, city limits and therefore much cheaper, što je podsticalo bržu gradnju, a rezultat fostering faster development and causing, toga bio je jedan od najvećih problema sa as a result, one of the biggest problems kojima se grad suočio.5 Kao’novoverac’, for the city.5 Being a Nazarene, Mackenzie Mekenzi je odlučio da tu sagradi hram decided to build a temple named the Hall nazvan Sala mira, na zgražanje beograd- of Peace to the outrage of Belgrade “Ortho- ske „pravoslavne“ javnosti. Međutim, Sala dox” public. However, the Hall of Peace was mira nije korišćena samo u religijske used not just for religious but also for edu- svrhe već je imala i obrazovnu namenu, cational purposes, thus showing the vision- što je svedočilo o vizionarskoj i prosve- ary and enlightened role of the Scotsman, titeljskoj ulozi ovog Škota, čijom je inici- whose initiative produced the first socio- jativom nastao prvi društveno-prostorni spatial context for Slavija.6 kontekst Slavije.6 After World War II, the new communist regime renamed Slavija after Dimitrije ent Factory, Apsolutno i Milorad Mladenović. Ovim projektom umetnici su pozvani da istraže razne „nefunkcionalne“ prostore, Tucović, one of the foremost Serbian so- a njime je bila predviđena i faza istraživanja koja je uključivala analizu urbanih, arhitektonskih, topografskih, kulturnih, istori- cialists. His remains were re-buried on the jskih i geostrateških aspekata. Od svakog umetničkog projekta square and a monument was commissioned očekivalo se da iznedri intervencije namenjene određenom kontekstu kojima se demonstriraju drugačiji potencijali odabranog to the renowned sculptor Stevan Bodnarov. mesta, ili da konstruiše nove tipove funkcionalnosti, uzimajući u obzir mnoga kontekstualna ograničenja koja su datoj lokaciji Besides the round plateau around the mon- nametnuta. 5 Dubravka Stojanović, Kaldrma i asfalt, Urbanizacija i evro- 5 Dubravka Stojanović, Kaldrma i asfalt, Urbanizacija i ev- peizacija Beograda 1890-1914, Beograd: Udruženje za društvenu ropeizacija Beograda 1890-1914, Belgrade: Udruženje za istoriju, 2008 (str. 35-36). društvenu istoriju, 2008. (pp. 35-36). 6 Nenad Žarković, Prezentacija o istorijskom i graditeljskom 6 Nenad Žarković, Presentation on history and built heritage nasleđu Trga Slavija, održana u okviru međunarodnog sim- of the Slavija Square delivered within the International pozijuma „SEĆANJE GRADA – Politike i prakse očuvanja i Symposium “MEMORY OF THE CITY - Policies and Practices uključivanja sećanja u razvoj grada“, Beograd, 12. i 13. septem- of the Memory Preservation and Integration in the City’s De- bar 2011. godine. velopment”, held in Belgrade on 12-13th September 2011.

193 Posle Drugog svetskog rata, novi komu- ument, the “square” was actually nothing nistički režim preimenovao je Slaviju u more than a roundabout with the heavy Trg Dimitrija Tucovića, po jednom od na- traffic. The period marked by the rule of jistaknutijih srpskih socijalista. Njegovi Slobodan Milošević from mid 1980s till posmrtni ostaci sahranjeni su na ovom the end of 1990s, produced a specific socio- trgu, a izrada spomenika u njegovu čast spatial context and made a severe impact poverena je čuvenom vajaru Stevanu on the urban transformations of the city of Bodnarovu. Pored kružnog platoa oko spo- Belgrade. On Dimitrije Tucović Square, the menika, ovaj „trg“ zapravo nije ništa više landmark that marks the first phase of the do veoma prometna raskrsnica kružnog Hall of Peace - whose final function was to toka. U periodu obeleženom vladavinom be a cinema named Slavija - was destroyed Slobodana Miloševića, od sredine osamde- together with one of the oldest city phar- setih do kraja devedesetih godina XX veka, macies, in spite of the fact that it was pro- stvoren je specifičan društveno-prostorni claimed public monument of architecture kontekst koji je imao velikog uticaja na and thus protected by law. Concurrently, urbane transformacije grada Beograda. “the square” became earmarked for the Na Trgu Dimitrija Tucovića, markantna future vast National Bank, which the Bel- zgrada koja je označavala prvu fazu Sale grade authorities started to build in 1992.7 mira – čija je završna funkcija bila bioskop What, however, was most interesting phe- nazvan „Slavija“ – bila je srušena zajedno nomena of that time and the one which sa jednom od najstarijih gradskih apoteka, attracted the artists Annette Weisser and uprkos činjenici da je proglašena arhitek- Ingo Vetter, was the strange flow of differ- tinskim spomenikom od javnog značaja, ent economies revolving around Dimitrije čime je bila zakonom zaštićena. Istovreme- Tucović Square and particularly the empty no, na „trgu“ je bila predviđena lokacija za lot known as the Mitić’s Hole. These econo- buduću ogromnu zgradu Narodne banke, mies were the outcome of a particular way sa čijom su izgradnjom beogradske vlasti socio-spatial context was being produced započele 1992. godine.7 Međutim, naj- in the 1990s and therefore a context that interesantnija pojava toga vremena, koja deserves a closer reflection. je privukla pažnju umetnika Anet Vajser i Inga Fetera, bila je oličena u čudnovatim Urban space produced by “official” tokovima raznih ekonomija koje su se vr- economies of destruction tele oko Trga Dimitrija Tucovića, a naročito The political context of the 1990s – the oko prazne građevinske parcele poznate disintegration of the former Socialist Re- pod nazivom Mitićeva rupa. Te ekonomije public, the neighbouring wars, the UN sanctions, a hyperinflation which rose by

7 Jugoslovenski arhitekti pozvani su da podnesu predloge, u okviru otvorenog nadmetanja, za projekat banke od jedanaest 7 Yugoslav architects were invited to tender proposals in an spratova sa četiri suterenska nivoa za sefove i trezor. Po izbijanju open competition for an eleven-storey bank with four base- rata, prvobitna ideja, po kojoj je različite jugoslovenske banke ment levels for the safes and treasury departments. After the trebalo objediniti u okviru jedne centralne zgrade, više nije bila outbreak of war the original concept of uniting various Yu- ostvariva, tako da je ova zgrada bila rezervisana isključivo za goslav banks in one central building was no longer feasible, Narodnu banku. Posle dugog istorijata gradnje, opterećene bro- and so it was reserved solely for the National Bank. After a jnim korupcionaškim skandalima, zgrada je konačno otvorena i long building history fraught with corruption scandals, the stavljena u upotrebu 2006. building was finally opened and put to use in 2006.

194 predstavljale su ishod određenog načina the minute and the economic collapse – na koji je društveno-prostorni kontekst created a situation of outer and inner iso- proizvođen tokom devedesetih godina XX lation under the rule of an authoritarian veka, zbog čega je to kontekst koji zaslužuje regime. Unlike other cities, in which urban pomnije razmatranje. change was a slow but regulated process, Belgrade went through a period of chaotic Urbani prostor stvoren „zvaničnim“ rule under Milošević and his oligarchy and ekonomijama destrukcije suffered from the consequences of NATO Politički kontekst devedesetih godina XX bombings which severely damaged some veka – raspad bivše Socijalističke Repub- of the landmarks of modernist architec- like, ratovi u susedstvu, sankcije Ujedinjen- ture in its urban core. Throughout the ih nacija, hiperinflacija čiji se rast osećao 1990s, the master plan for urbanizing Bel- svakog minuta, i ekonomski kolaps – stvo- grade, which had survived from the Tito rio je situaciju spoljne i unutrašnje izolaci- era, was ignored, while illegal building, je pod vladavinom autoritarnog režima. Za negligence and destruction characterized razliku od drugih gradova, u kojima su ur- the process of urban change. The main at- bane promene bile spor ali regulisan pro- tribute of the authoritarian system was ces, Beograd je prošao kroz period haotične the uncontrolled “grey economy” starting vladavine pod Miloševićem i njegovom at the top of the state hierarchy and end- oligarhijom, i pretrpeo posledice bombar- ing with “smuggling” and the sale of basic dovanja od strane NATO-a kojim su znat- goods on the streets. no oštećene neke od najznačajnijih zgrada modernističke arhitekture u urbanom Mlađan Dinkić has described the system jezgru grada. Tokom čitave poslednje de- of economic flows in Serbia in the 1990s cenije XX veka, generalni urbanistički plan as an “economy of destruction”.8 The first Beograda, koji je opstao još iz Titove ere, step of which was the “robbery of the bio je ignorisan, a proces urbanih promena people”, perpetrated by several “projects” karakterisali su nelegalna gradnja, nemar such as the “Loan for the Serbian Indus- i destrukcija. Glavno svojstvo tog autori- trial Renaissance” in 1989, the induced tarnog sistema bila je nekontrolisana „siva hyperinflation of 1993 and flourish- ekonomija“ koja je počinjala od samog ing pyramid investment chains in “wild vrha državne hijerarhije a završavala se banks” like Dafiment or Jugoskandik, „švercom“ i prodajom osnovnih životnih which offered citizens monthly interest potrepština na ulicama grada. rates as high as 30 percent. The dramatic hyperinflation in the Federal Republic of Mlađan Dinkić okarakterisao je sistem eko- Yugoslavia was inevitable in view of the nomskih tokova u Srbiji devedesetih go- specific social circumstances.9 The most dina XX veka kao „ekonomiju destrukcije“.8 Njen prvi korak bila je „pljačka naroda“ 8 Mlađan Dinkić, Ekonomija destrukcije, Belgrade: Stubovi kulture, 1996. (p. 80). 9 In April 1993 the UN declaration 820 decreed a total blockade of all financial transactions with Yugoslavia. Hyperinflation mounted rap- 8 Mlađan Dinkić, Ekonomija destrukcije, Beograd: Stubovi kulture, idly in this socio-political environment, and in January 1994 peaked 1996 (str. 80). with daily price increases amounting to 62% (almost 3% hourly).

195 posredstvom nekoliko projekata poput important precondition for its occurrence „Zajma za obnovu Srbije“ iz 1989. godine, was the complete monopoly over political namerno izazvane hiperinflacije iz 1993, and economic power exercised by a small i procvata piramidalnih investicionih la- oligarchy led by an authoritarian ruler, naca u „divljim bankama“ poput Dafiment whose acts were beyond the control of banke ili Jugoskandika, koje su građanima the state or its institutions. nudile mesečne kamate na nivou od čak 30 procenata. Dramatična hiperinflacija The ruthless abuse of monetary-control u Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji bila je was the formal cause of hyperinflation and neizbežna imajući u vidu te specifične the resultant extreme social stratification. društvene okolnosti.9 Najvažniji preduslov While the majority of the population faced da do toga dođe bio je potpuni monopol na impoverishment, a political-financial elite političku i ekonomsku moć koji je imala came into being. It was represented by mala oligarhija predvođena autoritarnim leading politicians, by a selected circle vlastodršcem, čije je delovanje bilo van of directors of state-run companies and kontrole države ili njenih institucija. banks and by the owners of certain “private” but essentially “parastatal” compa- Bezobzirna zloupotreba kontrole novčane nies. Their material and formal status was mase bila je formalni uzrok hiperinflacije i based on a monopoly of a different kind: krajnjeg raslojavanja društva proisteklog iz namely over the emission and distribu- nje. Dok je većina stanovništva bila suočena tion of currency, the import and trading of sa siromaštvom, stvorena je političko- certain goods, control over the media and finansijska elita. Nju su činili vodeći privileged status in financial transactions političari, odabrani krug direktora državnih with the state. Thus, the interest of this firmi i banaka, kao i vlasnici određenih elite was geared not towards the devel- „privatnih“, u suštini „paradržavnih“ firmi. opment of the national economy but to- Njihov materijalni i formalni status zas- wards maintaining and advancing its per- nivao se na monopolu jedne druge vrste: sonal dominance and wealth.10 The rest of konkretno – emisiji i distribuciji novca, the population had to seek survival in the uvozu određenih vrsta robe i trgovini njima, “grey economy”: in smuggling and in small kontroli nad medijima i privilegovanom business on the improvised stands, kiosks statusu u finansijskim transakcijama sa or even “temporary housing projects” set državom. Otuda je interes ove elite bio us- up on the streets. All these ephemeral meren ne ka razvijanju nacionalne privrede economies decisively influenced the proc- već ka održavanju i uvećavanju njene ess of urban growth and the image of the lične dominacije i ličnog bogatstva.10 Os- city of Belgrade.

9 Aprila 1993. godine, Deklaracijom 820 Ujedinjenih nacija proglašena je poptuna blokada svih fiansijskih transakcija sa Ju- goslavijom. Hiperinflacija je rapidno rasla u takvom društveno- političkom okruženju, a vrhunac je dostigla januara 1994. godine, kada su cene dnevno rasle 62% (gotovo 3% na sat). 10 Mlađan Dinkić, Ekonomija destrukcije, Beograd: Stubovi kul- 10 Mlađan Dinkić, Ekonomija destrukcije, Belgrade: Stubovi ture, 1996 (str. 234, 235). kulture, 1996 (pp. 234, 235).

196 tatak stanovništva morao je sebi da obez- Detecting hidden economies bedi opstanak u domenu „sive ekonomije“: around Slavija Square posredstvom šverca i male privrede na The given socio-political-spatial-econom- improvizovanim tezgama, u kioscima ili ic context of Belgrade meant that many čak „privremenim stambenim projektima“ sites no longer served their primary pur- smeštenim na ulicama. Sve te efemerne pose, with the result that they were gen- ekonomije presudno su uticale na proces erally perceived as “dead points” within urbanog razvoja i na imidž grada Beograda. the functional dynamic of the city. After closer examination of these sites, Annette Otkrivanje skrivenih ekonomija oko Trga Slavija Weisser and Ingo Vetter were most at- Postojeći društveno-političko-prostorno- tracted by an empty lot known as Mitić’s ekonomski kontekst Beograda značio je Hole, located on Dimitrije Tucović Square. da mnoga mesta više nisu služila svojoj The colloquial name of the site came af- primarnoj svrsi, što je rezultiralo time da ter the rich retailing family who owned it se na njih, generalno uzev, gledalo kao na before World War II had earmarked it as „mrtve tačke“ u okviru funkcionalne din- the prestigious location for the fourth big amike grada. Posle detaljnog istraživanja department store in their chain (picture 1). takvih mesta, Anet Vajser i Inga Fetera The outbreak of war put an end to their privukla je prazna građevinska parcela plans and the post-war property laws led

Slika 1 :: “Mitićeva rupa“, 1970-ih (iz dokumentacije Zavoda za zaštitu spomenika kulture grada Beograda) Picture 1 :: “Mitić‘s hole“, 1970s (documentation of the Cultural Heritage Preservation Institute of Belgrade) Slika 2 :: Sunčani sat na mestu „Mitićeve rupe“, 1980-tih (iz dokumentacije Zavoda za zaštitu spomenika kulture grada Beograda) Picture 2 :: Sundial at the place of “Mitić’s Hole”, 1980s (documentation of the Cultural Heritage Preservation Institute of Belgrade)

198 Slika 3 :: Dafina Milanović polaže kamen temeljac za Dafiment banku u „Mitićevoj rupi“ na Slaviji, 16.02.1992. (fotografija: Latif Adrović, arhiva: Vreme) Picture 3 :: Dafina Milanović laying the foundation stone for the Dafiment bank at the place of “Mitić’s Hole”, Slavija, February 16th, 1992 (photo by Latif Adrović, archive: Vreme) poznata pod nazivom Mitićeva rupa na to their plot being nationalized. Nothing Trgu Dimitrija Tucovića. Kolokvijalni was built there for almost 35 years, in naziv za ovo mesto vezan je za bogatu spite of numerous attempts and unreal- trgovačku porodicu u čijem je vlasništvu ized proposals. After 1980, under Mayor ta parcela bila pre Drugog svetskog rata, Bogdan Bogdanović, the site was trans- i čija je namera bila da ga iskoristi kao formed into a park with a strikingly vis- prestižnu lokaciju za izgradnju četvrtog ible sundial (picture 2). In 1992 Milošević’s velikog objekta u njihovom lancu robnih regime granted the land to Dafina (the kuća (slika 1). Izbijanje rata poremetilo “Serbian mother”), who owned the coun- je njihove planove, a zakoni o svojini try’s largest “wild bank” of the period, for doneti posle rata doveli su do naciona- the purpose of building a bank in which lizacije zemljišta koje je pripadalo po- she could continue to launder money on rodici. Tu ništa nije građeno tokom 35 behalf of the government. This ambitious godina, uprkos brojnim pokušajima i ne- architectural project started with the lay- realizovanim predlozima. Posle 1980. going of foundations and the symbolic rite dine, za vreme gradonačelnika Bogdana of placing 1,500 German Marks under the Bogdanovića, ovo mesto pretvoreno je u foundation stone (picture 3). Building was park sa upadljivim sunčanim časovnikom halted in 1994, however, when Dafina’s (slika 2). Godine 1992, Miloševićev režim bank was shut down after the end of hy- dodelio je to zemljište Dafini Milanović perinflation. Directly opposite the con-

199 Slika 4 :: Zgrada Narodne banke, prekoputa „Mitićeve rupe“ Picture 4 :: The building of National Bank, opposite “Mitić’s Hole”

(„srpskoj majci“), vlasnici „Dafiment ban- struction site was the above-mentioned ke“, radi izgradnje najveće „divlje ban- landmark of Dimitrije Tucović Square, the ke“ tog perioda, u kojoj bi ona mogla da National Bank, at the time still under- nastavi sa pranjem novca u ime vlasti. construction (picture 4). The fact that the Ovaj ambiciozni arhitektonski projekat Dafiment bank and the National Bank započeo je polaganjem kamena temeljca i were intended to face each other, thus vis- simboličkim obredom polaganja sume od ibly linking within the urban fabric two 1.500 nemačkih maraka ispod njega (slika different facets of the same “economy of 3). Međutim, gradnja je stala 1994, kada je destruction”, was the biggest – and prob- „Dafiment banka“ zatvorena pošto je hiper- ably not accidental – irony of that phase inflacija okončana. Nasuprot gradilišta na- in Serbian history. lazila se pomenuta zgrada Narodne banke, glavno obeležje Trga Dimitrija Tucovića, The artistic intervention comprised of an tada još uvek u izgradnji (slika 4). Činjenica installation that symbolically reflected da je bilo planirano da zgrade „Dafiment the layering of different economies re- banke“ i Narodne banke stoje jedna volving around its site. It was conceived naspram druge, čime bi unutar gradskog as an exact replica of the facade elements tkiva bila vidljivo povezana dva različita of the National Bank under construction, elementa iste „ekonomije destrukcije“, bila meaning that artists were required to je najveća ironija te faze srpske istorije. use exactly the same materials includ-

200 Umetnička intervencija sastojala se od instalacije koja je simbolički odražavala slojeve različitih ekonomija koje su se okretale oko tog mesta. Bila je zamišljena kao verna replika fasadnih elemenata Nar- odne banke u izgradnji, što je značilo da su umetnici koristili potpuno iste materijale, uključujući tu i angažovanje iste fabrike za rezanje italijanskog stakla. Čak je i mermer koji je upotrebljen kao temelj instalacije nabavljen od ostataka sa gradilišta. Kao suptilno reagovanje na kontekst, instalacija Anete Vajser i Inga Fetera takođe je uključivala podražavanje okoline – kioska i montažnih butika – na planu forme (slika 5). Važan deo umetničkog projekta bio je (manje-više uspešan) proces pregovaranja sa svim akterima uključenim u društveno- prostornu ekonomiju tog mesta, pre sve- Slika 5 :: Instalacija Anete Vajser i Inga Fetera, 2001. Fotografija Ingo Feter Picture 5 :: Installation by Annette Weisser and Ingo Vetter, 2001. Photo ga sa neposrednim korisnicima mesta by Ingo Vetter na kojem je instalacija trebalo da bude smeštena – sa lokalnim „šibicarima“, kao i sa vlasnikom nelegalnog butika za trudne i ing commissioning the same factory to „punije“ žene. Argument kome su pribegli cut the Italian glass. Even the remaining umetnici bio je da „ekonomske aktivnosti“ marble was procured from the building tih preduzetnika neće biti ugrožene, već da site and used as a base of the installation. će čak imati koristi od njihove intervencije. As a subtle response to the context, the Vlasnik butika je dao pristanak kada mu installation of Annette Weisser and Ingo je obećano da će njegov izlog biti vidljiv Vetter also involved formal mimicry of u pozadini dok kustosi budu davali izjave the site environment of kiosks and bou- za TV stanice tokom javnog predstavl- tique booths (picture 5). An important part janja projekta, čime će dobiti „besplatnu of the artistic project was a (more or less reklamu“. Publicitet je bila poslednja stvar successful) process of negotiation with do koje je šibicarima bilo stalo, tako da je all of the agents involved in the socio- bila neophodna drugačija taktika. Oni su spatial economy of the site. First of all prihvatili činjenicu da od te instalacije with the direct users of the corner where mogu da imaju neke konkretne koristi: the installation was to be placed – local mogu da sakriju svoju „robu“ iza nje, ili da “hustlers” operating the notorious scam of na nju naslone suncobran. Međutim, jedna making a small ball disappear below three grupa uključena u ekonomiju tog mesta os- matchboxes and consequently with the tala je van domašaja ovo dvoje umetnika: owner of an illegal boutique for pregnant porodica od dvadeset Roma, izbeglica sa or “overweight” women. The argument

201 Kosova, koja je živela iza ograde „Mitićeve used by the artists was that the “econo- rupe“, izdržavajući se sakupljanjem starih my” of the entrepreneurs would not be novina i kartona radi preprodaje. jeopardized and would in fact even profit from the intervention. The boutique own- Ova instalacija verno je odražavala srp- er was persuaded by the promise of media sko društvo devedesetih godina XX veka, coverage during the opening of the project pokazujući i analizirajući njegove ekonomi- and the “free advertising” his shop would je, kako one zvanične tako i one skrivene, gain through figuring prominently in the u rasponu od onih kojima je upravljala background while the curators were being država do onih koje su upražnjavale najza- interviewed by TV stations. Publicity was postavljenije društvene grupe. Svi protago- the last thing the hustlers wanted, and so nisti nastavili su sa svojim svakodnevnim a different tactic was required. They ac- aktivnostima, u čemu su pokazali različite cepted that the installation might have its stepene uspešnosti. Istovremeno, ova insta- uses: They could hide their “merchandise” lacija otkrila je „život“ iza fasade naizgled behind it, or prop a sunshade up against nefunkcionalnog mesta, pokazujući time it. However, one group involved in the da je funkcionalnost nekog urbanog mesta economy of the site remained outside the više pitanje njegove upotrebe nego osnovne artists’ reach: a family of twenty Roma arhitektonske ili opštinske svrhe. Uprkos refugees from Kosovo living behind the mnoštvu „privremenih arhitektonskih ob- construction fences of “Mitić’s Hole”, who jekata“ na tom mestu, poput montažnih collected old newspapers and cardboard butika ili kioska, gradske vlasti zabranile for the purpose of re-sale. su postavljanje trajnih instalacija i odobrile održavanje izložbe samo tokom kraćeg peri- The installation accurately imaged Ser- oda vremena. Međutim, život te efemerne bian society in the 1990s and dissected its instalacije produžen je, uglavnom da bi economies, both official and hidden, rang- poslužila za postavljanje oglasa i plaka- ing from the state-directed to that of one ta, i ona je ostala na tom mestu sve dok of the most neglected social groups. All the opštinske vlasti nisu odlučile da „Mitićevu protagonists continued to go about their rupu“ ponovo pretvore u park.11 Tada je daily business with varying degrees of „staklena konstrukcija” na ivici rupe uklo- success. At the same time the installation njena, zajedno sa drugim „privremenim revealed the “life” behind the apparently arhitektonskim objektima“ za koje se sma- dysfunctional site, demonstrating that the tralo da ruže Trg Slavija (kome je vraćeno functionality of an urban site is more a prvobitno ime nakon političkih promena do question of its use rather than the primary kojih je došlo 2000. godine). Novoj neo-lib- architectural or municipal purpose. Despite the flourishing “temporary architectural 11 Posle političkih previranja i antimiloševićevske „revolu- objects” such as boutique booths or kiosks cije“ koja se odigrala 5. oktobra 2000. godine, Demokratska stranka preuzela je vlast u Beogradu. Novoj gradskoj vladi bilo on the site, the municipal authorities for- je potrebno skoro dve godine da odluči šta da radi sa praznom bade permanent installations and author- građevinskom parcelom na Trgu Slavija. Održane su javne auk- cije i dobijene su ponude velikih međunarodnih firmi iz Austrije ised the exhibition for a brief period of i Izraela. Međutim, vlasti su na kraju odlučile da ne prodaju tu parcelu i opredelile se za još jedno „privremeno rešenje“ – park. time. However, the life of the ephemeral in-

202 eralnoj ekonomiji nisu bili potrebni podset- stallation was prolonged, mainly as a place nici na stare ekonomije, a još manje kritički for advertisements and posters and it re- nastrojena javna umetnost. mained in position until finally the authorities decided to turn “Mitić’s Hole” into a Park na Trgu Slavija uskoro je postao park once again.11 The “glass construction” poznat po pokrovitelju novog igrališta on its edges was then removed, together kao „Rajfajzen banka“, koja je jedna od with the other “temporary architectural najuspešnijih tranzicionih banaka u objects” considered to be detrimental to regionu jugoistočne Evrope. Danas se the embellishment of Slavija Square (that ogromni logotip ove banke uzdiže nad had regained its first name after the politi- igralištem, čime je vizuelno određen iz- cal changes of 2000). The new neo-liberal gled Trga Slavija i simbolički predstavlje- economy needed no reminders of the old na najsnažnija pokretačka sila koja stoji economies, let alone critical public art. iza skorašnjih urbanih preobražaja: sila neo-liberalnog, predatorskog kapitalizma. Slavija Square park soon became known by the patrons of this new playground as the “Raiffeisen Bank”, one of the most successful transitional banks in the region of South-East Europe. Today, the Bank’s huge logo looms over the playground, visually marking the view on Slavija Square and symbolising the strongest driving force behind recent urban transformations: that of neo-liberal, predatory capitalism.

11 After the political upheaval and the anti- Milošević “revolution” of October 5, 2000, the Democratic Party took power in Belgrade. It took the new city government almost two years to decide what to do with the empty lot on Slavija Square. Public auctions were staged, and proposals were received from big international construction companies in Austria and Israel. Finally, however, the authorities decided against selling the site and opted for yet another “temporary solution” – a park.

203 Radionice i realizacija umetniČkIH instalacijA

septembar september 2011 - januar january 2012 Workshops and realiZation of site-specific installations

septembar september 2011 - januar january 2012 Kurs Sećanje grada Arhitektonski fakultet Beograd Course Memory of the City Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade

Milorad Mladenović, Slavica radišić

Prevela sa srpskog Translated from Serbian by Slavica Radišić

U okviru studijskog programa Arhitek- A course Memory of the City was put in the tonskog fakulteta u Beogradu, kao jedan curriculum of undergraduate studies at od izbornih kurseva na trećoj godini os- the Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade, as novnih akademskih studija, održan je one of the third year optional courses. The kurs Sećanje grada. Osnovni cilj ovog main goal of this course was to educate kursa bio je upoznavanje studenata sa students about a role which architectural ulogom koju arhitektonski i umetnički and artistic monuments in a public space, spomenici u javnom prostoru imaju u have in defining collective identities and procesu definisanja kolektivnih identite- collective memory. ta i kolektivnog sećanja. The course, led by professor Milorad Kurs Sećanje grada koji je vodio profe- Mladenović, took place in the winter semester sor Milorad Mladenović odvijao se to- of 2011/2012 school year, and it was realized kom jesenjeg semestra školske godine through thematic lectures, workshops, 2011/2012 i u okviru njega su organi- location tours, debates and presentations zovana tematska predavanja, radionice, of students’ projects. The first part of the obilasci lokacije, debate i prezentacije course, the theoretical part, consisted of studentskih radova. Prvi deo kursa, lectures and presentations that helped teorijski, bio je posvećen predavanjima students to get acquainted with the history i prezentacijama kroz koje su se stu- and urban development of one specific denti upoznali sa istorijom i urbanim location in Belgrade - the Slavija Square,

206 razvojem jedne specifične lokacije u and its complex role in the construction of Beogradu - Trga Slavija, i njenom kom- Belgrade’s collective memory. pleksnom ulogom u kreiranju kolektivnog sećanja Beograda. Slavija was one of the main topics discussed at the symposium Memory of the City that Slavija je bila i jedna od glavnih tema was held on 12th and 13th of September razmatranih na simpozijumu Sećanje 2011 at the Cultural Center of Belgrade. The grada održanom 12. i 13. septembra symposium was organized by the Center 2011. u Kulturnom centru Beograda u or- for cultural interactions Kulturklammer, ganizaciji Centra za kulturne interakcije which as a partner also took part in Kulturklammer, organizacije koja je kao development of the course Memory of the partner učestovala u koncipiranju i reali- City. A historical significance of the Slavija zaciji kursa Sećanje grada. Tokom simpoz- square was discussed at the symposium as a ijuma razmatran je istorijski značaj Trga prime example of the current, mainly vague, Slavija u kontekstu postojećih, uglavnom policies of the memory and remembrance nejasnih politika memorije i pamćenja that are characteristic for the local culture koje su karakteristične za ovdašnju kul- which has difficulties in recognizing its own turu koja veoma teško raspoznaje sopst- historical and cultural identity, and which is veni istorijski i kulturni identitet, što je in turn required to publically recognize and nužno da bi ideja sećanja mogla da bude represent the idea of memory. javno prepoznata i predstavljena, a za šta je Slavija jedan od najočitijih primera. Sim- The symposium took place just before the pozijum, održan neposredno pred početak beginning of the semester and it was a ticket semestra bio je ulaznica studentima za for students to attend the optional course pohađanje istoimenog izbornog kursa i with the same title. It turned out that a series ispostavilo se da je niz naučnih, stručnih of scientific, professional and artistic lectures i umetničkih predavanja i prezentacija and presentations on the topic “memory of problema “sećanja grada” dosta pomogao the city” helped a great deal in developing the u razvijanju metodologije kursa. methodology of the course.

Na osnovu znanja stečenih tokom sim- Based on the knowledge acquired during pozijuma i teorijsko-istorijskih predavnja the symposium and theoretical-historical organizovanih u okviru kursa, trebalo je lectures organized within the course, da studenti osmisle svoje predloge za students were supposed to work out umetničke ili arhitektonske intervencije their own suggestions for artistic and na području Slavije dajući na taj način architectural interventions in the Slavija svoje viđenje značaja i uloge ovog javnog area, providing in that way their view of prostora u istoriji Beograda. the significance and role of this public space in the Belgrade’s history. Pored osmišljavanja pojedinačnih predloga za spomenike i site-specific intervenci- Besides coming up with individual je na Slaviji studenti su imali za zadatak proposals for monuments and site-specific

207 da osmisle predlog zajedničke umetničke interventions on Slavija, students also had intervencije koja je trebalo da na jednom a task to make a proposal for a common mestu objedini sva njihova razmišljanja i artistic intervention which was supposed ideje vezane za ovaj prostor. to unite in one place all their considerations and ideas regarding this space. Pošto je kurs Sećanje grada baziran na interdisciplinarnom pristupu u njemu Since the course was based on an su učestvovali i nastavnici Fakulteta interdisciplinary approach it also involved likovnih umetnosti u Beogradu Radoš professors from the Art Academy - Radoš Antonijević i Mrđan Bajić, pa je nastavu Antonijević and Mrđan Bajić, so a number pohađao jedan broj studenata sa vajar- of students from the sculpture department skog odseka FLU. Njihov zadatak je bio also attended the classes. Their task was to da svoja vizuelna i umetnička iskustva embed their visual and artistic experiences ugrade u zajednički rad sa studentima into a collaborative work with the students arhitekture. Takođe, organizovana je of architecture. Also, they collaborated saradnja sa radionicom “Izrazi se crtežom” with the workshop Express yourself with koju vodi umetnica Ana Nedeljković u a drawing, which is ran by artist Ana Studentskom kulturnom centru, i pred Nedeljković in the Student’s Cultural čijim učesnicima su održane studentske Center. This workshop was a framework for odbrane pojedinačnih projektantskih i the defenses of the students’ projects and umetničkih zamisli kroz opširne, zanim- artistic ideas that were very interesting, ljive i veoma korisne javne diskusije. comprehensive and useful. Very prominent U radu kursa veoma značajnu ulogu role in the course assumed art historians imale su istoričarke umetnosti Marijana Marijana Simu and Slavica Radišić, as well Simu i Slavica Radišić, kao i umetnica as artist Dušica Dražić, and they among Dušica Dražić, koje su aktivnim radom other things helped students to articulate sa studentima pomogle da se artikulišu their ideas and projects. The starting points pojedinačni studentski projekti. Osnovna of the course were explorations of historical, polazišta kursa bila su istraživanja is- cultural and political processes relating torijskih, kulturnih i političkih procesa to Slavija in the past. In this research vezanih za Slaviju u prošlosti. U ovom a great help was provided by architect istraživanju naročitu pomoć je pružio Aleksandar Stanojlović, and a generational arhitekta Aleksandar Stanojlović, a gen- visit to Berlin. This visit enabled students eracijska poseta Berlinu studentima to see from the first hand high quality je omogućila da iz prve ruke upoznaju contemporary examples of monuments, veoma kvalitetne i savremene primere memorial architecture and approaches to oblikovanja memorijala i načine pristupa the culture of memory in general. kulturi sećanja. The main question posed to students during Osnovno pitanje postavljeno pred studen- the course was what actually comprises a te tokom kursa bilo je šta za njih zapravo corpus of memory of a place? Their initial ideas čini korpus pamćenja mesta? Njihove were mainly connected to analysis of very

208 početne zamisli bile su vezane uglavnom complex dependencies of historical artifacts za analizu veoma složenih međuzavisnosti and personal identifications of the space. istorijskih artefakata i ličnih identifikacija Somewhere in this in-between-space a range prostora. Negde u ovom međuprostoru of proposals has been developed, from those razvio se čitav niz predloga, od onih koji that take note of important but unmarked beleže važna, a neoznačena istorijska historical places on this location whose mesta prostora čiji su artefakti danas artifacts are preserved today, to ultimately sačuvani, do sasvim ličnih prepoznavanja personal recognitions of places as individual mesta kao individualnih sećanja vezanih memories of the location in question. za predmetni prostor. Students Stefan Vasić and David Brbakalić Temom mapiranja neoznačenih istorijskih were concerned with mapping those mesta bavili su se studenti Stefan Vasić unmarked places in their collaborative i David Brbaklić u zajedničkom projektu project Visor of Forgotten Symbols. This Vizir zaboravljenih simbola i studentkinja topic was also in focus of student Milica Milica Macanović u projektu Ogledala Macanović in her project Mirrors on Wheels. na točkovima. Iako se ova dva predloga Although these two projects dealt with bave istom temom, odlikuje ih posve the same topic they featured completely različit pristup. Vasić i Brbaklić proble- different approaches. Vasić and Brbakalić matizuju temu spomenika i predlažu examined the topic of monuments and postavljanje arhitektonske konstrukcije proposed installing an architectural na kojoj bi bile mapirane i objašnjene construction which maps and explains najznačajnije istorijske tačke Slavije. the most important historical locations of Pored svakog objašnjenja bio bi postav- Slavija. Next to each explanation a special ljen i poseban okular koji bi usmeravao ocular is placed that directs the view of a pogled posmatrača prema lokaciji o kojoj beholder toward the location in question. je reč. Za razliku od njih Macanovićeva As opposed to them, Macanović approaches ovoj temi pristupa na nešto intimniji to this topic in a somewhat more intimate način. Postavljajući na više mesta na way. By mounting constructions made out trgu konstrukcije sačinjene od retrovizora of rear-view mirrors on several places on ona na diskretan način usmerava pogled the square, she discreetly directs the view prolaznika prema određenim lokacijama of beholders to certain locations without ne dajući pri tom nikakva objašnjenja. giving any explanations. Istorijom Slavije se bavi i rad studenta Marka Pejčića pod nazivom Teg Slavije. The work by student Marko Pejčić titled The Pejčić predlaže postavljanje metalne Weigh of Slavija is also concerned with the kugle sa lancem na području trga. Za ra- history of the location. Pejčić proposes to zliku od prethodnih predloga Pejčićeva install a metal ball with a chain in the area kugla ne označava neko konkretno of the square. In contrast with previously mesto ili događaj već je više njegov lični mentioned proposals Pejčić’s ball does not komentar odnosa prema istoriji ovog denote any specific place or an event, but mesta, i prema stalnom brisanju tragova it is his personal comment on the attitude

209 prošlosti i počinjanju iznova, procesu koji je toward a history of this place, continuous karakterištičan za urbanu istoriju Beograda. erasing traces of the past and permanently starting all over, a process so characteristic Idejom sećanja, iako ne konkretno ve- for the urban history of Belgrade. zanog za prostor Slavije, bave se i projekti za spomenike Milice Simić i Petra Pejića An idea of memory which is not specifically pod nazivom Nasilje i predlog Nevene tied to the area of Slavija is central to Vuksanović posvećen stradalim u logori- monument projects by Milica Simić and ma za vreme Drugog svetskog rata. Oba Petar Pejić Violence as well as the proposal predloga su zamišljena da se realizuju na by Nevena Vuksanović dedicated to the centralnom delu trga u blizini spomenika fallen in the death camps during the Dimitriju Tucoviću. Ovi studenti su se pri- WW2. Both proposals were supposed to be likom koncipiranja svojih predloga vodili realized in the central part of the square činjenicom da Slavija, pogotovo prostor near to the Dimitrije Tucović memorial. u kojem je smešten spomenik Tucoviću, These students took as a guiding point in predstavlja idealnu lokaciju za postavlja- the development of their proposals the nje spomenika posvećenih traumatičnim fact that Slavija, especially the space in dešavanjima iz naše prošlosti. which the Tucović memorial is situated, is an ideal location for the placement of Za razliku od ovih predloga koji su se monuments dedicated to traumatic events fokusirali na pitanja komemoracije i from the past. sećanja, jedna grupa studentskih radova je više bila usmerena ka propitivanju As opposed to proposals that focused on sadašnjeg stanja Slavije pokušavajući da the issues of the commemoration and da odgovore na pitanja da li Slavija da- memory, one group of students’ works was nas predstavlja trg ili samo i isključivo rather directed at examining contemporary saobraćajno čvorište? Ove ideje i projekti condition of Slavija trying to give answers oslanjali su se na kritiku postojećeg stanja to the question whether Slavija today trga, opšte arhitektonske i urbanističke represents a square or a mere traffic nod? neuređenosti mesta, prikazujući trg kao These ideas and projects were based on a mesto preopterećenog saobraćaja, u sta- critique of the current state of the square, nju konzumerizma koje neartikulisano general architectural and urban disorder zahvata prostor. of the place, depicting the square as a congested place, in a state of consumerism Projekti Iskrivljeni trenutak Hristine which inarticulately spreads in the space. Tošić, Sat Andreja Josifovskog, Trenutak kao sećanje Milice Pavlović, Stolica Mar- The project Distorted Moment by Hristina ka Samardžića i rad Ivana Đikanovića Tošić, Clock by Andrej Josifovski, Moment se svi na svoj način bave propitivanjem as a Memory by Milica Pavlović, Chair by sadašnjeg stanja trga, i pokušavaju na Marko Samardžić and the project by Ivan suptilne načine barem na kratko da us- Đikanović are all concerned, in different pore ili zaustave proticanje vremena i ways, with the question about the current

210 kod prolaznika osveste prostor u kojem state of the square, and they are all trying se svakodnevno kreću i borave. Proti- in a sophisticated manner at least for a canje vremena ali i postojeće formalne while to challenge or to stop the flow of the karakteristike trga tema su projekta time in this location and make passer-bys Nikole Jovanovića pod nazivom Nazadni aware of the space in which they commute sat. Postavljanjem sata koji ide u nazad i and dwell every day. The flow of time time prati formu kretanja vozila po trgu, as well as formal characteristics of the ova instalacija predstavlja metaforu ap- square are the topic of a project by Nikola surdnosti koju u sebi nosi ovaj prostor. Jovanović Backwards Clock. By installing Sličnom temom se bavi i rad Milana a clock that goes backwards and in that Kulića Vrzino kolo, zamišljen da se reali- way follows the movement pattern of the zuje u formi svetleće reklame, aludirajući vehicles on the square, this installation pri tom na vezu Slavije i savremene represents a metaphor of absurdity which idelogije konzumerizma u kontekstu so- this space bears. A similar theme is in the cijalne istorije ovog mesta.1 focus of the work by Milan Kulić Vicious circle which is supposed to be realized Pa ipak i radovi koji su se bavili prošlošću in a form of a neon sign alluding in that Slavije i radovi koji su više bili usmereni way to a relationship between Slavija and na njeno sadašnje stanje i postojeće for- contemporary ideology of consumerism in malne odlike u suštini su se bavili istim the context of social history of this place.1 problemom - odnosom potrošačke kulture i mogućnosti beleženja i opisivanja memo- Still, the artworks that were concerned rije, gde se, u uslovima konzumerističke with the past of Slavija and artworks that društvene ideologije uopšte ne obraća were mainly focused on its current state pažnja na kulturne i socijalne aspekte and formal features, essentially dealt with mesta. Na tom tragu, stanje permanentne the same problem -relationship between nezainteresovanosti, zaboravljanja ili za- consumerist culture and possibility of nemarivanja istorije, je zapravo logična noting and describing memory, which is posledica samoljubive i samodovoljne po- under the consumerist social ideology trošačke ideologije i kulture. and where no one pays any attention to cultural and social aspects of the place. Studentski projekti su identifikovali veo- In this sense, a condition of permanent ma širok spektar mogućih načina iden- indifference, forgetting or neglecting tifikacije prostora što je vodilo do artiku- history, is actually a logical consequence lacije nekoliko važnih (ključnih) pojmova of egotistic and self-reliant consumerist na kojima se bazirala svaka pojedinačna ideology and culture. The students’ projects intervencija. Ključne reči ovih interven- have recognized a wide range of possible cija bile su: temporalnost, protok, pogled, ways for identification of this space which sećanje, mesto, događaj. Imajući ove poj- led to articulation of several important (key)

1 Svi studenski projekti će u celini biti predstavljeni u okviru 1 All students’ projects will be presented in special segment ove publikacije. of this publication.

211 move na umu, metodologija grupnog rada notions upon which every intervention was je kroz nekoliko seansi bila bazirana na based. The key words of these interventions ispitivanju mogućnosti sublimacije pre- were: temporality, flow, view, memory, poznatih pojmova u zajedničku instalaciju place, event. Having these concepts in mind, koja bi na najbolji mogući način reprezen- methodology of a group work during the tovala ideju “sećanja mesta”, a koja bi mo- next few sessions was based on examining gla biti postavljena na samom trgu. Tako a possibility of sublimation of recognized se došlo do ideje-projekta, prezentovanog concepts in a common installation which u ovom izdanju, u kome se na najbolji would represent the idea of “the place of način artikulišu svi rečeni pojmovi. Radi memory” in the best way, and which could se o metalnoj instalaciji stolice sa retro- be installed on the square. This led to the vizorom u kojem se pomoću rotacije sto- idea-project, presented in this issue, which lice prepoznaju sva bitna mesta sećanja articulates the said concepts in the best Slavije. Na metalnoj ploči ugrađenoj u possible way. pločnik bilo je predviđeno graviranje opisa svakog od pojedinačnih pogleda na mes- It is a metal installation with a chair and to sećanja. Ova instalacija je trebalo da a rear-view mirror in which we can see all generiše iskustva memorije trga za svakog important places of memory of Slavija by zaineresovanog posmatrača, turistu ili, u rotating the chair. A description of each najširem smislu, javnost. individual view of the Slavija’s places of memory was supposed to be engraved on Treći deo kursa Sećanje grada bio a metal plate installed in the pavement. je posvećen upoznavanju studenata This installation was supposed to generate sa praktičnim pitanjma realizacije an experience of memory of the square umetničkih instalacija u javnom pros- for every interested viewer, tourist or in a toru. U ovu fazu kursa bilo je uključeno wider sense - the public. više aktera koji su bili od interesa za tehničku realizaciju instalacije. Nas- The third part of the course was devoted to tavnik sa Fakulteta likovnih umetnosti introducing students to practical questions Zoran Kuzmanović održao je predavanje of realization of artistic installations in o procesima livenja umetničkih pred- public space. This phase of the course meta i o tome kako se objekat tehnički involved many agents that were relevant for realizuje. Kuzmanović je dao i čitav the technical realization of the installation. niz primera već postojećih intervencija Lecturer from the Faculty of Visual Arts ove vrste. Dalje se išlo u razmatranje Zoran Kuzmanović gave a lecture on i proučavanje bravarskih radova od methodology of sculpture casting and about značaja za realizaciju, kao i beleženja possibilities for the technical realization tekstova u metalu, CNC tehnologijom. of a project. Kuzmanović gave a series of U ovoj fazi rada došlo se do potpune examples of already existing interventions projektantske ideje na koji se način jed- of this kind. Further considerations were na javna instalacija može realizovati, i concerned with detailed analysis of the to ne samo kroz njen tehnički aspekt, locksmith works that were relevant for

212 već i kroz čitav niz pravnih i adminis- the project realization, as well as with trativnih procedura koje su potrebne engraving the text in metal by using CNC da bi se dobila odobrenja od nadležnih technology. In this phase it was formed a institucija za realizaciju skulptura i complete project execution idea about the spomenika u javnom prostoru. Studenti ways in which a public installation can su, zbog svega toga, bili u situaciji da be realized, not only through its technical promišljaju vrednosti koncepta mes- aspects but also through a series of ta umetničkog dela kao javne insta- legislative and administrative procedures lacije. U tom smislu je pokriven čitav that are required to obtain all the permits metodološki postupak izgradnje jednog from the relevant city’s authorities for umetničkog objekta u javnom prostoru. realization of sculptures and monuments in public space. Because of that, students Završni segment kursa Sećanje grada were in a position to reflect on the values predstavljaće javna prezentacija stu- of conception of a place of artwork as dentskih ideja i projekata.2 Uzimajući u a public installation. In this sense, the obzir temu kursa odlučeno je da se ova whole methodological procedure of the prezentacija održi u javnom prostoru construction and placement of an art Trga Slavija. U okviru prezentacije pros- object in public space was covered. tor trga biće izlepljen plakatima na kojima će biti predstavljeni svi studentski A final segment of the course Memory projekti. Pored toga, odlučeno je da se par of the City will be consisted of public manje zahtevnih studentskih ideja reali- presentations of students’ ideas and zuje i postavi na trgu. U parku, na mestu projects.2 Given the theme of the course, nekadašnje Mitićeve rupe, biće postavljen it was decided to hold this presentation rad Teg Slavije Marka Pejčića, a na jed- in the public space of the Slavija Square. nom od obližnjih stubova konstrukcija sa As part of the presentation the space of retrovizorima Milice Macanović Ogledala the square will be covered with posters na točkovima. Studenti će zajednički presenting the students’ projects. Besides realizovati akciju Stolice (ideja Marka that, it was also decided to realize and Samardžića) u okviru koje će na više install a couple of less demanding projects mesta na trgu biti postavljene stolice koje within the square. In the park, on the site of treba da pozovu prolaznike da se barem the former Mitić Hole, The Weigh of Slavija na tren zaustave i osmotre prostor oko by Marko Pejčić will be installed, and a sebe. Projekat Vizir zaboravljenih simbola construction with the rear-view mirrors Vasića i Brbaklića realizovaće se u pojed- Mirrors on Wheels by Milica Macanović nostavljenom obliku. Stencil na pločniku will be mounted on a near-by pillars. će menjati arhitektonsku konstrukciju i Students will realize together the action usmeravaće pogled prema četiri značajne Chairs (idea by Marko Samardžić) within istorijske lokacije. Prolaznici će biti poz- which chairs will be placed on a multiple

2 Javna prezentacija će se održati posle zaključenja ovog teksta, 2 This text was written before the presentation took place, at početkom februara 2012. godine. the beginning of February 2012.

213 vani da naprave fotografije označenih sites around the square. The chairs are lokacija i da ih postave na Facebook supposed to invite passers-by to stop for a stranicu posvećenu ovom radu a na kojoj moment and take a good look around them. će moći i nešto više saznati o samim lo- The project Visor of the Forgotten Symbols kacijama i videti kako su te lokacije izgle- by Vasić and Brbaklić will be realized in a dale ranije. simpler form. A stencil on the pavement will replace the architectural construction Korisnost i značaj kursa Sećanje grada and direct a view toward four important ne odnose se samo na edukaciju stude- historical locations. The passer-by will be nata u oblasti projektovanja spomenika, invited to make photographs of the marked umetničkih instalacija ili arhitekture u locations and to post them on a Facebook javnom prostoru grada, već i na njihovo page dedicated to this work, on which they razumevanje projektantskog rada kao de- could find out more about the locations and latnosti u kojoj se nužno uvezuju široki see how these locations looked before. kulturološki, istorijski i socijalni parame- tri u formalno oblikovanje, tehničku re- Usefulness and importance of the course alizaciju i društvenu verifikaciju ovakve Memory of the City are not only related to aktivnosti. Ovaj nivo međuzavisnosti po- the education of students in the domain kazuje da svaki prostor, ma kako složen, of conceptualization and construction of može biti reprezentovan kroz parametre the monuments and artistic installations memorijala ili objekata sećanja koji ot- in public space of a city, but also in their varaju temu javnog promišljanja njego- understanding of this process as an vog identiteta. Ovo se jednako odnosi na activity which necessarily involves wide potrebu da se svaki javni prostor nužno cultural, historical and social parameters tretira i kao prostor javnog sećanja, a in formal shaping, technical realization gradski prostor u procesu oblikovanja and social verification of this activity. This promišlja kroz svest o postojanju pojma level of interdependencies shows that sećanja grada. every space, regardless of its complexity, can be represented through parameters of memorial or objects of memory, which opens a theme of public reflection of its identity. This equally applies to a need to treat every public space as a space of public memory, and the city space in the process of shaping thought of through awareness of the existence of the notion memory of the city.

214

Vizir zaboravljenih simbola Visor of Forgotten Symbols

Stefan vasić, David Brbaklić Studenti treće godine osnovnih akademskih studija, Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 3rd year students, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade University

Slavija je nepromišljenim postupcima Thanks to various thoughtless actions, polako gubila svoje simbole i sklad, što Slavija slowly lost its symbols and har- je dovelo do toga da današnji prostor mony, which led to the fact that today we ne možemo nazivati trgom. Pogled ka cannot call it the square. Look at certain određenim mestima može nas na tre- places can take us back to the nicer past of nutak vratiti u mnogo lepšu prošlost Slavija for the moment. The space of Mitić Slavije. Tako, prostor Mitićeve rupe, hole, the place where the Hall of Peace mesto nekadašnje Sale mira, Hotel used to be, the Slavija Hotel, monument of Slavija, spomenik Dimitriju Tucoviću i Dimitrije Tucović and building now used zgrada današnjeg McDonalds-a poka- by McDonald’s are showing the history and zuju istoriju i razvoj ne samo jednog development not only of the city, but of grada, već i cele nacije i čine Slaviju the entire nation and make Slavija the real pravim centrom Beograda. center of Belgrade.

216 Tri kružne fotografije simuliraju pogled kroz jedan od okulara na predloženoj instalaciji. Okulari usmeravaju pogled ka mestima na kojim se nalaze, ili su se nalazi- li simboli Slavije. Simboli na koje se usmerava pogled su: Mitićeva rupa, Sala mira, hotel Slavija, spomenik Dimitrija Tucovića, zgrada McDonaldsa. The circular images on the left simulate a view through an ocular of the proposed installation. Oculars direct view towards places that represent or used to be important symbols of Slavija, such as: Mitić Hole, The Hall of Peace, the monument to Dimitrije Tucović and the McDonald’s building. Ogledala na točkovima Mirrors on Wheels

Milica Macanović Studentkinja treće godine osnovnih akademskih studija, Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 3rd year student, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade University

Na ulicama, parkiralištima, garažama, In the streets, parking lots, garages, tunnels, tunelima, nadvožnjacima, kružnim toko- overpasses, roundabouts. There are so many vima. Toliko ih je i sva pokazuju unazad… of them and all of them are showing back..

218

Teg Slavije The Weigh of Slavija

Marko Pejčić Student prve godine master studija, smer vajarstvo, Fakultet likovnih umetnosti Univerziteta umetnosti u Beogradu 1st year MA student, Department of Sculpture, Faculty of Fine Arts, University of Arts in Belgrade

Gvozdena kugla lancem fiksirana za tlo Iron ball attached to the ground with a prikaz je fizičke povezanosti Slavije i chain represents physical connection be- njene istorije.Veliki niz slojeva istorijskog tween Slavija and its history. Many layers nasleđa ne dozvoljava njen napredak i of the historical heritage are not allowing razvoj u jednu potpunu estetsku celinu. the square’s development into a complete Kamen spoticanja, teg, je polazište kojem aesthetic whole. Stumbling stone, ball and se stalno vraćamo ali i skup usko poveza- chain, is a starting point where we always nih sekvenci i događaja koje ne smemo return, but also a set of closely related se- zaboraviti ako želimo krenuti napred. U quences and events which we must not for- toj stalnoj borbi i prelaznom periodu koji get in order to move forward. In continuous nikako da prođe, svaki sledeći korak za- struggle and never-ending transition period visi isključivo od nas. every next step depends solely on us.

220

Nasilje Violence

Milica Simić, Petar Pejić Studenti treće godine osnovnih akademskih studija, Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 3rd year students, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade University

Zaboravlja se na blisku prošlost i bez pre- People are forgetting recent past and rush- teranog razmišljanja se srlja u budućnost. ing into the future without much thinking. Cilj nam je da postavimo dramatičnu in- Our goal is to set a dramatic installation stalaciju, koja će ostaviti jak utisak na which will make a strong impression on svakog prolaznika, i navesti ga da o tome every passer-by and incite her/him to think razmišlja i kasnije. about it later.

Prateći ideju prošlosti, našu priču želimo Following the idea of the past, we want to da ispričamo u stilu snimka analogne ka- tell our story frame by frame, like record- mere, kadar po kadar. ing of camera.

Iako je kompozicija statična, u isto Although the composition is static, it is at vreme je i izuzetno dinamična i poziva the same time extremely dynamic and in- posmatrača da se kreće po kružnom toku vites the viewer to move around the Slavija Slavije (prateći analiziranu šemu najza- roundabout (following analyzed pattern of stupljenijih linija kretanja svih korisnika). the most frequent lines of movements of U zavisnosti od udaljenosti od kompozici- all viewers). Also, depending on the dis- je, posmatrač u svojoj svesti stvara sub- tance from the composition, viewer creates jektivnu sliku. Udaljavanjem od instala- a subjective image in her/his mind. Mov- cije ka kružnom toku polako se razaznaje ing away from the composition, toward the slika koja je prikazana. Međutim, kada roundabout, viewer slowly becomes aware se prolaznik sasvim približi, shvata da se of what it represents, while getting very ona sastoji od metalne ploče koja je per- close to it, the viewer realizes that the im- forirana i da sliku čine rupe. Blizina čini age is composed of circular holes in metal. da slika postane nejasna. Being close, the image bacomes blured.

222

Siluete Silhouettes

Nevena Vuksanović Studentkinja pete godine, smer vajarstvo, Fakultet likovnih umetnosti Univerziteta umetnosti u Beogradu 5th year student, Department of sculpture, Faculty of Fine Arts, University of Arts in Belgrade

Na trgu Slavija unutar kruga postavila bih I would install standing figures represent- stojeće figure/siluete koje bi predstavljale ing people who died in the concentration ljude stradale u logorima za vreme Dru- camps in Belgrade during the World War gog svetskog rata u Beogradu. Predstav- II inside the circle in the middle of the ljanje žrtava logora na ovom prometnom Slavija Square. Display of the victims of mestu u gradu bi imalo za cilj da nas the concentration camps on this frequent opomene i podseti na nemile događaje place in the town is intended to remind iz prošlosti. Izbor fotografija koje bi se us of deplorable events from the past. The koristile za instalaciju zavisio bi od toga selection of photographs that would be koji pokreti tela i ekspresije lica najbolje used for the installation would depend on ilustruju ideju instalacije. Položaj figura, the extent to which the body movements njihov međusobni odnos i atmosfera, tj. and face expressions depict the whole idea celokupna kompozicija elemenata na of the installation. Position of the figures, ostrvu Slavije se oslanja na atmosfere sa their relationship and atmosphere would snimaka i fotografija iz arhiva. Sve figure be designed and based on atmosphere cap- bile bi veće od prirodne ljudske veličine, a tured in recordings and photographs from da bi se postigla monumentalnost i ubed- the archives. All the figures would be larger ljivi doživljaj i kada se rad posmatra sa than their life size, to produce more con- veće udaljenosti. vincing experience from the distance.

224

Iskrivljeni trenutak A Distorted Moment

Hristina Tošić Studentkinja treće godine osnovnih akademskih studija, Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 3rd year student, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade University

What is memory? Šta je uopšte sećanje? The present does not exist, every moment Sadašnjost ne postoji, svaki trenutak je is already past. već prošlost. But it depends on who remembers. Every Ali zavisi ko ga se seća. Svaka priča ima story has two sides. dve strane. Deformed reflection of reality records mo- Deformisani odraz stvarnosti beleži tre- ments that have passed, that are behind us. nutke koji su prošli, koji su iza nas. *** *** The installation A Distorted Moment is Instalacija Iskrivljeni trenutak je zamišljena conceived as a big cylinder standing in the kao veliki cilindar koji stoji u središtu Sla- middle of Slavija and reflecting life that vije, i reflektuje život koji teče oko njega. goes around it. At the same time it ex- Ujedno širi i zaustavlja prostor, odnosno pands and stops the space, or views from vizure iz ulica koje se tu susreću. converging streets.

226

Sat Clock

Andrej Josifovski Student treće godine osnovnih akademskih studija, Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 3rd year student, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade University

How to create something after what the city will remember us and that will always re- Kako stvoriti nešto po čemu će se grad flect its time, the memory of each and every sećati nas, a da to uvek iskazuje njegovo step in its streets forever and ever? So what vreme, sećanje baš svakog koraka njego- is the memory for a city? Whether it is the vih ulica, zauvek? Šta je sećanje za jedan change that happened during its growth or grad? Da li ono kako se menjao razvijajući all that its citizens, visitors and travelers se ili i sve ono što su njegovi žitelji, pose- kept in their stories about it? Everyone expe- tioci i namernici zadržali kroz svoje priče riences own memory differently, so that one, o njemu? Svako doživljava svoje sećanje urban life, starts over and over again. različito i zato taj jedan, gradski život, nebrojeno puta počinje iznova. While the large clockwise makes three rounds backward around the Donjegradski Boulevard Tako, dok velika kazaljka tri puta okrene circling the Kalemegdan fortress, the small unazad Donjegradskim bulevarom oko clockwise barely draws the line between two Kališa, mala jedva tek da ispiše crticu blocks in New Belgrade. Some people will al- između dva novobeogradska bloka. Neki- ways prefer these old clocks which are in a ma će uvek biti draži ti stari satovi i nji- hurry, while others will always be one step hova žurba, dok će drugi uz malu kazaljku behind, following small clockwise. This is uvek kasniti za jedan korak. Zato nečija why someone’s memories are even flowing in sećanja idu i kroz snove dok se kod drugih dreams, while others’ disperse before the city ona raspršuju i pre nego gradski sat ogla- clock announces new day. But there is a com- si novi dan. Ali za sve njih u toj gradskoj mon denominator in the city equation for all jednačini zajednički je imenitelj VREME. of them, and it is TIME.

Svaki događaj oduvek otkucava velikom Every event always ticks with the large clock- kazaljkom unazad i malom unapred. To wise going backward and the small clockwise je vreme koje se neprestano vraća, kao going forward, infinitely. This is the time that kazaljka svojim krugom, ili kao Dvojka keeps returning on and on, like a clockwise on svojom šinom. its round, or a tram 2 on its rails.

Zabeleženo unazad ili zaboravljeno una- Recorded backwards or forgotten in advance, pred, vreme je sećanje svih sećanja! time is the memory of all the memories!

228

Trenutak kao sećanje Moment as a Memory

Milica Pavlović Studentkinja treće godine osnovnih akademskih studija, Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 3rd year student, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade University

I don’t see their faces, all look the same. They Ne vidim im lica, svi su isti. Samo prola- are just passing, rushing, without stopping. ze, žure, ne zaustavljaju se. They don’t see me. Ne vide me. Now, while I am standing in that chaos, I Sada, dok stojim u tom haosu, gledam am looking at the people who don’t notice ljude koji ne primećuju da ih snimam. that I am recording them with camera.

Gledam i sebe među njima. I look at myself among them.

Hodam. Žurim. Gledam na sat. Trčim, od- I walk. I rush. I look at my watch. I run. I lazi mi bus. Nerviram se. miss the bus. I am annoyed.

Smešno. Sve je to upravo gotovo, a da ne Funny. All of that just ended and I don’t znam ni šta je bilo, ali prošlo je. even know what was it. But it’s over.

Zaustavljam se i čuvam trenutak. I stop and keep the moment.

I ovo ovde i sada nije ništa drugo do još And this here and now is nothing but an- jedan trenutak, koji prolazi... other moment that is passing...

I postaje sećanje. And becomes memory.

*** ***

Dok prolazite kroz svakodnevnu grads- While going through everyday city rush or ku gužvu ili nervozno čekate prevoz waiting nervously for your transport, stop zaustavite se i pogledajte snimak tišine and look at the recording of silence of previ- prethodne noći na Slaviji. A dok se noću ous night on Slavija. While going back home vraćate kući, pijani ili umorni, videćete at night, drunk or tired, you will see people ljude koji žure na posao. Možda prepoz- rushing to work. You will maybe recognize nate i sebe među njima. yourself among them.

230

Stolica Chair

Marko Samardžić Student treće godine osnovnih akademskih studija, Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 3rd year student, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade University

Prolazi jedan, drugi, treći dan. Sve je uvek Days are passing, first, second, third. Ev- isto, često depresivno i tmurno - zamara. erything is always the same, often de- Ne mogu da je zaobiđem, moram preko pressive and gloomy – tiresome. I cannot nje da stignem do fakulteta. Svaki put kad bypass it, I need to go through it on my iznova prolazim ovim gradskim trgom, za- way to the faculty. Every time I cross this pitam se kako je moguće da je sve zaborav- city square I ask myself how it happened ljeno i bezvoljno predato... Godinama je sve that everything is forgotten, given away isto - sivo, bez većih promena. Mogao bih listlessly... For years everything is the ovo da shvatim jedino kada bi istorija koja same - grey, without significant changes. se vezuje za Slaviju bila siromašna. Ovako I could understand it if only the history ne! Da li je moguće da je jedan od glavnih of Slavija was not rich. But it was! Is it beogradskih trgova izgubio sve ono što ga possible that one of the main Belgrade je krasilo? Stopio se, izbledeo, postao sino- squares lost everything that adorned it? nim samo za konstantne gužve... It faded, became synonym of endless traffic jams... Zato pokušaj da pronađeš makar jednu stvar, uhvati se, promeni nešto! Zastani, So try to find at least one thing, get it, osvrni se, pogledaj, SEDI! Nije ova stolica change something! Stop, turn around, tek tako tu. Ona vezuje, podseća, vraća i look, SIT DOWN! This chair is not here pokazuje ono što je bilo značajno za ovaj without a reason. It connects, reminds, grad, za ovaj trg. turns back and shows what was significant for this city, for this square. STOLICA. Stolica je komad nameštaja koji služi za sedenje. Sastoji se iz dela na kome CHAIR. Chair is a piece of furniture used se sedi, naslona i ponekad naslona za ruke. to sit on. It consists of sitting surface, Uglavnom je namenjena za jednu osobu. back, and sometimes arm rest. It is com- Ima noge, kojih je četiri, na kojima stoji deo monly for use by one person. It is usually za sedenje, koji je odignut od poda. Stolica supported by four legs. Chair usually can je komad nameštaja koji se može pomerati. be moved around. Fixed chairs in theatres, Stolica koja se nalazi u bioskopu, pozorištu, cinemas and vehicles are called seats. vozilu se naziva sedište. Stolice za kampo- Camping chairs are usually folding. (Wiki- vanje se obično sklapaju. (Wikipedia) pedia in Serbian)

232

Bez naziva Untitled

Ivan Đikanović Student treće godine osnovnih akademskih studija, Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 3rd year student, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade University

Trag koji nastaje, onaj koji nedostaje, An emerging trace, the one that is missing, is stvara se onako kakav je... created the way it is...

234

Nazadni sat The Backwards Clock

Nikola Jovanović Student treće godine osnovnih akademskih studija, Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu 3rd year student, Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade University

Precizan sat koji imitira smer kretanja na Precise clock that imitates traffic direction kružnom toku. Iako na prvi pogled izgleda on the roundabout. Although it seems that da ovaj sat ide unazad ako zamislimo nje- this clock goes backward, if we imagine its govu sliku u ogledalu shvatićemo da on u reflection in the mirror we will realize that stvari pokazuje tačno vreme. it actually displays correct time.

*** ***

Rad bi bio realizovan uz pomoć šablona The installation would be realized by using brojeva veličine 2m, boja za asfalt i uličnih 2-meters high stencils for numbers, color for podnih svetiljki postavljenih uz brojeve. asphalt and ground lights installed by the Svetiljke bi imale funkciju kazaljki na numbers. Lights would serve as clockwise satu s tim da bi kvadratne označavale with square ones marking hours and rect- sate a pravougaone minute. Brojevi i sve- angle ones marking minutes. Numbers and tiljke bi bili ravnomerno raspoređeni na lights would be placed in such way to form pločniku duž celog kružnog toka Slavije. the circle around the Slavija roundabout.

236

Vrzino kolo The Vicious Circle

Milan Kulić Student druge godine master studija, smer vajarstvo, Fakultet likovinh umetnosti Univerziteta umetnosti u Beogradu 2nd year MA student, Department of Sculpture, Faculty of Fine Arts, Belgrade University

Rad treba da osvesti vezu današnjeg marketinško-reklamnog procesa i su- gestivnog plasiranja informacija sa pro- The work is supposed to raise awareness cesima koji su se odvijali tokom razvoja on relationship between today’s marketing Slavije, uglavnom pod uticajima različitih and advertising processes and suggestive političkih struja. placing of information and the processes that took place during the development of Prostor Slavije kao jedan od nosilaca Slavija, mostly under the influence of vari- gradskog reklamnog života, odgov- ous political trends. ara smeštanju prostorne instalacije od crvenog pleksiglasa ispod kog su smeštene The space of Slavija as one of the corner- lampice kao na uličnim reklamama. stones of advertising life in Belgrade is fit for installation made of red plexiglas with Sam tekstualni sadržaj rada odnosi se na lights under it, like in street advertisements. formalne karakteristike Slavije (kružni tok) ali reflektuje i višeznačne pojmove i po- Textual content of the work is related to the jave, vezane za vreme post-komunističke formal characteristics of the Slavija (round- stagnacije u našoj zemlji, kao što je na about), but also reflects ambiguous concepts primer odlazak emigranata iz zemlje koji and phenomena, connected to the post- je započinjao na ovoj lokaciji ali aludira i communist stagnation in our country, such na neprekidan tok verbalne manipulacije as the starting point of emigrants’ journey stanovništva. Nedovršenost i saobraćajni which happened to be at this location, and haos jasno oslikavaju psihološko stanje za- a continuous stream of verbal manipulation jednice, koje je u vizuelizovanom postupku over the population. The unfinishedness and umetnik prepoznao kao kretanje u krug – traffic chaos clearly reflect psychological vrzino kolo. state of the community, which is visually recognized by artist as moving in circles – Lični stav individue kao člana zajednice vicious circle, also representing his personal prema situaciji u kojoj je odrastao i u kojoj attitude toward the situation in which he danas živi. grew up and in which he lives today.

238

Bez naziva Untitled

Grupa autora / A group of authors

Drawings represent a sketch for the installa- Crteži predstavljaju skicu za zajedničku tion on the Slavija Square that is conceived instalaciju na Trgu Slavija nastalu tokom during the workshops held within the project radionica realizovanih u okviru projekta Memory of the City. The sketch is a result of Sećanje grada. Skica je rezultat rada stude- the students’ work on a concept that would nata na osmišljavanju koncepta kojim bi se connect their individual projects and produce povezale teme njihovih pojedinačnih proje- unique form of the final installation. kata i formirao jedinstven oblik. The installation is conceived as a movable Radi se o instalaciji pokretne stolice chair with a rear-view mirror which, in sa retrovizorom kojom se prate pojedi- various sitting positions, enables a view of ni punktovi ili mesta sećanja na trgu u certain points or places of memory on the različitim pozicijama sedenja, a za koje square. Short descriptions of these places are su vezani njihovi sažeti opisi ugravirani engraved on the metal plate embedded into na metalnoj ploči ugrađenoj u pločnik, za pavement, one description for each position. svaku poziciju pojedinačno. The presentation of the installation was de- Prezentaciju zajedničke instalacije izveo signed by Milorad Mladenović, mentor of the je Milorad Mladenović, mentor radionice, workshop, an associate professor at the Fac- vanredni profesor Arhitektonskog fakulteta ulty of Architecture, Belgrade University, in Univerziteta u Beogradu u decembru 2011. December 2011.

240

Biografije Biographies

Autori i autorke tekstova Contributors

DR Zoran Erić je istoričar umetnosti, DR Zoran Erić is an art historian, curator, kustos i predavač. Doktorirao je na Uni- and lecturer. He holds a Ph.D. from the Bau- verzitetu Bauhaus u Vajmaru. Trenutno haus University in Weimar. Currently he is radi kao kustos Centra za vizuelnu kulturu working as curator of the Centre for Visual Muzeja savremene umetnosti u Beogradu. Culture at the Museum of Contemporary Art, U oblasti njegovih istraživanja spadaju Belgrade. His research fields include the meet- urbana geografija, prostorno-kulturni dis- ing points of urban geography, spatio-cultural kurs i teorija radikalne demokratije. discourse, and theory of radical democracy.

PROF. Dr Aleksandar Ignjatović PROF. Dr Aleksandar Ignjatović is vanredni je profesor na Arhitektons- associate professor at the Faculty of Ar- kom fakultetu Univerziteta u Beogradu. chitecture, University of Belgrade. Main U polje njegovog naučnog interesovanja fields of his scientific interest and research spadaju proučavanje arhitekture, vizue- are: architecture, visual culture and iden- lne kulture i konstrukcije identiteta, kao i tity construction, as well as architectural arhitektonske istoriografije. Autor je više historiography. He is author of numerous monografija i naučnih radova objavljenih monographies and scientific papers that are u zemlji i inostranstvu i učesnik u više published in the country and abroad and međunarodnih naučnih projekata. participant in many scientific projects at international level. PROF. DR Bertrand Levy je viši predavač na Univerzitetu u Ženevi, na PROF. DR Bertrand Levy is a senior Odseku za geografiju i na Evropskom lecturer at the University of Geneva (De- institutu. Predaje humanističku geo- partment of Geography and European grafiju (geografija i književnost), urbanu Institute). He teaches humanistic geog- geografiju i ekologiju, istoriju i episte- raphy (geography and literature), urban miologiju geografije. Svoju doktorsku geography and ecology, history and epis- disertaciju napisao je na temu egzis- temology of geography. He wrote his PhD tencijalnog prostora Hermanna Hessea. diss. on Hermann Hesse existential space. U svom radu primenjuje princip inter- He specially works in an interdisciplinary disciplinarnosti, pokušavajući da kroz manner, trying to join art and science, lit- fenomenološku perspektivu spoji umet- erature and geography, in a phenomeno- nost i nauku, književnost i geografiju. U logical perspective. His last contributions poslednje vreme u saradnji sa Kenne- are on landscape experience, in particular thom Whiteom, osnivačem Geopoetike, walking in the city in collaboration with ostvaruje doprinos u oblasti doživljaja Kenneth White, the founder of Geopoetics. pejzaža, posebno urbanog, hodajući kroz He is also involved in travel writings. grad. Piše i putopise.

244 Dr Olga Manojlović Pintar je naučna Dr Olga Manojlović Pintar is research saradnica Instituta za noviju istoriju Srbije. fellow at the Institute for Recent History of Bavi se istraživanjima kolektivnih sećanja Serbia. Her fields of research encompass col- i funkcije javnog prostora u kreiranju lective memory and the role of public space identiteta zajednice. Objavljuje u zemlji i in construction of identity of the communi- inostranstvu. Uredila je zbornike radova: ty. Her work has been published in the coun- Istorija i sećanje, Beograd: Institut za nov- try and abroad. She was editor of following iju istoriju Srbije (2006) i Tito – viđenja i proceedings: Istorija i sećanje, Belgrade: In- tumačenja, Beograd: Institut za noviju isto- stitute for Recent History of Serbia (2006) riju Srbije, Arhiv Jugoslavije (2011). and Tito – viđenja i tumačenja, Belgrade: Institute for Recent History of Serbia, The Dr Katharina Blaas-Pratscher je Archives of Yugoslavia (2011). rođena 22. aprila 1954. u Austriji, živi u Beču. Studirala Romanistiku i Istoriju umet- Dr Katharina Blaas-Pratscher is born nosti u Beču. Od 1981. do 1986. sarađivala on 22nd of April 1954 in Austria; lives in Vi- sa različitim izlagačkim institucijama; enna. Studied Romance languages and art 1986/87 kustos u Muzeju moderne umet- history in Vienna. From 1981–86 cooperation nosti u Beču (MUMOK); od 1989. zadužena with different exhibition institutions; 1986/87 za projekte umetnosti u javnom prostoru pri curator at in the Museum of Modern Art (MU- vladi pokrajine Donja Austrija. Učestovala MOK) in Vienna; since 1989 in charge of art in na velikom broju simpozija na temu umet- public space at the Lower Austrian Provincial nosti u javnom prostoru (Hong Kong, Peking, Government. Participation at numerous dif- Hag i dr), član različitih komisija vezanih za ferent symposiums on public art (Hong Kong, umetnost u javnom prostoru. Peking, Den Hague NL and others), member of different juries on public art. Izabrane publikacije: Öffentliche Kunst, Kunst im öffentlichen Raum in Niederö- Publications (selected): Öffentliche Kunst, sterreich/Public Art Lower Austria, (Eng- Kunst im öffentlichen Raum in Niederöster- lish/German) volume 1–10, 1990- 2011, reich/Public Art Lower Austria, (English/ ed. Springer Verlag Vienna-New York. German) volume 1–10, from 1990-2011, www.publicart.at ed. Springer Verlag Vienna-New York www.publicart.at DR Ljiljana Radonić predaje o evropskim konfliktima sećanja posle 1989. go- DR Ljiljana Radonić teaches on “Euro- dine na Katedri za političke nauke i koor- pean memory conflicts after 1989” at the dinira interdisciplinarni doktorski pro- Department of Political Science and coor- gram „Austrijska Galicija i njeno multikul- dinates the interdisciplinary doctoral pro- turalno nasleđe“ na Univerzitetu u Beču. gram “Austrian Galicia and its Multicul- Studirala je političke nauke, filozofiju i tural Heritage” at the University of Vienna. prevodilaštvo i napisala svoju doktorsku She studied political science, philosophy disertaciju na temu “Krieg um die Erin- and translation and wrote her doctoral the- nerung. Kroatische Vergangenheitspolitik sis on “The War on Memory – Croatian Poli-

245 zwischen Revisionismus und europäisch- tics of the Past between Revisionism and en Standards” [Rat sećanja – hrvatska poli- European Standards” (Campus: Frankfurt tika prošlosti između revizionizma i evrop- 2010) at the University of Vienna. skih standarda], (Campus: Frankfurt 2010) na Univerzitetu u Beču. PROF. DR Milena Dragićević Šešić is the Head of the UNESCO Chair in Cultural PROF. DR Milena Dragićević Šešić je Policy and Management and a professor rukovoditeljka UNESKO katedre za kultur- of Cultural Policy, Cultural Management, nu politiku i menadžment u kulturi Univer- Cultural and Media studies at the Univer- ziteta umetnosti u Beogradu na kome je i sity of Arts in Belgrade. She has worked profesorka na predmetima Kulturna politi- as an expert for several international ka, Menadžment u kulturi, Studije kulture i organisations, including UNESCO, the medija. Kao stručni konsultant angažovana Council of Europe, the European Cultural je od strane nekoliko međunarodnih orga- Foundation, the Open Society Institute, nizacija, uključujući UNESKO, Savet Ev- ENCATC, the Marcel Hicter Foundation, rope, Evropsku kulturnu fondaciju, Institut Pro Helvetia and the British Council. Pro- za otvoreno društvo, ENCATC, Marcel Hicter fessor Dragićević Šešić is the author of Foundation, Pro Helvetia i British Council. 15 books and more than 100 essays on Profesorka Dragićević Šešić je autorka 15 a wide range of subjects, including arts knjiga i preko 100 eseja na različite teme, management, cultural policy and inter- koje uključuju menadžment u umetnosti, cultural relations and has been involved kulturnu politiku i interkulturne odnose in more than 50 projects in cultural poli- i učestvovala je u više od 50 projekata u cy and management in South East Europe oblasti kulturne politike i menadžmenta but also in EU member States and other u Jugoistočnoj Evropi ali i zemljama countries in the Mediterranean, Cauca- članicama EU, zemljama Mediterana, Ka- sus, Central Asia and India. vkaza, Centralne Azije i Indije.

246 Autorski tim Authors team

MR Dušica Dražić (r. 1979, Beograd) MA Dušica Dražić (*1979, Belgrade) is an je umetnica koja istražuje ambivalentni artist interested in the exploration of the odnos grada i ljudi, njihovu uzajamnu ambivalent interrelationship between the podršku i zaštitu, kao i njihovu uzajamnu citizen and the city, their mutual support izolaciju i destrukciju. Traga za prostori- and protectiveness while at the same time ma nepravilnosti, razlika, fleksibilnosti, their isolation and destruction. She searches intuicije sa fokusom na napuštena i zab- for spaces of irregularity, differences, flex- oravljena mesta, promišljajući opaženu ibility, intuition and focuses on abandoned, transformaciju na nivou kulturološkog forgotten places. She explores their trans- kontinuiteta, simboličkih nepravilnosti i formation and rethinks them at the level of individualnih delovanja. cultural continuity, symbolic irregularities and individual actions. 2004. godine je diplomirala na odseku za fotografiju na FPU u Beogradu, a 2006. Dražić graduated at the Applied Arts Faculty godine je završila MFA program “Umet- in Belgrade (department for photography) in nost u javnom prostoru i nove strategi- 2004 and received her MFA degree in “Public je” na Univerzitetu Bauhaus u Vajmaru Art and New Artistic Strategies” at the Bau- (Nemačka). U 2010. godine je dobila dve haus University Weimar in 2006 In 2010 nagrade, “Dimitrije Bašičević Mangelos” she received Dimitrije Bašičević Mangelos (Srbija) i “Mladi evropski umetnik” koju Award (Serbia) and Young European Artist dodeljuje Trieste Contemporanea (Italija). Trieste Contemporanea Award (Italy). Dušica www.dusicadrazic.wordpress.com Dražić exhibited and performed in various countries world wide. MR Slavica Radišić, istoričar umetnos- www.dusicadrazic.wordpress.com ti i istraživač u oblasti kulturne politike. Magisitrirala u oblasti menadžmenta u MA Slavica Radišić, art historian and kulturi i kulturne politike na Univerzitetu cultural policies researcher from Belgrade, Umetnosti u Beogradu i Universite Lyon received her MA degree in Cultural Man- II, Katedri za sociologiju i antropologiju, agement and Cultural Policy, within the na temu Politike umetnosti u javnom joint Program of the University of Arts in prostoru, zakonodavstvo i finansiranje. Belgrade (Serbia) and University Lyon 2 Bavi se istraživanjem kulturnih politika, (France). Subject of her master thesis was urbane antropologije i odnosa umetnosti Public Art Policy, Legal and Financial Pol- i javne sfere. Od 2003. godine učestvuje icy Instruments. Her current research in- u organizaciji različitih umetničkih, obra- terests are in the domain of art and public zovnih i društveno odgovornih projektata. sphere, cultural policy and urban antropol- ogy. From 2003 on, she initiated and has been involved in various cultural, social and educational programs.

247 MR Marijana Simu je istoričarka umet- MA Marijana Simu is art historian. She nosti. Magistrirala je u oblasti menadžmenta holds MA in Cultural Policy and Cultural u kulturi i kulturne politike (UNESKO kat- Management (UNESCO Chair for Cultural edra za kulturnu politiku i menadžment u Management and Cultural Policy, Univer- kulturi Univerziteta umetnosti u Beogradu). sity of Arts in Belgrade). During the MA U okviru magistarskih studija u fokusu studies the field of her research was mu- njenog istraživanja bila je obrazovna delat- seum education. She gained professional nost muzeja a u istoj oblasti se stručno se experience in the same field within the Na- usavršavala u Nacionalnom muzeju sredn- tional Museum of the Middle Ages in Paris jeg veka u Parizu (Musée National du Moyen (Musée National du Moyen Âge - Thermes Âge - Thermes et Hôtel Cluny). et Hôtel Cluny).

Od 2003. godine se profesionalno bavi im- Since 2003 she is professionally engaged plementacijom različitih projekata u oblas- on the implementation of different projects ti kulture. Jedna je od osnivača udruženja in the field of culture. She is also one of the KULTURKLAMMER - centar za kulturne founders of the Kulturklammer - centre for interakcije u okviru kog je, kao deo najužeg cultural interactions and as a member of tima, angažovana na osmišljavanju i raz- the core team she is involved in planning voju projekata. and development of all the organization’s projects and activities. KULTURKLAMMER – centar za kulturne interakcije je organizacija civilnog društva KULTURKLAMMER – centre for cultural koja kroz različite forme javnog delovanja interactions is a civil society organisation podstiče integraciju kulturnih resursa u which aims to incite citizens’ participa- održivi razvoj zajednice, kao i delatno i tion and activation of cultural resources odgovorno uključivanje građana i svih in sustainable development of the society, društvenih aktera u procese kulturnog through implementing diverse actions in razvoja. Misija organizacije posvećena the field of culture. The core mission of the je podsticanju angažovanog i kritičkog organisation comes from the belief that razmišljanja i delovanja pojedinaca i za- cultural development of the community govaranju i omogućavanju kulturnog raz- which is based on citizens’ participation, voja zajednice zasnovanog na građanskoj integrative approach and cross-sector co- participativnosti, integrativnom pristupu i operation is precondition for overall qual- međusektorskoj saradnji. ity and sustainable development of any www.kulturklammer.org society in present and future. www.kulturklammer.org

248 Mentor radionice Mentor of the workshop

MR Milorad Mladenović je umet- MA Milorad Mladenović is artist and nik i vanredni profesor Arhitektonskog associate professor at the Faculty of Archi- fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu. Mag- tecture, University of Belgrade. He holds istrirao je na Fakultetu likovnih umet- MA from the Faculty of Fine Arts, Univer- nosti u Beogradu. sity of Arts in Belgrade.

Kao akademski slikar i diplomirani arhi- As visual artist and architect he strives tekta teži da radi u oblastima vizuelnih to work both in the field of visual arts umetnosti i arhitektonskog projektovan- and architectural engineering. In terms ja. Mladenovićevi radovi su pokušaji da se of methodology and working processes, u metodima i procesima rada kompiliraju his approach represent an attempt to iskustva proizvodnje vizuelnih umetnos- combine experiences from the field of vi- ti, arhitekture i teksta tako da njegovi ra- sual art production, architecture and text. dovi najčešće predstavljaju objedinjava- Therefore his projects often represent the nja medija i složene medijske koncepte. merge of different media and complex Ove metode i principe Mladenović koristi media concepts. These methods and prin- u nastavnom procesu i u proizvodnji nas- ciples are present in his educational work tavnih kurikuluma koji su multimedi- since he implements multimedia curricula jalni i okrenuti raznovrsnim estetskim i that are opened to diverse esthetical and formalnim sadržajima. formal contents.

249 Indeks fotografija Photo Credits

Dokumentacija radionice Milorada Mladenovića, ...... 13 fotografija: Dušica Dražić Documentation of the workshop by Milorad Mladenović, photo by Dušica Dražić

Rušenje porodične kuće, fotografija: Dušica Dražić ...... 14-15 Demolition of a family house, photo by Dušica Dražić

Dokumentacija rada BLUEPRINT, fotografija: Dušica Dražić ...... 18-19 Documentation of the work BLUEPRINT, photo by Dušica Dražić

Dokumentacija rada BLUEPRINT (detalj), fotografija: Dušica Dražić ...... 22 Documentation of the work BLUEPRINT (detail), photo by Dušica Dražić

Dokumentacija rada BLUEPRINT (detalj), fotografija: Jovana Mirković ...... 25 Documentation of the work BLUEPRINT (detail), photo by Jovana Mirković

Dokumentacija radionice Ane Nedeljković, fotografija: Dušica Dražić ...... 26-27 Documentation of the workshop by Ana Nedeljković, photo by Dušica Dražić

Dokumentacija radionice Ane Nedeljković, fotografija: Dušica Dražić ...... 28-29 Documentation of the workshop by Ana Nedeljković, photo by Dušica Dražić

Dokumentacija foruma Umetnik kao publika, fotografija: Boba ...... 34-35 Mirjana Stojadinović Documentation of the forum An artist as the audiance, photo by Boba Mirjana Stojadinović

Dokumentacija foruma Umetnik kao publika, fotografija: Boba ...... 44 Mirjana Stojadinović Documentation of the forum An artist as the audiance, photo by Boba Mirjana Stojadinović

Dokumentacija foruma Umetnik kao publika, fotografija: Boba ...... 49 Mirjana Stojadinović Documentation of the forum An artist as the audiance, photo by Boba Mirjana Stojadinović

252 Rušenje porodične kuće, fotografija: Dušica Dražić ...... 50-51 Demolition of a family house, photo by Dušica Dražić

Dokumentacija simpozijuma “Sećanje grada”, iz dokumentacije ...... 69 Kulturnog centra Beograda Documentation of the symposium “Memoru of the City”, documentation of the Cultural Centre of Belgrade

Dokumentacija simpozijuma “Sećanje grada”, iz dokumentacije ...... 155 Kulturnog centra Beograda Documentation of the symposium “Memoru of the City”, documentation of the Cultural Centre of Belgrade

Rušenje porodične kuće, fotografija: Dušica Dražić ...... 204-205 Demolition of a family house, photo by Dušica Dražić

Dokumentacija radionice Milorada Mladenovića, ...... 215 fotografija: Andrej Josifovski Documentation of the workshop by Milorad Mladenović, photo by Andrej Josifovski

Rušenje porodične kuće, fotografija: Dušica Dražić ...... 242-243 Demolition of a family house, photo by Dušica Dražić

Rušenje porodične kuće, fotografija: Dušica Dražić ...... 250-251 Demolition of a family house, photo by Dušica Dražić

253 Impresum Impressum

Sećanje grada Memory of the City Beograd, januar 2012. Belgrade, January 2012

Publikaciju izdaje Published by Kulturklammer − Kulturklammer − centar za kulturne interakcije centre for cultural interactions A: Trnska 22, 11000 Beograd A: Trnska 22, 11000 Beograd E: [email protected] E: [email protected] www.kulturklammer.org www.kulturklammer.org

Urednice Editors Dušica Dražić, Slavica Radišić, Marijana Simu Dušica Dražić, Slavica Radišić, Marijana Simu

Prevod tekstova na engleski Translation to English Daniel Kostić, Novica Petrović, Slavica Radišić, Marijana Simu, Daniel Kostić, Novica Petrović, Slavica Radišić, Marijana Simu, Vesna Strika Vesna Strika

Prevod tekstova na srpski Translation to Serbian Novica Petrović, Slavica Radišić, Marijana Simu, Milica Šešić, Zorana Novica Petrović, Slavica Radišić, Marijana Simu, Milica Šešić, Todorović Zorana Todorović

Lektura tekstova na srpskom Proofreading (Serbian) Slavica Radišić, Marijana Simu, Dušan Đorđević Mileusnić Slavica Radišić, Marijana Simu, Dušan Đorđević Mileusnić

Lektura tekstova na engleskom Proofreading (English) Catherine Elizabeth Fentress Catherine Elizabeth Fentress

Dizajn i priprema za štampu Design and pre-press Dušica Dražić Dušica Dražić

Štampa Printed by Alta Nova d.o.o, Beograd Alta Nova d.o.o, Belgrade

Tiraž Print run 500 500

Prijatelj projekta Project friend

Projekat “Sećanje grada” je realizovan uz podršku The project “Memory of the City” is realized with the support of

Austrijski kulturni forum Beograd Austrian Cultural Forum Belgrade | ERSTE Fondacija ERSTE Foundation | Fond za otvoreno društvo - Srbija Fund for an Open Society - Serbia | GO Vračar Municipality of Vračar | Ministarstvo kulture, informisanja i informacionog društva Republike Srbije Ministry of Culture, Media and Information Society of the Republic of Serbia | Švajcarski savet za umetnost The Swiss Arts Council Pro Helvetia

Fond za otvoreno društvo - Srbija Fund for an Open Society - Serbia CIP - Каталогизација у публикацији Народна библиотека Србије, Београд

304.4(497.11)”20”(082) 316.7:711.61(082)

SEĆANJE grada = Memory of the City / [urednice, editors Dušica Dražić, Slavica Radišić, Marijana Simu ; prevod tekstova Daniel Kostić ... et al.]. - Beograd : #Kulturklammer - #Centar za kulturne interakcije, 2012 (Beograd : Alta nova). - 253 str. : ilustr. ; 21 cm

“Publikacija ‘Sećanje grada’ predstavlja jedan od rezultata istoimenog projekta i dosije o aktivnostima realizovanim u okviru njega.” ---> str. 3. - Uporedo srp. tekst i engl. prevod. - Tiraž 500. - Biografije: str. 242-249. - Napomene i bibliografske reference uz tekst. - Bibliografija uz pojedine radove.

ISBN 978-86-912137-2-5 1. Уп. ств. насл. a) Сећање града (пројекат) - Зборници b) Град - Култура сећања - Зборници COBISS.SR-ID 189018636