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Egypt's Ruin, a Financial and Administrative Record

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Egypt's Ruin, a Financial and Administrative Record ^<y> // EGYPT'S RUIN A FINANCIAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE RECORD t^ •*• BY \ « Theodore' rothstein WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY WILFRID SCAWEN BLUNT Sir, there it itill corn in Egypt, and there are not wanting thoie who are ready to reap where they have not lown. But I truit that they may fail in their machination*, and that better days and a more lasting, became a more tecurely founded, protperity may yet be in itore for that interesting and hospitable country, and for iti ••,* amiable, peaceful, and industrious inhabitants." Sir Supitu Cave in tkt Houtt of Commou. LONDON A. C. FIFIELD, 13, CLIFFORD'S INN 1910 . ' CONTENTS rAcc Introduction by Wilfrid Scawkn Blunt . vii England's Pledges xvii PART I THE SPOLIATION OF EGYPT cHArriR I. The Beginning of Aggression . II. Egykf in the Grip of the Bondholders III. "La Haute Finance" IV. The Bondholders at Work V. The European Ministry and the First Revolt 6o VI. The Overthrow of the Europeans . 75 VII. The Coup d'etat ^ VIII. Egypt under the Dual Control . 106 PART II THE OCCUPATION OF EGYPT IX. The Revolution of September, 1881 . X. England's Attitude of Pe.\ce and War XI. Intrigues for Intervention XII. Diplomatists as Agents- Provocateurs " XIII. The Pogrom " at Alexandria . '9 . XIV. The Diplomacy of Big Guns -S WILUAU BSBMOOM AND SON, LTOk rdHTKRS, rLYUOUTH XV. The Seizure of Egypt • VI Contents PART III THE ADMINISTRATION OF EGYPT XVI. The Financial Achievements of Lord INTRODUCTION Cromer . 241 XVII. The Same (continued) .... 256 GLADSTONE used to excuse himself, a genera- XVIII. The Abolition of the Corvee and the MR. for the bombardment of Alexandria by COURBASH tion ago, ..... 373 " " maintaining that it was a duty of honour that had XIX. Economic Policy of Lord Cromer . 289 taken him to Egypt, the carrying out of engagements office, but that, having The Moral Effects of British Adminis- contracted by his predecessors in from it tration ...... 310 restored order, he would withdraw his troops (a duty also of honour) at the earhest possible date. To-day, after twenty-eight years, we find Sir Edward PART IV Grey repeating as Mr. Gladstone's successor the same THREE YEARS OF A NEW REGIME phrases of duty and honour in excuse of an avowed in- tention to stay on permanently in Egypt, his argument, XXI. The Policy of Gingerbread . 333 as far as it is understandable, being that, as we have been XXII. Reaction and Terror 3SO there for so long a period restoring order and managing their affairs for the Egyptians without having brought Appendix ..... 371 to a cheerful acquiescence in our presence or gained them " " Index ..... 4" their gratitude, it would be a disgrace to us now to " " be assures abandon our task and leave them to the chaos I us would result. I am inchned to think that, though this new explanation has met with no open protest from Sir Edward Grey's Liberal followers in the House of Commons, there must be at least a few honest men among the rank and file of English and Scotch LiberaUsm who will have found it »• , httle hard to accept as meat suited to their poUtical ; «i digestion. They must have guessed a flaw in so strange- an argument of honourable duty towards a people con- nected by no recognised tie with the British Empire, in status, and who. I whose country England has no legal r. openly declare that they have long ceased to ne^ us, >^ vii i K viu Egypt's Ruin introduction IX " and clamour now7that we should be gone. JWhat, such nation to affairs not its own, leading it to place too great Liberals of the old school well may ask, is the moral confidence in the wisdom of Ministers, dmost equally reason, since duty is appealed to, which obliges us to ignorant, who are charged with its interests abroad. He ' govern the Egyptians against their will ? If it is true believes that, if the whole true sordid history of the financial in fact that we have for so many years done and are con- and diplomatic dealings with Egypt were laid bare, it tinuing to do them good, why is it that they regard us would be impossible that English Liberals could any longer . so bitterly ? If we have really saved them and are saving consent to be deluded by the tale of the good done by them still from chaos, why are they so earnest in wishing English intervention in the past or led a step further by us away ? Above all, why is it that we are obliged, in their official leaders in ParUament in courses so illiberal. order to maintain the regime we have imposed upon In this belief and plea of English ignorance, including them, to treat them, not as the friends we profess to be, ministerial ignorance, I would wiUingly associate myself. but as a conquered people, abolishing at this late date of I remember well how in the summer of 1882, at the time fleet were our occupation the freedom of their press, refusing the when the guns of Sir Beauchamp Seymour's ^1 promised development of their institutions, re-estabhshing opening fire on Alexandria (no one exactly knew why), among them arbitrary rule, putting them under the control a little pamphlet appeared under the title, " Spoiling the of a new secret police, with espionage, domiciliary visits, Egyptians, a tale of shame," which gave a vivid r6sumi arrests, deportations, and imprisonments, just as in the gathered from the Blue Books, of the money-lending v.^ worst of former times, treating all demands that we should intrigue which had led our Government to take up and fulfil our promised evacuation of their country as " sedi- make their own the cause of Egypt's creditors against tion," and threatening, if these lighter methods of coercion the Egyptian people, and how that good Radical, the late " '^ .' fail, to fall back with them on plain martial law ? Sir Wilfrid Lawson, when he read it exclaimed, If this had This book will, I beheve, give the true answer to a been published a month ago. The Grand Old Man never riddle so perplexing. It is the work of one who though could have consented to such an iniquity." And it was 1 not himself an Englishman has by his long residence true. The pamphlet went through half a dozen editions in among us made of England his adopted home, and who as many weeks, and roused the indignation and remorse of has her honour sincerely at heart, and not the less sin- every true Liberal that read it ; and, though the reaction cerely because he sees that on this particular question of of pity was too late to stop the war, it shamed the Govern- Egypt our people have been long astray and are now in ment of the day into a declaration of amends to be made imminent danger of committing themselves irrevocably to the Egyptian people, which resulted in those solemn on an unworthy and most dangerous road. It is a work promises made to them repeatedly, and quoted at the of great industry undertaken by a mind singularly well end of this Introduction that their rights as a free nation adapted to its subject both by its extreme accuracy and should be respected and something of their constitutional by its intimate knowledge of those hidden springs of action liberty be restored to them. which in money interests control the world of affairs in Twenty-eight years have passed since then, and Mr. Europe and menace England with her imperial downfall. Seymour Keay's pamphlet has long gone out of print . He attributes this perilous state of things more than all and from the memories of all but a very few political ^* tlse to ignorance and to the little time devoted by a busy survivors of its day, and the financial facts revealed by i ) I ' Egypt's Ruin Introduction XI it. it, though never met or refuted, have ended by being legend thus presented ; but it is not, for his believing if obscured and so completely forgotten that I doubt a more true ; and I venture to hope that this volume may single member of the present Cabinet, except possibly be of use to him, and certainly to liis still more ignorant Lord Morley, could give a clear account of how our Egyp- colleagues in the Cabinet. Its principal use to them and tian intervention came about. Sir Edward Grey is, I to other Liberals will be to have told to them again, in believe, himself profoundly ignorant of the whole history ; ampler detail and brought down to date, the story of the '1.11 nor is there an independent English member of the House forgotten pamphlet, and to remind them of the initial of Commons left to supply the information from personal wrong done to the Egyptians by England as a money- I memory. Sir Charles Dilke might do so, but he is uniformly lending nation backed by miUtary force, and to expose silent, and with cause ; and the only competent and to their right understanding the true financial position courageous speaker on Egyptian questions heard any now. It will give honest Liberals, not members of the longer in the House is Mr. John Dillon, representative of Government, an opportunity of learning, without the no English constituency, but an Irish Home Ruler. necessity of wading through innumerable State Papers, The consequence of this universal ignorance is that in the true facts of Egypt's financial liistory of the last the public mind a series of semi-official legends has grown forty years, and so of disabusing themselves of the pseudo- up about our relations with Egypt altogether at variance history with which the national conscience has been lulled with the facts, and that those interested financially in to a long criminal injustice by a series of official apologists, ti i perpetuating England's occupation of the Nile Valley have including that least trustworthy of them all.
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